² See Lu Zhengming, ‘Qianlong Di “Shi Quan Wu Gong” Chu Tan’ (A Preliminary Investigation of the ‘Ten Great Victories' of the Qianlong Emperor), in Zhongguo Junshi Shi Lunwen ji (Collected Essays on Chinese Military History), edited by Shi, Nanjing Junchusi Bianyan (Research and Editorial Department of the Nanjing Military Region) and the editorial department of ‘Shi Xue Yue Kan’ (Historical Studies Monthly) (Kaifeng: Henan University Publishing Company, 1989), 239–58.Google Scholar

³ Shi Quan Ji, in Peng Yuanrui, comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji (The Qianlong Emperor's Prose and Poetry on the Ten Great Campaigns), edited by Hui, Xiong (Zhengzhou: Guji Chubanshe: 1989–1990), 671.Google Scholar

⁴ On the significance of a powerholder's calligraphy, see Kraus, Richard Curt, Brushes with Power: Modern Politics and the Chinese Art of Calligraphy (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991).Google Scholar

⁵ See, for example, Shang Yu Dang (Archive of Imperial Edicts) (Beijing) Qianlong (‘QL’) 41/8/20, 293.

⁶ Kahn, , ‘A Matter of Taste: The Monumental and Exotic in the Qianlong Reign,’ in Juhsi, Chou and Brown, Claudia (eds), The Elegant Brush; Chinese Painting under the Qianlong Emperor 1735–1795 (Phoenix, Arizona: Phoenix Art Museum, 1985), 288–302), at 293, citingGoogle ScholarMacCormack, Sabine G., Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeleys, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1981), 271.Google Scholar

⁷ Shang Yu Dang QL 25/3/5, 149. For another example dating from sixteen years later, see Ibid., QL 41/12, n.d., 506. See also Yang Xin, ‘Court Painting in the Yongzheng and Qianlong Periods of the Qing Dynasty, with Reference to the Collection of the Palace Museum, Peking,’ in The Elegant Brush, 343–87, at 356–7.

⁸ See Shang Yu Dang QL 41/8/20, 293.

⁹ On the Qing conquest of Xinjiang and its aftermath, see Waley-Cohen, Joanna, Exile in Mid-Qing China: Banishment to Xinjiang, 1758–1820 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991).Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Waley-Cohen, Joanna, ‘China and Western Technology in the Late Eighteenth Century,’ in American Historical Review.98.5 (12 1993): 1525–4, at 1527.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Edward, Said, Orientalism (New York: Pantheon, 1978). For a more recent view in an Asian context, seeGoogle ScholarTanaka, Stefan, Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1993).Google Scholar See also Hostetler, Laura, ‘Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1995).Google Scholar

¹² See Crossley, Pamela Kyle, ‘Manzhou Yuanliu Kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage,’ in Journal of Asian Studies. 46.4 (11 1987): 761–90;Google ScholarCrossley, , ‘The Rulerships of China,’ in American Historical Review.97.5 (12 1992): 1468–84; and see below.Google Scholar

¹³ See Yee, Cordell, ‘A Cartography of Introspection: Chinese Maps as Other than European,’ in Asian Art (Fall 1992): 29–45, at 30–1; for an illustration, seeGoogle ScholarNeedham, Joseph, Science and Civilization in China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954– ), vol. 3, pl. 81 (fig. 226). The map dates from 1136.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Hansen, Valerie, ‘Inscriptions: Historical Sources for the Song,’ in The Bulletin of Sung Yuan Studies 19 (1987): 17–25, at 17.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Shang Yu Dang QL 26/2/13, 103.

¹⁶ Rubbings of all four sides of the stele inscription are at the National Library in Beijing: jing 6049; for a photograph, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 70, 98–101. See also Ibid., 96–7. For the text, see Yu Minzhong et al., comps, Rixia Jiuwen Kao (1781; reprinted in Beijing, Guji Chubanshe, 1983), juan 102, 1690. See also ‘HaidianChu Diming Zhi,’ Bianji Weiyuanhui, comp., Beijing Shi Haidian Chu Diming Zhi (Record of Place Names in Haidian, Beijing) (Beijing, 1992), 348–9, which erroneously states the fourth side is in Sanskrit (fan); it is in Tibetan.

¹⁷ A rubbing of the Shi Sheng Si Hou Ji stele inscription can be seen at the National Library, Beijing: jing 6041; for a photograph, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 71, 191; for the text of the inscription, seeGoogle ScholarYu, , Rixia Jiuwen Kao, juan 102, 1691–1692, which also reprints the text of some imperial verses on the first Jinchuan and the Xinjiang campaigns:Google Scholar ‘Yuzhi Shi Sheng Si Ba Yun,’ dating from 1761. On the jianruying, see Waley-Cohen, ‘Warfare and Culture in Eighteenth-Century China,’ forthcoming.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Sometimes additional inscriptions were added on the reverse of already carved stones to save the expense and trouble of creating and raising new monuments. See Hansen, ‘Inscriptions,’ 17. Such later texts might or might not relate to the same topic as the original inscription. For example, in 1758 the text of an inscription on the defeat of the Zunghars, Pingding Zhunke'er Leming Ili Bei, the duplicate of one engraved on a stele located at the new Qing administrative capital at Ili in Xinjiang, was engraved on the back of one of the stelae that already bore an inscription on the same war: Pingding Zhunke'er Gaocheng Taixue Bei. For a photograph of a rubbing of the latter inscription, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 71, 119, where it is erroneously identified as ‘Pingding Zhunke'er Hou Leming Ili Bei.’ For the text, see Guozhi, Liang et al. , comps, Qinding Guo Zi Jian Zhi (Imperially Authorized History of the National Academy), 1781. Photoprint of the Wen Yuan Ge copy of the 1781Google ScholarQuanshu, Siku (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) edition (Taipei: Shangwu, 1974), 5, 15a–17a;Google ScholarPeng, , comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji, 5, 40–1. On the other hand, a stele dating from the Qianlong period on the Bell Tower (Zhong Lou Bei), in Beijing, had an inscription added on the back almost two hundred years later; the subject-matter of the Republican period inscription was, of course, unrelated to the original text.Google ScholarBeijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian vol. 70, 9.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For photographs of the rubbings of these inscriptions, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 71, 61–4, 68–71, 119–22; vol. 72, 175–8; for the texts,Google Scholar see Peng, , comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji, 5, 41–3; 5, 40–1; 11, 127–9; 11, 117–21.Google Scholar

²⁰ For photographs of the rubbings of these inscriptions, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 73, 59–67; for the texts, seeGoogle ScholarPeng, , comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji, 11, 129–33.Google Scholar On the Torguts, see Quincey, Thomas de, Revolt of the Tartars or, Flight of the Kalmuck Khan (Boston: Leach, Shewell and Sanborn, 1896).Google Scholar

²¹ See Philippe Foret, ‘The Imperial Landscape Project’ (unpublished manuscript, 1994);Google Scholar see also Chayet, Anne, Les Temples de Johol et leurs modèles tibétains (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1985). Qianlong appears to have devoted relatively little of his energy to construction work at Shengjing, the third imperial capital.Google Scholar See Xiangshun, Jiang, Shengjing Huang Gong (The Imperial Palace at Shengjing) (Beijing: Zi Jin Cheng, 1987), 302.Google Scholar

²² For a photograph of the rubbing of the inscription, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 70, 43. The inscription is identical to the Guo Zi Jian one; it is not at present possible to check whether the monuments themselves are identical. For other duplicates of Guo Zi Jian steles commemorating war that were located in Guilin, see, for example, Ibid., vol. 71, 59, 161.

²³ On this episode, see Tsang, Ka Bo, ‘Portraits of Meritorious Officials: Eight Examples from the First Set Commissioned by the Qianlong Emperor.’ In Arts Asiatiques: Annales du musée national des arts asiatiques—Guimet et du musée Cernuschi 47 (1992): 69–88, at 77; for the text of the stele inscription,Google Scholar see Peng, , comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji, 5, 41; for other stele inscriptions relating to the Xinjiang campaigns,Google Scholar see Zhang, , Liang, et al. , Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian (Imperial Paintings Catalog, First Supplement, 1793, reprinted in Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1969–1971), vol. 6, 3095–104;Google ScholarPeng, , comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji, juan 4–21, passim.Google Scholar

²⁴ See Zhengming, Lu, ‘Qianlong Di “Shi Quan Wu Gong” Chu Tan,’ 240.Google Scholar

²⁵ For Mingrui's biography, see Hummel, Arthur W., Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943), 578–9. A rubbing of the stele inscription is at the National Library, Beijing:Google Scholarjing 1767; for a photograph, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 72, 183; for the text, see Yu et al., Rixia Jiuwen Kao, juan 44, 696.Google Scholar

²⁶ Liang Shizheng also wrote out the emperor's composition for the Pingding Jinchuan Si Bei. Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 70, 43; this was in 1749 before the commemoration project had become, perhaps, fully fledged. A rubbing of the Shuang Zhong Si stele inscription, which was apparently done only in Chinese, is at the National Library, Beijing: jing 2536; for a photograph, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 70, 166; for the text, see alsoGoogle ScholarYu, , comp., Rixia Kiuwen Kao, juan 48, 759–60. A rubbing of the bilingual inscription on Labdon's tombstone (located in another part of Beijing) is also at the National Library, Beijing: for a photograph, seeGoogle ScholarBeijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 70, 151. The story of Labdon and Fuqing is in Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 249–50.Google Scholar

²⁷ See, for example, the biography of E'hui in Qing Shi Gao (Draft History of the Qing, 1928, reprinted in Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1977), juan 328, 10902, which records the erection of shrines honoring a number of commanders including E'hui. It is unclear whether shrines such as these included imperial calligraphy. E'hui was a meritorious official who fought in several of the ten great campaigns and whose portrait, now in a private collection in the United States, once hung in the Zi Guang Ge (see below).

²⁸ Bilingual inscriptions normally used only Chinese and Manchu but in Sichuan, for example, monuments established at key battlefields of the second Jinchuan war were engraved in Chinese and Tibetan, suggesting a hope that local people might actually read and benefit from the texts. Realistically, however, and without regard to the question of literacy among the local populace, the intimidatingly vast size of most monuments made them almost impossible to read in their entirety on the spot. For a photograph of the inscription on a monument erected at Meinuo in Sichuan, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, Gedi 7890, inscription dated QL 41/2. This rubbing is in very poor condition—the central portion is virtually illegible—but the text is also reproduced in Peng, , comp., Gaozong Yuzhi Shiwen Shi Quan Ji, juan 31, 404–5, which also reprints the texts of the Lewuwei and Karaï stelae.Google Scholar

²⁹ See Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 71, 167. On the occasion for this monument, see also below. Other examples included Huiren Lipai Si Bei, a stele inscription in Chinese, Manchu, Mongol and Uighur located at the Muslim soldiers’ camp (Huihuiying) on what is now West Chang'an Avenue in Beijing. On this establishment, seeGoogle ScholarMillward, James, ‘A Uyghur Muslim in Qianlong's Court: The Meanings of the Fragrant Concubine,’ Journal of Asian Studies 53.2 (05 1994): 427–58, at 428–9; for a photograph of a rubbing of the inscriptions, seeGoogle ScholarBeijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 72, 59–60. An example of the use of Sanskrit in some inscriptions is furnished by the Fan Xiang Si Bei at the Buddhist Fan Xiang temple in the Fragrant Hills northwest of Beijing. For a photograph of a rubbing of these inscriptions, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 70, 121.

³⁰ Moule, A. C., Christians in China Before the Year 1550 (London: The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1930), 27–52.Google Scholar

³¹ Funerary monuments for Jesuit missionaries were engraved in Chinese and Latin, with an intaglio crucifix above the inscription rather than a crucifix in relief as in Europe. A number of such stelae are now on display at the Stone-Carvings Museum in Beijing. For some photographs of rubbings of the Chinese and Latin inscriptions on Jesuit tombstones, see Beijing Tushuguan Zang Zhongguo Lidai Shike Taben Huaibian, vol. 72, 146 (Castiglione's tombstone); vol. 73, 140 (Benoist's tombstone); vol. 76, 62 (Amiot's tombstone). For photographs of rubbings taken from monuments engraved in Russian and Chinese, see Ibid., vol. 71, 52, and vol. 72, 189.

³² Qianlong's undoubted desire to emulate his grandfather Kangxi formed part of these perceptions, as evidenced by his patronage of the arts as well as by his military exploits—but the demands of filial piety, both genuinely experienced and required to be conspicuously displayed, meant Qianlong stopped short of openly declaring he had outshone Kangxi altogether. It was, of course, in similar spirit that Qianlong formally abdicated the throne in 1796 to avoid reigning longer than Kangxi, although he continued to rule until his death three years later.

³³ Crossley, ‘The Rulerships of China,’ 1483 (notes omitted). On the role of violence in early China, see Lewis, Mark Edward, Sanctioned Violence in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990); on Tang Taizong, see Howard Wechsler, ‘T’ai-Tsung (reign 626–649) The Consolidator,’ inGoogle ScholarThe Cambridge History of China, vol. 3, Sui and Tang, 581–906, Part I, edited by Twitchett, Denis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 188–241, especially 239–41; on Khubilai,Google Scholar see Rossabi, Morris, Khubilai Khan: His Life and Times (Berkeley, London and Los Angeles:University of California Press, 1988), especially Chapter Five. On Qianlong's relationship to the Tibetans, see in particularGoogle ScholarHevia, James, ‘Lamas, Emperors and Rituals: Political Implications in Qing Imperial Ceremonies,’ in Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 16.2 (Winter 1993): 243–78.Google Scholar See also Farquhar, David, ‘Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch'ing Empire,’ in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38 (1978): 5–34.Google Scholar

³⁴ See Wright, Arthur F., Buddhism in Chinese History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959), 62, 67.Google Scholar

³⁵ On the Qianlong painting academy and its artists, see Boda, Yang, ‘The Development of the Ch'ien-lung Painting Academy,’ in Murck, Alfreda and Fong, Wen C., eds, Words and Images: Chinese Poetry, Calligraphy, and Painting (New York: The Museum of Metropolitan Art, and Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), 333–56, translated by Jonathan Hay;Google ScholarXin, Yang, ‘Court Painting in the Yongzheng and Qianlong Periods of the Qing Dynasty’; Howard Rogers, ‘Court Painting under the Qianlong Emperor,’ in The Elegant Brush, 303–17; and She Ch'eng, ‘The Painting Academy of the Qianlong Period: A Study in Relation to the Taipei National Palace Museum Collection,’ in The Elegant Brush, 318–42.Google Scholar

³⁶ Qinding Daqing Huidian (Imperially Authorized Collected Institutes of the Great Qing) (1899; reprinted in Taipei, Xinwenli, 1976), 26, 8b–9a.Google Scholar

³⁷ Yu, et al. , Rixia Jiuwen Kao, juan 10, 142–5.Google Scholar

³⁸ The main accounts are at Qinding Daqing Huidian Shili (Imperially Authorized Collected Institutes and Precedents of the Great Qing) (1899; reprinted in Taipei: Xinwenli, 1976), 414, 10b–21a; Yu, Rixia Jiuwen Kao, juan 10, 143–4, which cites Qinding Daqing Huidian and reproduces imperial verses on the ceremonies with contemporary annotation. On the incidence of the ceremonies, see also Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 68, which omits to mention the 1760 xianfu ceremony recorded in Xu Yang's painting. According to the Huidian Shili (414, 12b), shoufu routinely followed xianfu but in practice this does not seem always to have been the case. These ceremonies occasionally took place during the Ming dynasty:Google Scholar see Wenbin, Long, Ming Hui Yao (Collected Essentials of the Ming) (Canton: Guangya, n.d.), 6b–8a.Google Scholar

³⁹ See Zhang, and Liang, , Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian, vol. 2, 788; see also Nie Chongzheng, ‘Qingchao Gongting Tongbanhua “Qianlong Pingding Zhun Bu Huibu Zhantu”’ (The Qing Court's Copper Engravings of the ‘Battle Pictures of Qianlong's Pacification of the Zunghars and Muslims’)Google Scholar (Gugong Bowuyuan Yuankan 1989.4): 55–64, at 59, and, for a partial illustration, at 62. There is some question as to the date of this ceremony. Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian states that it took place in the first month of Qianlong 25 (1760), and Nie, discussing a painting of the same name done by jesuit artist-priests as part of the series of war paintings follows this. The 1760 date is likely correct since the wars were not completely over until 1759. On the other hand, Hu Jing, a contemporary observer who was intimately familiar with the imperial paintings collection, states, however, that Xu's work dates from 1755. See Jing, Hu, ‘Guochao Yuanhua Lu’ (Record of the Qing Painting Academy), in Huashi Congshu (Collectanea of the History of Painting, 1816, reprinted in Shanghai: Renmin Meishu, 1963), 52.1 thank Nie Chongzheng for making a copy of this text available to me.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Shang Yu Dang QL 41/4/27, 169.

⁴¹ See Zhang, and Liang, , Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian, vol. 2, 788;Google Scholar see also Morse, H. B., The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1634–1835 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), vol. I, 295.Google Scholar For a suggestive comparison with ceremonial occasions in ancient Rome, see MacCormack, , Art and Ceremony, 9–12.Google Scholar

⁴² On the prescribed ceremony, see Daqing Huidian Shili, 413, 14–20; for a description of one of the paintings of this event, seeGoogle ScholarZhang, and Liang, , Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian, vol. 2, 810;Google Scholar see also Nie, , ‘Qingchao Gongting Tongbanhua “Qianlong Pingding Zhun Bu Huibu Zhantu”,’ 59–60. For a partial illustration (of the copper engraving), see Christoph Müller-Hofstade and Hartmut Walravens, ‘Paris–Peking: Kupferstiche für Kaiser Qianlong,’ inGoogle ScholarBudde, Hendrik, Müller-Hofstade, Christoph and Sievernich, Gereon, eds, Europa und die Kaiser von China (Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 1985), 163–72, fig. 163. I thank David Mungello for sending me a copy of this article. The ritual greeting was also performed in 1749 following the first Jinchuan war but the emperor seems not to have personally ridden out to greet General Fuheng on that occasion.Google Scholar

⁴³ See Zhang, and Liang, , Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian, vol. 2, 735 (‘Infinite Fortunes’); vol. 2, 789 (‘Western Regions’)—on this see alsoGoogle ScholarJing, Hu, Guochao Yuanhua Lu, 52, where he notes the painting was based on Western missionary surveys; vol. 2, 572–3 (the three victories were the three major turning points of the second Jinchuan campaign; see above, text following note 21); vol. 4, 1869–1970 (‘Dispatch and Victory’). For a recent illustration of the latter work, seeGoogle ScholarChristies, (New York), Fine Chinese Paintings and Calligraphy, sale 7790, 1 12 1993, 149–53.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ On the Zi Guang Ge, see below.

⁴⁵ Jing, Hu, ‘Guochao Yuanhua Lu,’ preface, 2–3, uses these paintings to compare Qianlong's achievements to those of his predecessors, particularly during the Tang dynasty, and the clear implication is that although these court paintings do have their antecedents they have surpassed them. For information on the extensive earlier links between art and warfare in China, I am grateful to Robert E. Harrist, Jr., of Oberlin College.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ See Brown, Jonathan, ‘War and Glory in the Hall of Battles of El Escorial’ (Paper presented to the Conference on Force in History,Institute for Advanced Study,Princeton,1995).Google Scholar On Qianlong's claim to be receiving divine assistance see Zhang, and Liang, , Shi Qu Bao Ji Xubian, vol. 1, 241–6 (on the Annan campaign).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ On the battle pictures, see Waley-Cohen, ‘China and Western Technology, 1542–1543,’ and accompanying notes. See also Nie, ‘“Qianlong Pingding Zhunbu Huibu Zhantu” he Qingdai de Tongbanhua’ (The War Illustrations of Qianlong's Wars to Suppress the Zunghars and [Xinjiang] Muslims, and Qing copper engraving), in Wenwu 1980.4: 61–4; and Nie, ‘Qingchao Gongting Tongbanhua ‘Qianlong Pingding Zhun Bu Huibu Zhantu”.’

⁴⁸ Some of these copper engravings were ‘colorized,’ both in France and in China at Qianlong's bequest; there are examples in the Beijing Palace Museum and in private collections in the West. For an illustration, see Christies (New York) sale no. 9220 (21 September 1995), p. 153.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ The following discussion is much indebted to Ka Bo Tsang's fine article, ‘Portraits of Meritorious Officials,’ 69–88.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The reference to the Marquis of Zan is to Xiao He, advisor to Liu Bang, who became the first emperor of the Han dynasty; like Fu Heng he never actually fought in the war.

⁵¹ See Zhengming, Lu, ‘Qianlong Di “Shi Quan Wu Gong” Chu Tan,’ 253–5; see also Hummel, Eminent Chinese, 43–5.Google Scholar

⁵² Cf.Cheng'en, Wu, Monkey (translated by Waley, Arthur, London: Penguin, 1974), 132–3, referring to portraits of heroes of the dynasty painted during Tang Taizong's reign by Wu Daozi and hung in the ‘Tower of Rising Smoke.’Google Scholar

⁵³ See, for example, Amsterdam, Sotheby's, Catalogue of Chinese and Japanese Ceramics and Works of Art, sale 604, 25 October 1994. I thank John Finlay of the Brooklyn Museum for providing this information.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Cordier, Henri, ‘Les correspondants de Bertin, sécretaire d'état au XVIIIe siècle’ (T'oung Pao 2e série, vol. XIV, 1913, 227–57, 465–72, 497–536), at 467. On the display of captured weapons, seeGoogle ScholarJianzhong, Hu, ‘Qing Gong Bing Qi Yan Jiu’ (Gugong Bowuyuan Yuankan 1990.1: 17–28), 17; for an illustration, see Ka Bo Tsang, ‘Portraits of Meritorious Official,’ fig. 3.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See the correspondence of Henry Bertin, comptroller of France, and Father Amiot, Jesuit missionary in Beijing, much of which can be found in the archives of the Bibliothèque de l'Institut de France, manuscript volumes 1515–24.

⁵⁶ Kahn, Harold, Monarchy in the Emperor's Eyes: Image and Reality in the Ch'ien-lung Reign (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), 50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵⁷ See Bartlett, Beatrice S., Monarchs and Ministers: The Grand Council in Mid-Ch'ing China, 1723–1820, 11.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Some of these issues are raised in Crossley, Pamela Kyle, Orphan Waniors: Three Manchu Generations and the End of the Qing World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).Google Scholar