One of the first things we study is the approach to Law. This covers such things as what “Law” is, where it fits into society, and what its role in modern society is. It is a deceptively large area to study right off the bat, but there’s no point in doing it after a couple of years drumming the intricacies of contract or property law. This is the basis of all else, and your view on the matter will colour everything after it.
The tutors are not telling you all of this either. You are not going to be told whether the law is merely a set of rules, or whether a law should be moral before it can retain the force of law. There simply isn’t a straight answer. They’re putting the options out there for you, and asking what you think. Then you’re going to have to test these opinions. A lot.
With that in mind, let’s have a look at a nice, easy case without controversy.* Let’s have a look at the Nuremburg war crimes trials. I know, I bring the party wherever I am, but it’s surely a case with an unimpeachable moral authority, isn’t it?
The leaders of the victorious Allied nations eventually decided that the Nazi leaders should be tried after the war. We are told that Churchill originally argued for their summary execution.
The trial of the Nazi leaders began on November 20th, 1945. Now, it’s important to remember that what we think of as “The Nuremberg Trials” was actually a series of tribunals, including the trial of Nazi judges, Nazi doctors who helped formulate and carry out some of the worst National Socialist policies and of course, the captured leaders. It is this last that I’m concentrating on, and I’ll try and make it clear when I’m referring to the others as well.
The Nuremberg trials are important for a number of reasons. Out of the trials came such important advances as The Genocide Convention, The Geneva Convention, modern medical ethics, and modern war crime principles. As well as that, it brought two great legal theories into direct conflict. This is big stuff. This was the crime of the past 200 years, and it was the trial as well. If this doesn’t interest you at all, then Law probably doesn’t interest you either, and you’re probably reading the wrong blog.
To appreciate these proceedings, it’s important to look at the climate they took place in, and the aims of the trials. Much can be inferred from the speech given at the opening of the trial of the Major War Criminals.** Robert H Jackson, the lead prosecutor, as proceedings began, gave the following address:
“The privilege of opening the first trial in history for crimes against the peace of the world imposes a grave responsibility. The wrongs which we seek to condemn and punish have been so calculated, so malignant, and so devastating that civilization cannot tolerate their being ignored because it cannot survive their being repeated. That four great nations, flushed with victory and stung with injury, stay the hand of vengeance and voluntarily submit their captive enemies to the judgement of the law is one of the most significant tributes that Power ever has paid to Reason.”
Robert Jackson in full flow at the trial of the Major War Criminals.
Stirring, inspiring stuff. Jackson wanted to make it clear that in this action, the Allies were taking the moral high ground. It would not have been thought beyond the pale for the leading men of Nazi Germany to be walked into the woods, stood in front of a line of trenches, and shot. The world had been torn apart for years by these men, and millions had died as a result. Just about everyone, in Europe at least, had lost someone close to them as a result. Everyone. Had they been summarily shot, few would have raised a voice in protest. The world was angry, and large swathes of it wanted retribution.
But that was what the Axis powers would have done. This was why the Allies had fought against them, and Jackson wanted to make it clear that this was why they were right. Jackson was saying “Look at the monsters we have beaten. In order to ensure that it is clear that we are not just as bad, their crimes will be answerable before the law. I order to begin the healing process, proper judicial process must be applied.” The rule of law would be paramount. If we could show that now, at the hardest time, that we would not give in to the vengeful urge, we would show why this war had to be fought and won. This trial would begin to heal the wounds, and promote some much needed unity. Power would indeed pay tribute to Reason.
If we look back at Nuremberg now, it is still with a sense of resolve, that the right thing was done. The Nazi leaders weren’t just walked into the woods to die. This trial began a new age under the rule of law, and demonstrated the moral superiority of the Allied powers over the Axis evil they defeated. This was something to be proud of. As Jackson said, the Allies “stayed the hand of vengeance.” That is a fine thing, and something of which we all should be proud, shouldn’t we?
But what law were they tried under? Many of their actions were committed in Germany. A Nazi Germany, with laws written by the very men being tried. Take, for example, the enforced sterilisation of those deemed to be “deficient”. These were sanctioned by a 1933 German law that these men had authored. So what law had they broken? Under what statute could they be tried? Under the laws of their own land, where most of the actions had occurred, none.
However, the trials were not conducted under the laws of Germany. Nor were they tried under the legal systems of any of the victorious Allies. Instead, they were tried under the London Charter of the International Military Tribunal. This document was written in August 1945, as a result of the Allied powers meeting to draft legislation under which leading Nazis could be tried. One of the main authors of this document was one Robert H Jackson, the very same man who, a few short months later, started the prosecution case with those fine words.
Göring gives evidence at the trial of the Major War Criminals.
Most of the London Charter referred to how the tribunal was to be set up. Article 6 is the part that concerned the criminal offences that would be used for the trial, and it said that:
“The Tribunal established by the Agreement referred to in Article 1 hereof for the trial and punishment of the major war criminals of the European Axis countries shall have the power to try and punish persons who, acting in the interests of the European Axis countries, whether as individuals or as members of organizations, committed any of the following crimes…” it then listed the crimes the defendants were accused of.
Got that? Essentially, these new laws were for this trial only. They were for these defendants only, as they named the powers involved. They, and the tribunal that would enforce them, would cease to exist after the relevant trials. These people, these specific acts, this court, those nations. If an Allied commander was found to have committed acts that could be seen as war crimes, they could not be prosecuted under this legislation.
As well as all of this, the “crimes” presented in the London Charter were retrospective. They referred to events that had already occurred, reached back in time, and labelled them illegal. To put that into perspective: Lets say I go for a drink tonight with my imaginary friend Dave Jones. Dave and I argue about his poor choice of football team, and he punches me in the face. I am left with a black eye and serious swelling, and Dave is arrested. Dave is in trouble with the law because he has committed an offence that has previously been legislated against. If Dave denies the attack, or believes he has a defence in law, he is likely to be prosecuted under Section 47 of the Offences Against the Person Act of 1861. He is not prosecuted under the Dave Jones Punching Someone Act of 2010, that we wrote between the time of the act and the court case.
Now this has been accepted as a pretty important point of law in the past. If one of the aims of law is to ensure that people act within it, it’s a bit hard if the rules keep moving. If I obey the laws of today, and those laws change tomorrow, I shall surely obey the new laws. Fine. But I cannot be held accountable for what I did yesterday that is illegal today. That way lies tyranny. That way leads to a new government declaring that anyone who voted for the old government committed offences against the country.
Retrospective laws are widely accepted as being immoral and illegal. But this is how the Nazis were prosecuted. Few would argue that laws that only existed for one group are a good idea. Or that a law should be temporary, and for them only. Or that a court shall pop into existence, hear one trial, and disappear again like Clark Kent’s alter ego with a law degree.
The authors of the London Charter were obviously keenly aware of this disparity between the stated aims of the tribunal and the process which it operated by. They predicted that objections could be raised at the trial (and they were). Accordingly, Article 3 of the Charter states that “Neither the Tribunal, its members nor their alternates can be challenged by the prosecution, or by the Defendants or their Counsel”. Any questions about the jurisdiction of the charter were answered solely by referring to the charter. So, in short, we’re prosecuting under a law that didn’t exist, that applies only to you, will cease to apply when we’re done here, in a court that is only for you, and no-one has the right to challenge it, because of the same law.
The defence lawyers’ first act was to challenge the legitimacy of the court, stating that this was ex post facto law, and not law at all***. This was quickly rebuffed, by referring to Article 3. The challenge to the Charter was referred to the Charter, found to be invalid under the Charter, and struck out under the Charter.
That unimpeachable moral authority isn’t looking so good now, is it?
This ambiguity runs throughout the system that was used to prosecute these men. If this was to be a fair trial, as Jackson argued so passionately at the start of the proceedings, then surely the judges involved would be drawn from the neutral nations? One would expect the bench to occupied by the Swiss, Swedish and Irish judiciary. Surely, this trial could not be fair if the the judiciary were drawn from the ranks of the aggrieved? The judges were all from the victorious Allied nations.
Surely, if this trial was fair, all of the other trials at Nuremberg would be conducted under the same charter, along the same lines? In fact, all the other trials were conducted under American law. The doctors, judges, and all the others were not tried under the London Charter. Any problems of the relative jurisdiction being thousands of miles away were ignored, as it was felt that a mature legal system would best take the place of the despoiled German system. There is a strong argument for this approach, despite the obvious difficulty, but it wasn’t felt to be strong enough for the trial of the Major War Criminals.
The lessons learned at Nuremberg would eventually be used, among many other things, to try leaders such as Radovan Karadžić at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY).
All of this could well make it sound like I’m saying “Poor Nazis, they never got a fair crack of the whip.” Believe me, I’m not. If such a thing as evil exists, and I’m not sure it does, then these men were the personifications of it. A great wrong had been committed, and it could not go unchecked. I’m not even saying there was a better way to do it.
The Nuremberg trials were meant to begin the healing process, to apply a salve to the world’s wounds. It was also meant to help Germany get back on its feet after it had been corrupted and brought to the brink of destruction. It didn’t really work. German popular opinion quickly pegged it as a show trial, and grew resentful. They felt they had suffered enough, and now that they were being dragged through this by proxy. The criticisms weren’t just limited to the populace of defeated Axis powers. Some contemporary commentators also felt that the stated virtues of the Nuremberg trials were just smokescreens, and that this was an elaborate show trial. One Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court called the trial a fraud, and referred to Jackson’s “High-grade lynching.”
After the PR backfire of the trial of the Major War Criminals, the next trial was the trial of the Nazi doctors. It was felt that if the first one didn’t catch the public imagination for justice, moral indignation at the corruption of those we trust to look after us would do the trick. It didn’t. That trial got bogged down in the same issues as the first.
For all of these criticisms, the after effects of the Nuremberg trials helped shape our world. The precedent was set for international war crimes trials. The second trial gave rise to modern medical ethics. The argument that a defendant was “only following orders” was firmly rebutted. The need for what would become Geneva Convention was recognised. The rules for defining a war crime were formalised, and became the Nuremberg Rules. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was born here.
Nuremberg achieved much, and changed our world. It redefined what law was in the modern age, and what it could be used for. Even given the valid criticisms that can be levelled at the Nuremberg trials, I’m not sure there was a better way. The German legal system wasn’t up to the job. The Allied powers each had conflicting legal systems, none of which extended to Germany or occupied countries (with the obvious exception of France, in French territory). Whether just shooting them was a good idea or not is debatable, and could have created martyrs.
But did it achieve what Jackson set out in his opening speech? Was it the Allied powers “staying the hand of vengeance?” I’m not sure. Would it have been more honest to follow Churchill’s original plan, take them out to the woods, and shoot them in the head? Decide for yourselves.
*In real life, I’m a better liar than this. You’re going to have to trust me on this one.
** It was actually called this. We will return to that later.
*** Ex Post Facto Law – Bringing in legislation after the fact, with retrospective authority. Generally recognised in most jurisdictions to be not the done thing.
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A note on the article: I’ve been sitting on this for weeks, partly because it’s a wretch to write. There are so many contentious and emotive issues that I have, for brevity, had to gloss over. And it’s still over 2500 words.
I have also wrestled with the worry that this might be seized on by the undesirable end of historical revisionists. Pointing out that the Nuremberg trials might not have been as spotless as the Allied powers asserted can easily be taken the wrong way. Try searching for the comments made by Chief Justice Harlan Fiske Stone, and see the kind of seething fascism that pops up in the first couple of pages of results. I hope that my attempt to look at the legal issues of the trials has come through as the measured examination I have aimed for, and not a recruiting pamphlet for the far right.