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Ulysses S. Grant: The American Presidents Series: The 18th President, 1869-1877
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The underappreciated presidency of the military man who won the Civil War and then had to win the peace as well.
As a general, Ulysses S. Grant is routinely described in glowing terms―the man who turned the tide of the Civil War, who accepted Lee's surrender at Appomattox, and who had the stomach to see the war through to final victory. But his presidency is another matter―the most common word used to characterize it is "scandal." Grant is routinely portrayed as a man out of his depth, whose trusting nature and hands-off management style opened the federal coffers to unprecedented plunder. But that caricature does not do justice to the realities of Grant's term in office, as Josiah Bunting III shows in this provocative assessment of our eighteenth president.
Grant came to Washington in 1869 to lead a capital and a country still bitterly divided by four years of civil war. His predecessor, Andrew Johnson, had been impeached and nearly driven from office, and the radical Republicans in Congress were intent on imposing harsh conditions on the Southern states before allowing them back into the Union. Grant made it his priority to forge the states into a single nation, and Bunting shows that despite the troubles that characterized Grant's terms in office, he was able to accomplish this most important task―very often through the skillful use of his own popularity with the American people. Grant was indeed a military man of the highest order, and he was a better president than he is often given credit for.
- Print length208 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherTimes Books
- Publication dateSeptember 8, 2004
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.62 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100805069496
- ISBN-13978-0805069495
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Editorial Reviews
From School Library Journal
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From Booklist
Copyright © American Library Association. All rights reserved
Review
"Vivid, enjoyable and well-written."
―The New York Times
"The 60,000-word biography of American presidents, world conquerors, and classic authors―without footnotes―is the latest hot literary genre. . . have read many of them. None are more engagingly written or more attuned to clarity of thought and expression than Josiah Bunting’s. Grant, the stylist, would have approved."
―The New Criterion
"A richly written blow against ill-informed historical cynicism."
―Booklist
About the Author
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., (1917-2007) was the preeminent political historian of our time. For more than half a century, he was a cornerstone figure in the intellectual life of the nation and a fixture on the political scene. He won two Pulitzer prizes for The Age of Jackson (1946) and A Thousand Days (1966), and in 1988 received the National Humanities Medal. He published the first volume of his autobiography, A Life in the Twentieth Century, in 2000.
From The Washington Post
Now the time appears to be at hand for a reappraisal of Ulysses S. Grant, not merely as a general and a leader of men -- for which, in fact, his reputation has always been high -- but as a two-term president. This may have something to do with the war in Iraq; Grant's blunt, brutal pursuit of "unconditional surrender" and his understanding that war is not a halfway business look rather good to many who question the strategy and commitment of the present military leadership and the administration to whom it is accountable.
Whatever the explanation for the revival of interest in and sympathy for Grant, it certainly gives the appearance of being a major revision. As Josiah Bunting III puts it in the better of these two perceptive, well-written brief biographies, "the counts against him remain, sullen and immovable: drunk, butcher, scandal-monger." Though his performance during the Civil War has been widely if not universally admired -- Michael Korda points out that his most successful Civil War campaigns are "studied all over the world in staff colleges, still today" -- his presidency has been widely scorned, especially because of the many scandals that took place during his watch.
In both of these books that judgment is reconsidered and mostly, if not wholly, reversed. Korda (whose book, forthcoming Sept. 30, is among the first in a new series called "Eminent Lives") is more interested in Grant as general than as president, indeed devotes fewer than 20 pages to his presidency; nonetheless he concludes that Grant "exerted a calming influence on a country that had only just emerged from a bloody civil war" and that, "taking it all in all, his presidency was not the failure that historians have portrayed." Bunting understandably pays more attention to Grant's White House years since his book is part of a series called "The American Presidents," but in doing so he probably puts Grant's life into more accurate perspective, and the favorable judgments he reaches are less grudging than Korda's.
Both books are deeply sympathetic to Grant the human being; both authors clearly (and properly) admire him. Bunting: "He was hugely but modestly self-reliant; he was accustomed to making do with what he was given, without asking for more; he defined himself in action, not talk; he was dutiful, intensely loyal to superiors and friends, brave in the way that Tacitus called Agricola brave: unconsciously so." Korda: "Grant had that rare quality among professional soldiers, even at the very beginning of his career, of feeling deeply for the wounded and dead of both sides. It was not weakness -- it was that he spared himself nothing. Grant saw what happened in war, swallowed his revulsion, pity and disgust, and went on."
In many respects he was, as Bunting puts it, a "profound puzzle." He was taciturn to an extreme degree, "rarely an explainer or justifier." He often has been the victim of "ungovernable indulgence in a weird kind of class depredation: the distaste of the well-bred and educated for the provincial and, somehow, crude Ulysses," with the result that "in the 120 years since his death, friends, rivals and enemies, biographers, and historians have condescended" to him. Korda notes what he calls Grant's "touchiness," explaining that "it was not a question of vanity or personal pride so much as the fear on the part of a man who had always been underestimated as a boy and looked down on by people who assumed they were better than he was." The same words, obviously, could be written about Lyndon Johnson, though LBJ possessed nothing comparable to the gentlemanly reticence with which Grant disguised whatever insecurities he may have felt.
He seems to have been bothered by no doubts in his life as a soldier. He was all confidence and competence. After discovering, in an encounter early in his army days, that the enemy he was about to attack was every bit as fearful as he was, he set fear aside and acquired an implacable calm. Bunting, who served in Vietnam and later was superintendent of the Virginia Military Institute, says that "Grant was willing to make decisions and live with their consequences, sustained, as William Tecumseh Sherman once said, by a constant faith in victory. . . . Grant understood how to get men to do what he wanted them to do, and this quality led him to the victories that propelled him to his early fame. There was an elemental ordinariness to him that his soldiers liked and that made their relationship easy and productive." Korda, who served in the British armed forces, offers a complementary analysis:
"Grant understood topography, the importance of supply lines, the instant judgment of the balance between his own strengths and the enemy's weaknesses, and above all the need to keep his armies moving forward, despite casualties, even when things have gone wrong -- that and the simple importance of inflicting greater losses on the enemy than he can sustain, day after day, until he breaks. Grant the boy never retraced his steps. Grant the man did not retreat -- he advanced. Generals who do that win wars."
The American people understood that during and after the Civil War, and so did Abraham Lincoln. The bond between the two men was immediate and strong, and permitted Grant to pursue his plans without interference from above, indeed with unconditional support. It was entirely understandable that the people turned to him after Lincoln's assassination and Andrew Johnson's failed presidency. They felt about him just the way they felt more than eight decades later about Eisenhower: They wanted the conquering hero in the White House.
That he managed to serve there with not-inconsiderable distinction is attributable to his decency, his probity and, by no means least, his luck. As Bunting points out, Hamilton Fish was reluctant to serve him as secretary of state, but Grant persisted, and he finally agreed; Fish's eight years on the job were, in Bunting's judgment, "superb." Grant was unlucky in some of his personal and political associations -- he possessed, Korda writes, a "natural inability to distinguish cheats, sharpers, thieves, and con artists from honest men" -- with the unhappy consequence that his presidency was afflicted with scandals. Bunting, who analyzes these far more thoroughly than Korda does, concludes that Grant was in no way "personally culpable in any of these episodes" but that "there remains an unavoidable impression of a certain moral obtuseness in Grant." This no doubt is accurate, as has been all too true of all too many other presidents before and since.
Both authors understand that Grant was admired and loved because he was American to the core. As president he was, in Korda's view, "the symbol of . . . America's military power, the integrity of its institutions, its basic decency and good intentions, and above all its rock-solid common sense." Bunting, writing about the two-year world tour that Grant took (accompanied by his beloved wife, Julia) at the end of his presidency, strikes a similar chord:
"On arrival in England he was saluted as an American hero and champion of the interests of working-class people everywhere; as a man who had saved the American union and been the instrument in the ending of chattel slavery. He was viewed also as a kind of American everyman: as the incarnation of the great democracy's virtues and its ingratiating foibles. . . . Grant [was] an authentic national hero, he had become a hero of a particular kind, one whose reputation transcended flaws and mistakes in judgment and failures as president."
As all of these quotations make plain, both authors see Grant in strikingly similar terms. There is one notable exception. Korda sees Grant as "no great enthusiast for attempts 'to enfranchise the Negro, in all his ignorance,' " and suggests that he was lukewarm about black rights and opportunities. Bunting argues quite to the contrary, that "after the war, during Reconstruction and in the eight years of his presidency, Grant's commitment to the freedom of black Americans . . . sustained his work to preserve these gains long after most citizens in the North had lost interest in them or had given in to an indulged exasperation with their costs and difficulties." Like most white Americans of his (or any other) day, he moved slowly to that view, but once there he embraced it wholly, becoming "the central force in the achievement of civil rights for blacks, the most stalwart and reliable among all American presidents for the next eighty years." The evidence leaves little doubt that Bunting is right.
The end of Grant's life was both sad and noble. An investment firm to which he had foolishly committed such fortune as he had was undone by its founder's dishonesty, and Grant was bankrupt. At about the same time he learned that he had terminal throat cancer. Desperate to assure Julia's financial security after his death, he overcame his qualms and agreed to write his memoirs. He completed them barely hours before his death, his final bequest to the country he had served so nobly: a literary masterpiece, two volumes in which the stamp of his greatness is on every page.
Copyright 2004, The Washington Post Co. All Rights Reserved.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
1A Son of the WestFor most of his life Ulysses S. Grant thought of himself as a westerner. He was a child of the great Valley of Democracy, born on April 27, 1822, a hundred yards from the north bank of the Ohio. The country thereabouts was less than a generation removed from raw frontier, Ohio having achieved statehood only nineteen years earlier, and the village of Point Pleasant, some twenty-five miles southeast of Cincinnati, was but a tiny huddle of cabins and rude frame houses. Ohio was the easternmost of the states being carved from the old Northwest Territory, but to New England and New York, to the original states of the Atlantic seaboard, it seemed still a remote West: raw and bountiful, unfettered, rich in possibility.Forty years later, in 1862, it was as a western general that Grant achieved the sudden celebrity that seems peculiarly American, after his victory and successful demand for an unconditional surrender at Fort Donelson--a Union triumph that thrilled the country and resuscitated its hopes and confidence; and, just two years after that, it was as the famous leader of the western armies that he was selected to command all Union forces. He was "brought east." The small vignette of Grant's arrival in the grand lobby of Willard's Hotel in Washington, in March 1864, is an enduring cameo of American popular history: the most famous man in the country, next to Abraham Lincoln himself, signing the register as "U.S. Grantand son, Galena, Ill.," a traveler so small and dusty that the clerk did not recognize him; an unpretentious guest who could not, it appeared, have cared less. No doubt, too, the instinctive rapport between Abraham Lincoln and his new lieutenant general owed much to their common heritage as westerners--as James Russell Lowell said of Lincoln, "out of the very earth, unancestried, unprivileged, unknown"--and was demonstrated most powerfully in their common understanding of the needs of the South in the days just before, and just after, Appomattox.Grant, it is true, was "ancestried" in a way that Lincoln was not. It was known that Matthew Grant had landed in Massachusetts Bay in 1630. But Grant's paternal forebears had been moving west for two centuries: from Plymouth, Massachusetts, to the Connecticut River valley, across New York State and Pennsylvania. Ulysses Grant's grandfather, Captain Noah Grant, had fought in the Revolution, lost his first wife, remarried, and moved to western Pennsylvania. Here he and Rachel built a cabin on the Monongahela River, not far from modern Pittsburgh. They raised a large family. Noah, by trade a cobbler and by character an idler, would soon move the family again: first to Fawcettstown, Ohio, on the Ohio River, thence to Deerfield in the Western Reserve.There is a homely story--such tales cannot be authenticated--that Noah's son Jesse, the father of Ulysses Grant, just shy of his sixth birthday, came upon his mother, who was alone and weeping. "George Washington is dead," Rachel told her son. "Is he any relation of yours?" the boy asked. This was in December 1799.Rachel died only three years later, and, in the unhappy practice of the time, the family was eventually broken up, the younger children distributed among relatives, and the eldest, Jesse included, put out to make their way on their own. Jesse was eleven.He made his way by mother wit and determination. In adolescence Jesse's was already an avid, ambitious personality, close to the caricature of frontier Americans already familiar to English and European visitors and readers. A modern student of the Ohio of this time notes that Americans were "fidgety and nervous when not doing something that might be called work." Jesse did odd jobs, wasa roustabout for three years until, by serendipity, he was hired by Judge and Mrs. George Tod to work on their farm near Youngstown. It was the making of him. He lived with the Tods for five years, growing into a young man of Gatsbyan ambition. The Tods lived comfortably and well; they read, they had nice things; they challenged, worked, educated, and inspired him. Jesse developed an unassuageable determination to become rich, to be Somebody. He read voraciously; he became a lifelong autodidact, a man of words and opinions of whom it might be said that "he never had an unuttered thought." But the boy of six who wondered whether his mother was related to George Washington would survive to see his own son twice inaugurated as president: and, at one of those inaugurals, compared to Washington himself.Jesse moved on. He learned and worked at the tanner's trade under his half brother Peter, in Maysville, Kentucky; later with an Ohio tanner, Owen Brown, and his son (Jesse's contemporary), the future abolitionist John Brown; finally as the young partner of another Ohioan, in Ravenna, John Wells. Tanning to contemporary ears connotes little; it is no more helpful to our sense of its contemporary importance and standing as the fact that Saint Paul's father was a tent maker. Tanning was in fact an enormously lucrative trade in the first half of the nineteenth century. The demand for leather and worked leather goods was huge. This was a business in which, by the standards of rural Ohio, an ambitious, smart man could grow rich. The famous Galena address (U.S. Grant, Galena, Ill.) owes entirely to Jesse's success as a tanner whose business eventually expanded from southern Ohio to northwestern Illinois.Jesse Grant was now twenty-three. Four years later, in June 1821, he married Hannah Simpson, the third of four children of another widower, John Simpson of Pennsylvania, who, like Captain Noah Grant, had remarried, moved west, lighting finally in Bethel, near Point Pleasant. Here he bought and worked a substantial farm, and here Jesse began his brief courtship of Hannah.She is variously described as calm, imperturbable, taciturn, "cleanly," quietly devout in her Methodism--a natural complement to her garrulous husband. It is fair to say that in temperament andpersonality, in what psychiatrists call affect, Ulysses became far more his mother's than his father's son.Hannah and Jesse would have six children, three girls and three boys, but Ulysses--the first--remained the apple of his father's eye for the first thirty years of his life, and, after a gap of several years, thereafter. He served partly as an engine of his father's ambition. Christened Hiram Ulysses (an uneasy burden at best, the "Ulysses" contracted to "Useless" during his boyhood), the son was raised in an atmosphere of easy discipline and devoted attention. Jesse always introduced or spoke of him as "my Ulysses." He doted on him. He communicated both to his son and to the town of Georgetown, the county seat to which the family moved in 1823, that he was, indeed, a child of singular gifts and destiny. The boy would succeed as Jesse was succeeding; he would be, he had to be, noticed and admired. Historians and biographers have imputed a variety of qualities of adult character to the nature of Ulysses Grant's boyhood, but their speculations often seem forced. What is known is that Jesse, a self-important bustler in a small town, bragged about Ulysses at every opportunity and was determined that he have every advantage. For her part, Hannah disbelieved in praise. She was undemonstrative in her affections; she was not a mother to whom the son could repair for understanding and compassionate counsel.Grant's boyhood was conventional for its time, punctuated by those kinds of events and experiences that childhood friends remember much later on, when their subject has become famous. He was taught at the local subscription school; in adolescence he was sent off for one-year terms at two nearby boarding schools, the latter to prepare him for possible attendance at West Point. He was an unremarkable student: diffident and inward, watchful, reluctant to speak up. The town saw him as bashful, inferring that, because he did not talk much, he wasn't particularly bright.He was drawn to experiences and work that challenged his practical ingenuity, such as contriving means of moving heavy rocks or logs needed for Jesse's tanning business (which the boy hated and which, no doubt, planted in him a lifetime's revulsion for the sights and smells of slaughter and blood). He evinced an early practicalhandiness--skill for doing, usually alone, practical things that needed to be done, taking particular pleasure in persevering until they were completed. It is not too much to argue that that quality in Grant which Lincoln most admired, and for which he was most constantly appreciative, was already visible in the boy of ten or twelve: that of not asking for help or advice, not freighting problems with imagined difficulties, but just doing them. Forty years on, when General George B. McClellan was demanding and pleading for more soldiers, Grant was asking simply, when do I start? "What I want is to advance."His own Memoirs provide testimony both ironic and genial.One of my superstitions has always been when I started to go anywhere, or to do anything, not to have to turn back until the thing intended was accomplished. I have frequently started to go places where I had never been to and to which I did not know the way, depending upon making inquiries on the road. And if I got past the place without knowing it, instead of turning back, I would go on until a road was found turning in the right direction, take that, and come in on the other side.Grant evinced an early love for horses that was as powerful as his revulsion from the smells and sights of the tannery. There are several recorded memories of prodigies of horsemanship and of a rare and visible ability--what today might be called horse whispering--to communicate with them. By fourteen Ulysses had established a livery service, owned and operated alone, in which the young driver would deliver passengers all over Ohio. Earlier--an incident at the very epicenter of Grant lore, adduced as an example of the boy's dullness and credulity--Ulysses had visited a Mr. Ralston to buy a horse he wanted. Jesse had authorized him to go as high as twenty-five dollars, but to try to get the animal for twenty. "Papa says I can go as high as twenty-five," the boy said to the owner, who promptly sold him the horse for twenty-five dollars. Grant historiography has generally been unkind to the child, locating flaws which will bloomgrossly in later, political, life. But the anecdote may also illustrate other qualities: bottom-line directness and fairness. Grant knew the horse's worth. Nonetheless, the story achieved a wide contemporary currency, generally parsed by resentful neighbors as an example of stupidity. It is one of a small family of such tales; together they limn a portrait of a shy youngster sometimes slow on the uptake, driven in each successive encounter more and more upon his own resources, slowly becoming reluctant to say anything, to disclose to any but his closest companions his feelings and thoughts. Perhaps, as Churchill noted of his own ancestor Marlborough, such slights and twinges of adversity in youth are needed to "evoke that ruthless fixity of purpose and tenacious motherwit without which great purposes are seldom accomplished."Several Brown County boys had already attended the United States Military Academy at West Point, and one of them, Bartlett Bailey, had attended and failed. A vacancy was thus created. Jesse applied on Ulysses's behalf, seeking the nomination from Congressman Thomas L. Hamer, a former friend whom politics had estranged--Jesse was a Whig, Hamer a Jacksonian Democrat. Hamer now obliged Jesse, in a hurried final act of the spring 1839 congressional session, sending forward the name (so he imagined it to be) "Ulysses Simpson Grant."The son knew what was coming. Over the previous Christmas holiday Jesse had told him, "Ulysses, I believe you are going to receive your appointment.""What appointment?""To West Point. I have applied for it.""But I won't go."In his Memoirs, Ulysses recalled, "He said he thought I would, and I thought so too, if he did."Had there been an A. N. Wyeth or a Norman Rockwell in 1839, he would surely have been drawn to the scene: the youth, tiny, barely five feet tall, as apprehensive as eager, standing at the end of the dock on the shore of the gleaming broad river, entering upon an adventure that must have seemed cosmic in its dimension. No ardent patriotism or military vocation had brought Ulysses Grantto this pass. His was an opportunity unsought, an obligation laid upon him by a father with whom it would never have occurred to him to argue. The boy was game; he was curious; he seemed marked already by an easy fatalism that predisposed him to make the best of what he had been given, without complaint or undue worry. These qualities had already placed him at the observant edge of things: he was a watcher, slow in passing judgment, comfortable in going his own way, already full of the quiet self-reliance that made him act rather than explain himself. Neighbors and, much later, historians might smile at his horse whisperings, at the homely anecdotes retrofitted to make him look simple. It was widely expected that he would fail at West Point.All his life, and in the 120 years since his death, friends, rivals and enemies, biographers, and historians have condescended to Ulysses Grant. At seventeen he already understood that he produced such an effect on smart people. Not for the last time, he struck out on his own.Copyright © 2004 by Josiah Bunting III All rights reserved.
Product details
- Publisher : Times Books
- Publication date : September 8, 2004
- Edition : First Edition
- Language : English
- Print length : 208 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0805069496
- ISBN-13 : 978-0805069495
- Item Weight : 11.2 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.62 x 8.5 inches
- Part of series : The American Presidents
- Best Sellers Rank: #332,733 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #474 in United States Executive Government
- #721 in US Presidents
- #1,771 in Political Leader Biographies
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- 5 out of 5 stars
Trusting to a fault
Reviewed in the United States on March 9, 2016Ulysses S. Grants is an enigma. He was a cheap drunk (one drink could make him tipsy), he couldn’t stand the sight of blood, he wasn’t boastful, and he rarely complained. He felt no compulsion to explain himself or justify his decisions, to the extent his positions were even known. He was not a commanding presence, but he understood how to get men to do what he wanted them to do. Like Abraham Lincoln, he had a small ego. Like George Washington, he was a superb horseman and fearless in battle. He possessed an uncanny ability to see through the chaos of the battlefield and make quick assessments of what was needed to win, or, as in the battle of Shiloh, save the day. He was a gifted communicator who wrote battlefield orders that were short, direct, and easily understood. Grant was our nation’s greatest general, but as president . . . well, historians have not been able to overlook the scandals that tainted his administration, and traditionally have underrated him as chief executive. That’s what makes Josiah Bunting III’s short (155 pages) book worth reading. He “gets” Grant, and illustrates a number of accomplishments that until recently have been downplayed and even overlooked.
In the 1850s, Grant had been far from an abolitionist, but like Lincoln he had moved slowly toward an understanding that slavery must be eliminated. As president, Grant’s sympathies leaned toward the radical camp, driven not so much by long-standing conviction as by a realization that without black suffrage there could be no serious hope for the restoration of political comity in the South. As president, he was a delegator, loyal to subordinates, slow to anger and only rarely given to censure, and reluctant to dismiss subordinates under almost any circumstance. As steadfast upholder of the Civil War’s final legacy during his term as president, Grant was the central force in the achievement of civil rights for blacks, the most stalwart and reliable among all presidents until Harry Truman. Working through his secretary of the interior, David Cox, and Ely Parker, himself a full-blooded Seneca, Grant oversaw a radical change in the treatment of American Indians. Successive annual messages left no doubt as to the sincerity of his commitment: “Wars of extermination are demoralizing and wicked. Our superiority should make us lenient toward the Indian. . . .” Grant’s peace policy was generally celebrated in the eastern press but deplored in the West and in Congress.
After a successful first term, Grant’s second term was blighted by scandal, none of his own creating. There were five scandals: the Credit Mobilier (which had nothing to do with Grant), the Sanborn Contracts (no criminal culpability was proved), the Back Pay Grab (Grant had done nothing wrong; but he had responded passively, accepting the bill as a fait accompli when he could and should have made it an issue), the Indian Trading Scandal (rather than force a scene with a colleague who he knew well, and liked, Grant shrugged, telling himself that at least the man was resigning and would be out of the way), and the Whiskey Ring (a case of unsubstantiated allegations involving bribes, federal revenue agents and the Treasury Department. It led nowhere and damaged the reputation of several Grant appointees, and ultimately Grant himself). Despite the absence of any proof that Grant was personally culpable in any of these scandals, the author states “there remains an unavoidable impression of a certain moral obtuseness in Grant: a solipsism. This is the way I am, those who work with me must be as loyal to me as I am to them, and they must be as immune to the attractions of money, ill-gotten money, as I am. . . . As for confronting an alleged miscreant among my close advisors, or addressing a large number of senior members of administration simply to put them on notice that I will not tolerate any deviation from the expectations of honorable conduct of the people’s business, that would be to insult their characters and threaten our common loyalty.” Commendable? Yes, but dangerously naive. As Ronald Reagan once said, trust but verify. But that was Grant, a man who could not say no to a friend, and not even a very good friend at that. Bottom line: I enjoyed the book. Five stars.
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CancelReport - 4 out of 5 stars
A very good, succinct bio of Grant
Reviewed in the United States on May 1, 2014This short bio of Grant by Josiah Bunting is a very good read which I recommend to anyone interested in Grant. I agree with many of the other reviews which cite this book as one of the better entries in the American Presidents Series (APS), edited by the late Arthur Schlesinger and Sean Wilentz.
Pros: Bunting's writing style is excellent - clear yet artful. I especially like his treatment of Grant's years at West Point (I think Bunting provides better insights in this regard than some of the larger Grant bios) and his pre-Civil War military career. Bunting's coverage of Grant's Civil War exploits and presidential years are adequate for a brief bio. Bunting adheres to the recent, positive (some might call it revisionist) view of Grant adopted by authors such as Jean Edward Smith and HW Brands, and rejects the negative treatment of William McFeely (although he does cite McFeely's bio in the book at least once).
Cons: It's a given that an entry in the (APS) will be brief and not provide the depth that many readers would seek in a biography. However, even with this premise, I found that Bunting's brief thumbnail sketches of the so-called scandals during Grant's presidential administrations were far too brief to really engage the reader or explain the gravity of the wrongdoing (whoever was ultimately resposible for it). Also, towards the end, Bunting relied too much on obscure words to make his points. Clarity wins over erudition in my book every time.
Overall, this is a quality short bio that would serve well as an introduction to Grant for those seeking to learn more and possibly move on to the larger bios and/or Grant's Memoirs.
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The series is a great way to get an overview of all our Presidents ...
Reviewed in the United States on September 20, 2014Well written short biography that serves the purpose of this Series on American Presidents edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger. The series is a great way to get an overview of all our Presidents in a relatively short period of time. I then often find myself seeking out more comprehensive and exhaustive biographies of various Presidents who particularly interest me. As one who reads a great deal of American history, I highly recommend the series for the reasons noted above.
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A bit too apologetic for me
Reviewed in the United States on October 5, 2012I just finished this book, and although I think the author meant well, I found this book to be too apologetic, or supportive of Grant.
The book is well written. There is a lot of detail leading up to Grant's presidency. Further, I enjoyed the book greatly. But, I thought the author spent far too much time trying to convince the reader that Grant was above reproach, that his flaws were exaggerated.
Historically, Grant has been accused of being a drunkard. The author glosses over this, and, other than a time that he was no longer in the military (before the Civil War) very little information is provided to show whether he was "drunk on the job" or not. It was almost as if the author believed not mentioning it would make us believe that he was not intoxicated often on the job. Frankly, it doesn't matter too much to me, he was successful in his leadership during the Civil War regardless. But it adds a layer of complexity to the man that I felt was just ignored in this book.
I thought the scandals of his presidency were given too little attention. Most of them were discarded in a couple of paragraphs, and frankly, I thought the accusations were hard to follow. Once again, it seems as if little attention or detail were given in the book, it was as if they didn't happen or had little credence. I just want to be informed with more detail about the accusations, and I will make the call whether I believe Grant was culpable or not.
Once again, lots of information. I felt like the sections on his Presidency, and his post-presidency, were a little short and lacking in detail. Still, I am just nitpicking.
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CancelReport - 5 out of 5 stars
The just do it General
Reviewed in the United States on December 14, 2013I learned so much about President (and General) Grant. A very simple man who changed the course of the.war between the states. Josiah Bunting explains the thought process of Grant. Grant was absolutely straight forward and honest, loyal to his friends to a fault.
He was determined to win the war quickly and without a chance for the South to rally and continue the fighting after the surrender, and follow the course Abraham Lincoln set prior to his death, to bring them back into the Union and retain their dignity.
I recommend this book to anyone who enjoys reading the in depth history of our Country.
Robert Boothby
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An attempt to re-evaluate the "butcher" and the "scandalmonger" as a great president...
Reviewed in the United States on May 17, 2020As wars have increasingly become less large scale in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, military commanders have also become somewhat less visible in the mainstream. World War II, the last massive conflict that engaged numerous superpowers, produced the United States' last armed forces commander to ascend to the presidency, Dwight Eisenhower. Presidencies that originate from military prowess have since become almost nonexistent. Politicians, lawyers and the wealthy now seem to predominantly occupy the nation's highest office. Today, minus a major victory in a suitably scaled war, a general would probably have a very hard time obtaining a presidential nomination from either dominant party. Opponents could easily criticize their lack of political experience. But Eisenhower didn't really have any. Neither did Ulysses S. Grant, who, like Eisenhower, attended West Point, won an impressive military victory and served two full presidential terms. If anyone protested whether Grant possessed adequate experience for the White House way back in 1868, those voices apparently didn't resonate and the Republican Party rode Grant's immense popularity all the way to controlling the Executive and Legislative branches. Grant's presidential predecessors on the battlefield included names such as George Washington, Andrew Jackson, William Henry Harrison and Zachary Taylor. Grant's legacy, despite leading the Union to victory in the Civil War, has remained fairly mixed, especially in regard to his eight years leading the United States. Critics have since pointed to his supposed drunkenness, his brutal "butchery," the high-profile scandals that rocked his second term and his "unpresidential" demeanor and appearance as evidence that he deserves a fairly low ranking among presidents. More recently, scholars have begun to reconsider the once heavily disparaged Grant presidency and have seen many positives missed or unappreciated by previous generations. The eighteenth volume of "The American Presidents Series" claims that historians since Grant's time have judged him harshly based on the actions of his colleagues, some of which he played no part in, and other criteria that conforms to late nineteenth century standards of leadership that seems less relevant today. In addition, Grant's actions toward and commitment to freed slaves and indigenous peoples now seem particularly humane for his time.
Though in the public eye for decades, Grant has apparently remained a mystery to scholars and biographers. He revealed little to nothing about his inner self and so the "real Grant" eluded many even in his own day. Given this, the book claims that the classic joke "who is buried is Grant's Tomb?" works on multiple levels. His turbulent life epitomized the now almost completely vanished ideal of an "average guy" rising to the highest echelons of American society. Born in 1822 in the then Ohio wilderness, Grant's ancestry in America extended back to 1630 and included a grandfather who fought in the Revolution. Grant's father found himself on his own at the extremely young age of 11 following his mother's death. A judge took his father in and provided support and education until he began a successful tannery business. An 1821 marriage produced the future general and president, Ulysses, who his father apparently doted on and bragged about endlessly. Many considered Grant a slow and shy child, but he established a livery business by age 14 and at 17 his father helped secure him an appointment at West Point. Many expected him to fail, but he managed to graduate 21st of 39. Soon after, he served in the Mexican War - which he later declared as "unjust" - with Zachary Taylor, who he admired, at Palo Alto and Monterrey and with Winfield Scott from Vera Cruz to Mexico City. Upon returning home in 1848, he married Julia Dent, the daughter of a slave owner. Apart from his first child, peace proved slightly boring as Grant found himself assigned to clerical work and then to the west coast in 1852. Sadly, his family couldn't join him and he began drinking after business failures, loneliness and boredom took their toll. Liquor led to his resignation from the Army in 1854. For the next few years he worked in leather goods in Galena, Illinois, farmed and even sold firewood in the streets of St. Louis. He voted for James Buchanan in 1856, pawned his gold watch for family Christmas presents in 1857 and in 1860, after not really getting anywhere, he moved the entire family to Galena to accept a job in the family leather store. Then everything changed.
The election of Abraham Lincoln threw the country into chaos and civil war. Due to his West Point and Mexican War experience, Grant became a local authority in Galena and he coordinated a group of volunteer soldiers, but didn't volunteer himself. Then in 1861 the governor of Illinois appointed him Colonel of the 21st regiment. After joining the war, his repeated successes allowed him to quickly become a Brigadier General. Victory at Fort Donelson brought him to Lincoln's attention and, just as quickly, he found himself a Major General. Shiloh proved a costly victory, some started calling Grant a "butcher," but Lincoln protested "I can't spare this man, he fights." Taking Vicksburg in 1863 sealed his reputation as a skilled general. When colleagues, likely out of jealousy or competitiveness, accused Grant of drunkenness, Lincoln sent an envoy to investigate, but the report back deemed Grant "consciously devoted to cause, not self." Further victories led to the ultimate promotion to Lieutenant General, a rank previously held only by George Washington. Grant's master plan proved successful and the Confederacy surrendered at Appomattox Court House on April 9, 1865 to extremely generous terms. The bloodbath ended and Grant instantly became a national hero, but at a cost. A potential assailant, possibly one of John Wilkes Booth's conspirators, apparently tried to enter Grant's private train car, but a conductor stopped him. A newly elected, and much more vengeful, Andrew Johnson became president upon Lincoln's murder. Grant had to threaten to resign to ensure that Johnson honored the terms of surrender. Johnson made his racist Reconstruction agenda very clear and he barely escaped conviction in an 1868 impeachment trial. By this point, Grant had become more of a radical Republican and the party saw him as a guaranteed win for the 1868 presidential election. It took only a single ballot at the Republican convention to secure Grant's nomination. He beat the Democratic candidate 214 electoral votes to 80, but with a margin of only 300,000 popular votes. He apparently reacted stoically to the news. Outside his house, he told supporters "the responsibilities of the position I feel, but accept them without fear."
For his cabinet, Grant seemed to chose the most "fit" people and not necessarily those most politically expedient. Congress didn't seem amused, especially when he didn't let members of his party vet his choices prior to submittal, but the press applauded his selections. Grant's laconic inaugural met with great acclaim. It called for universal suffrage, ratification of the fifteenth amendment, payment of obligations to the Native Americans and a healing restoration. Inevitably, office seekers hounded him, but Grant's appointment of his own father as a Kentucky postmaster raised some eyebrows. As did the administration's first scandal as partners Gould and Fisk attempted to corner the gold market by fixing prices with the help of Grant's brother in law. This insider trading scheme led to a stock market crash in 1869, but the affluent pair managed to avoid criminal charges. Grant's Secretary of State, Hamilton Fish, negotiated The Washington Treaty with Great Britain in 1871, which ordered Britain to pay reparations over their support of Confederate warships. Called "a landmark of western diplomacy," it vanquished the last serious diplomatic threat between the two countries. Reconstruction would prove far more difficult as the defeated South, probably feeling empowered by Johnson's conciliatory presidency, seemed fiercely unwilling to allow equal rights for freed blacks. The Ku Klux Klan initiated a reign of terror and hideous massacres of blacks throughout the South ensued. Grant had to juggle incompatible initiatives: protect freed blacks, appease the South and maintain the Republican party. Intimidation of voters and fraud in the 1870 elections prompted Grant to send troops to South Carolina. He then personally campaigned for anti-terror legislation to protect blacks in the South, which passed in 1871 and, after sending troops again, juries indicted over 3,000 Klansmen, which included numerous convictions. As a result, the book quotes a scholar who proclaimed the 1872 elections as "the fairest and most democratic presidential election in the South until 1968." Grant wanted to preserve the goals of the Civil War and the book even claims that "Grant was the central force in the achievement of civil rights for blacks, the most stalwart and reliable among all American presidents for the next 80 years." Frederick Douglass praised Grant's commitment to blacks and to Native Americans, saying "his moral courage surpassed that of his party." The book calls Grant's commitment to a fair Reconstruction "an underrated aspect" of his presidency.
In a time when many whites saw Native Americans as violent and brutal "savages," Grant wrote to his wife "they were the most harmless people you ever saw... the whole race would be harmless and peaceable if they were not put upon by whites." Massacres at Sand Creek in 1864, Washita in 1868 and Marias in 1870 brought tensions to outright hostility and when Madoc Indians killed a local agent in 1873, General Sherman said "you will be fully justified in their extermination." Grant held different views, progressive for the time: "a system which looks to the extinction of a race is too horrible for a nation to adopt without entailing upon itself the wrath of all Christendom." He thought that indigenous people should ultimately become farmers, a view no longer seen as enlightened today, as it didn't protect indigenous culture, but in contrast to other views of his time, Grant sounds like a lone beacon of humanity. In 1876, Little Bighorn and the killing of George Custer stoked vengeance in the white population and the tragic road to Wounded Knee began.
Many saw in Grant "an effacement of self in great missions" as well as a person who didn't seek self-promotion. Attempting to run a meritocracy, he tried unsuccessfully to reform the Civil Service in light of Johnson's egregious abuses. Despite increasing accusations of corruption, Grant won the 1872 election against "Liberal Republican" Horace Greeley with 56% of the popular vote. By Grant's second term, a culture of "money, possessions and power" had firmly taken hold and Grant found his administration jostled by numerous heavily publicized scandals. The book summarizes the major ones, including "The Credit Mobiler," "The Sanborn Contracts," "The Back Pay Grab," "The Indian Trading Scandal" and "The Whiskey Ring." Apparently, no evidence exists of Grant's personal involvement in any of these scandals, though some did involve his appointees, but many found him culpable by association. Others questioned how such a presumably "honest man" could not proactively root out such deep corruption within his own administration. A monstrous financial crisis and ensuing depression that began in 1873 certainly didn't help. Against furious pressure, Grant vetoed a bill to inflate the currency as a palliative in 1874 and Republicans lost their majority in the House. Support for Reconstruction disappeared, even in the North. In 1875, Grant announced that he would not seek a third term and Republicans nominated Rutherford Hayes for the 1876 election. Grant sent troops to South Carolina and Louisiana to protect voters from violence. He remained solemnly disinterested as "the Bargain of 1877" helped decide the direction forward should Hayes win the heavily contested election. He won by an agonizingly minuscule gap of 185 to 184 electoral votes.
Now out of politics, Grant and his family set out on a two year world voyage, including Europe, The Middle East, Russia, India, China and Japan. While in Venice, he made the famous quote: "a nice city, if they'd drain the streets." A popular newspaper column followed the family and Grant's reputation increased to the point of appearing on the 1880 Republican convention ballot, but the nomination went to James Garfield. Not sure what to do with himself, Grant dreaded returning home, so the family stopped by Mexico and Cuba to prolong the trip. Once home he found employment, but a large investment in his son's firm turned disastrous and ruined Grant financially. That same year he found out that he had cancer, likely from a lifetime of chain smoking cigars. Mark Twain encouraged Grant to write, made him a generous publishing offer, and Grant wrote his famous memoirs during the last year of his life, which ended on July 23, 1885.
Remembered mostly as "General Grant" in national memory for winning the Civil War, the book makes a decent argument that Grant's often dismissed presidency deserves a re-evaluation. Citing many nineteenth century critics, who found Grant's indifference toward pomp and "appropriate appearance" uncouth, the book finds that these writers damaged Grant's reputation because they expected such a "rough" person to act accordingly. As such, the scandals, the drunkenness and the butchery stuck while the selfless determination and the humanity moved more to the periphery. World War I and the Harding administration invited further comparisons to Grant's "scandalous" tenure, but in recent years scholars have examined Grant's presidency anew without the prejudices and hangups of his earlier critics. This book among them, they find surprisingly tolerant words and actions toward black and indigenous populations. They find a shocking selflessness and a will that leans heavily toward doing the right thing despite potential personal or political consequences. They do also find a presidency soiled with corruption and scandal, but also almost nothing of Grant's personal hand in these understandably maligned events, except possibly his inability to say "no" to a friend. This short volume in "The American Presidents Series" hopes that such efforts might turn Grant's presidency "from one of the worst to the best." It makes a good case by focusing on the often overlooked aspects of Grant's life and leadership. Perhaps history will soon repudiate this alleged "scandalmonger."
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CancelReport - 5 out of 5 stars
Informative
Reviewed in the United States on May 24, 2023A great historical read. I learned many things about Grant that have elevated my view of him. Totally unaware of his role in the Mexican War.
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Great Read!
Reviewed in the United States on March 6, 2013Grant was an amazing man. A great general. He was a great president as well. I never realized that he was as good of president as he was. I did not realize that he was quite sharp operating as president. Truly was an enjoyable, informative read!
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kemo5 out of 5 starsGreat service
Reviewed in Germany on July 1, 2015Great service. Speedy delivery and the book was in excellent shape. A good book to famailiarize yourself with one of America's great heroes.
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Robert T. Hoeckel4 out of 5 starsUlysses Grant
Reviewed in Germany on April 20, 2024very informative
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