ISLAM AND POLITICS

What Went Special With 82nd NU Anniversary?

On 31st January 2008, Nahdhatul Ulama (NU), the biggest Muslim organization in Indonesia will celebrate its 82nd birthday. In an e-mail sent to Komunitas Muda Nahdhatul Ulama (KMNU), a friend of mine asked why NU will celebrate its 82nd in a very peculiar manner.

This question appeared because in its peak celebration which will be held at Gelora Bung Karno on 3rd February, the organizer of this event claimed that it will be attended by more than 300 thousands of NU followers as reported by several media.

Although the question above seems to be a humorous question, for me, it should be taken seriously to be reflected. Why should number 82 be taken by NU as a very special celebration? Why not others? Don’t we usually celebrate a very special anniversary such as anniversary of wedding, anniversary of an influential figure or anniversary of institution when it turns 50, 70 or 100?

50th is usually celebrated as a golden year of an event. 70th is commonly held to celebrate a very special people who are successful in his life which is followed by publishing his/her memoir. And 100th is usually done to celebrate any centennial anniversaries.

At least two possible answers could be proposed which is related to the role of NU as a religious organization. First is NU role as a dakwah organization which intensively promotes cultural approaches in their dakwah. Second is a significant role of NU as a ‘political asset’ due to its huge number of followers in the country.

Role as Cultural Dakwah Machinery

A glorious celebration of NU anniversary by its follower around Indonesia during this month and its peak celebration in Gelora Bung Karno which will be attended by a huge NU followers, is of course not without reasons. It is not just for showing of their force indeed.

One of the objectives would be to show that NU who actively promotes cultural dakwah, cooperative with local culture, moderate in style and does not propose Islamic state in their dakwah, is still supported by huge followers of Indonesian Muslim. NU would like to show that this organization is still a mainstream of Indonesian Muslim. NU followers are still big, loyal and dominant. That is one of massages that can be shown to public by its special celebration.

It is currently well known that there are many movements both religious and political in Indonesia which could attract NU followers to turn away from NU. The khilafah (caliph) conference held by Hijbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) which promotes Islamic resurgence through khilafah, incessant approach of an Islamic party to NU followers, and appearance of ‘fake’ religious sects in Indonesia, are among problems that NU should deal with. NU who represents majority of Indonesian Muslim can not neglect these issues.

On 12th August 2007, HTI has successfully held its international conference called Konfrensi Khilafah International (KKI) which attended more than 100 thousands followers and sympathizers at Gelora Bung Karno. This event of course should become a concern of any religious organization in Indonesia, including NU, who against the idea of khilafah. Khilafah concept is totally in contrast with NU cultural dakwah approach which aggressively accommodate local culture and against an idea of Indonesian Islamic state.

Although the NU show of force is not specially proposed to compete with HTI followers who came to the same place last year, but at least the NU gathering, could be seen as a medium to show to the public that NU followers are also huge.

In his official instruction, Pengurus Besar Nahdhatul Ulama (PBNU) asked Pengurus Wilayah NU in Jakarta and West Java to mobilize NU followers to attend istighosah and ‘seruan moral’ (moral appeal), for Indonesian unity. This means that NU since its establishment is always concern with problems faced by the state particularly the problem of national unity and integrity. If Khilafah conference, appearance of radicalism, appearance of fake religious sects, is to be considered as a challenge for national unity, NU could be seen as a pioneer to counter this challenge.

Political Participation of NU

The second reason why NU shows its force could not be separated from the current high tension of Indonesian politics prior to 2009 election.

Although since the 27th Muktamar at Situbondo in 1984, NU has been instructed to return to 1926’s khittah that NU should not involve in real politics, the involvement of several NU leaders in real politics made people questioned whether NU has completely returned to 1926’s khittah. NU members who competed for regent, governor, and even presidential election are a proof of this argument.

The birth of Partai kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) which finally led Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) to become Indonesian president, and Hasym Muzadi (who at that time until present is still holding chairman of PBNU) run for vice president candidacy have strengthen an assumption that NU has never completely returned to its 1926’s khittah.

Muzady’s nomination for vice president in 2004election has been commonly assumed as a preliminary condition of unharmonious relation between Gus Dur and Muzadi and for a broader context between PBNU and PKB. Thus, how should we interpret a huge attendance of NU followers in Gelora Bung Karno in a context of an unharmonious relationship between PBNU and PKB?

Several arguments could be proposed as alternative answers. Firstly, a huge gathering of NU followers could be taken as a good momentum for NU to insist their position to completely return to 1926’s khittah. NU could state explicitly that they will be neutral in the coming 2009 election.

Secondly, a mobilization of huge NU followers to its anniversary event could also be seen as NU’s strategy to improve their political bargaining in order political parties in Indonesia see how potential NU followers are. If it is so for whose political advantages is this? Is this for PKB’s benefit who has nominated Gus Dur as a presidential candidate for 2009 election) or it is for elites of PBNU’s benefit to improve their bargaining position in order to be nominated as vice president or even president?

Thirdly, the 82nd anniversary could be taken as a good momentum for political reconciliation (islah) between PBNU and PKB leading figures. If this reconciliation happens, it is a great advantage for NU followers to actively participate in coming election. But the problem is could this islah become reality? Because on the one hand, it will imply that NU should totally turn away from 1926’s khittah and return to politic, and on the other hand, PKB should give political compensation for PBNU leaders. Don’t we see that PKB itself has not completely solved the problem of its internal conflict?

Finally, whatever a declaration will be made by NU in its peak 82nd anniversary, we hope that NU can clear up their position and orientation to whether it will completely return to 1926’s khittah or will struggle through political approach and totally involve in real politics. For NU’s future, it may be not an exaggerated if in this momentum NU also wisely sees NU younger leaders to actively involve in NU’s struggle. Young NU potential members like Ulil Abshar Abdalla, who is undertaking PhD in Harvard, Nadirsyah Hosen, two PhDs holder and teach in Australia and other potential younger NU members would be better if they are asked to more actively involve in NU’s activities. Happy Birthday NU!

posted by Alin at 10:48 AM | 5 comment(s)

My Article was Quoted by BBC

Mr Rudd is to become Australia's 26th prime minist

Papers mull Australia election 'quake'

Newspapers in the Asia-Pacific region have differing opinions over the election defeat of Australia's Prime Minister John Howard by his Labor opponent Kevin Rudd.

Much of the Australian press portray it as a watershed for the nation's politics, but media in other nations seem convinced it will be business as usual.

An earthquake has transformed the landscape: a new generation of Labor politicians has arisen to manage the national agenda, and the Liberal Party has collapsed into turmoil after the loss of power in every parliament in the land.

Australia's political landscape has changed utterly. The Howard era is over. Emphatically it is over.

Under Kevin Rudd, Australia must be more egalitarian and abandon the arrogance of being the US' sheriff in Asia-Pacific. Rudd must not maintain Howard's bossy style.

Howard's downfall has further confirmed the assumption that world politicians who follow US President George Bush's policy will collapse sooner or later. After the resignation of former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, now it is Howard's turn to fall. For Indonesia, it is hoped that the new Australian leader can build more equal and friendly bilateral relations.

Australia's diplomatic priorities will not change, and foreign policy priorities towards the US will not change... Rudd's 'China expertise' is the result of acquired learning and personal interest, and he is first of all an Australian citizen and second Australian prime minister.

For the full coverage of this news, please check it out.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7112792.stm

posted by Alin at 3:32 PM | 1 comment(s)

KELANTAN: AN OPEN POLITICAL UNIVERSITY

The title of this article is taken from the book written by Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, the spiritual leader of PAS (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party). This book consists of political thoughts of Nik Aziz during his campaign prior to 1995 Malaysian general elections. My reason to take it as a title for this article is because I agree with a reality of political atmosphere in Kelantan as a place for an open political education during my fieldwork in Kota Baru Kelantan.

Kelantan is the only state in Malaysia which up to present still under PAS control since 1990. Other two states which were under PAS’s control, Kedah and Terengganu are now under ruling party’s occupancy, United Malay’s National Organization (UMNO). Kelantan consists of two millions populations that are considered to be the second largest Malay population after Selangor. The people of Kelantan are commonly known as a frank, open minded and tenacious to the Islamic values.

These characteristics could be due to the fact that it is the only state in Malaysia which was never fully occupied by British colonial in the history. Thus their openness of thinking is very high compared to that of other states. Due to its openness, Kelantan was also well known as a state which has very dynamic political changes in the country. PAS and UMNO have been interchangeably ruled this state. In 1959-1974, Kelantan was ruled by PAS, then in 1974-1976 PAS and UMNO shared their power in Kelantan. From 1976-1978 PAS again took over to govern Kelantan from UMNO. But again in 1978-1990, for the second time UMNO ruled Kelantan. And since 1990 up to present, PAS has been holding Kelantan under his power.


PAS and an Open Political University

As an Islamic ruling party in Kelantan since 1990 up to present, PAS has been struggling to implement Islamic law not only in Kelantan but also in Malaysia as a whole.

With his political power in hand, PAS has struggled to implement Islamic sharia in Kelantan through their concept ‘Membangun Bersama Islam’. This concept has three fundamental pillars which are Ubudiyah, Masuliyah and Itqon. The concept of Ubudiyah means that for the PAS political elites, to govern Kelantan is considered to be as an arena to devote his live to the God’s will. While Mas’uliyah concept means that the government official in Kelantan should ready to take its responsibility in running government in front of people and God. And the concept of Itqon refers to the personal quality of government official in the state. Thus the government official should work hard and have a high integrity in serving the people. These three concepts have strengthening the assumption that PAS political elites have tried to implement Islamic values in their political life. Even, the symbols of Arabic culture are easily found in Kelantan. For example, it is easy to find banner or information board in the middle of Kota Bharu city written by Arabic letter or Arabic Jawi words. It seems that for PAS, Islamization could be started by Arabization.

As a state that has been struggling to implement Islamic values in every aspects of human life, Kelantan has tried to make itself as a model who applies Islamic values in economical, political, and social aspects.

In the political aspect, Kelantan tries to make its state as a place to provide political education for the people which are now commonly known as an open political university. Thus, it is very common to see the egalitarian relationship between political elites and their constituents in Kelantan. To facilitate political communication between the elites and grassroots constituents, Kelantan through PAS has a routine and a unique political-religious program. Every Friday morning, in front of PAS headquarter in the middle of Kota Baru, a large numbers of people consists of elderly, youth, children come to this place to listen to Islamic and political speeches of PAS spiritual leaders Nik Aziz. In this event, Nik Aziz delivers not only Islamic teachings but also current political issues in front of Khota Baru people. Every one can come to hear this speech whatever their ethnic, religions or political affiliation. This is not limited to only PAS members or constituents. This event could be seen as how political elites of PAS directly or indirectly build a political awareness of the people because every body can understand contemporary political development and issues in Malaysia. In this event the view of PAS on how they respond to the issues are openly displayed to the public.

Ruling governmental policies and critics from the PAS as an opposition party have been informed and provided to the public as well. Here the people can choose freely whichever the policy which will fit their political interest. In this forum, Kelantan people whatever religion, ethnic and their political affiliations are indirectly educated to have open minded in political choices. They will know what federal government policy on issues is and also understand how opposition responded to the issues. Thus, the people of Kelantan are provided by political alternatives and choices of political policies for their benefit.

Besides this forum above, the name of an open political university of Kelantan could be seen from the fact that almost every night in Kelantan, we can find political religious gathering held in an open field, from one place to another interchangeably. In this gathering, there are usually at least two or three speakers attended by huge Kelantan people. The first speaker usually delivers religious matters such as Quran and Hadith studies and followed by other speakers who discussed contemporary political issues both in local and federal government levels even international Islamic issues such as Palestine issue.

The above events are very unique because commonly political speech or gatherings are held during campaign period; but not for the case of Kelantan. According to PAS elites, this event should be held in Kelantan, besides to give political education for the people; PAS itself does not have sufficient both electronic and mass media to promote their programs and political policies. Although PAS has a news paper Harokah as a medium to promote their political activities, it is believed to be not enough to cover political issues in Malaysia because it is only allowed to be published fortnightly by the federal government.

Finally, the experience of PAS political communication could be seen as a model on how a party communicates with their constituents. Political information, programs and policies are importantly needed to be known by the constituents and party’s supporters. Not only during campaign periods prior to the election time, but also post elections. Programs, policies and activities of a party should be consistently and comprehensively known by the people in order to help people to easily choose the party that accommodate their political preferences. Kelantan and PAS experience hope could inspire political parties in any places, including Indonesia. Who will start to follow this style? Wallahu A’lam bi al-showab

posted by Alin at 2:32 PM | 0 comment(s)

Comparing the ideologies of the PKS and Malaysia's PAS

Ahmad Ali Nurdin, The Jakartapost, 28 November 2005

http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20051128.E02&irec=1

To compare two Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia, the PKS (Indonesia's Prosperous Justice Party), and PAS (Malaysia's Pan Islamic Party), is interesting. Several reasons can be put forward to justify such a comparison.

First, unlike radical groups that try to enforce Islamic law on the streets, both the PKS and PAS use the constitutional process and follow democracy's rules of the game by establishing Islamic political parties.

Second, the PKS and PAS have played significant roles in bringing about political change in both Indonesia and Malaysia. Although the PKS is a new party in Indonesia, many describe it as the most solid in Indonesia and as having a clean and well-organized image.

The newly established party gained only 1.4 percent of the vote and 7 seats in the House of Representatives in the 1999 general election (at that time it was still called the Justice Party). After it changed its name (as required by the legislation as it failed to win a minimum 2.5 percent of the vote) to the PKS, it won 7.3 percent of the votes and 45 seats in the House.

Meanwhile, PAS, an opposition party in Malaysia since its establishment in 1951, is powerful in Kelantan and Trengganu states. In the 1999 elections, PAS won state-level control of both Kelantan and Trengganu. However, it suffered from embarrassing losses in the 2004 election because of the popularity of Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Third, both the PKS and PAS are widely believed to be identical as Islamic parties that have an Islamic agenda as their objectives. However, are these parties' programs, strategies and their responses to Islam and the state all that similar?

From the historical perspective, one can argue that both parties have been influenced by Islamic movements in the Middle East, especially Egypt, as well as Pakistan. The ideological influence of the Ikhwanul Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood) movement led by Hasan al-Banna in Egypt can easily be found in both parties' strategies, programs and pronouncements.

For al-Banna, the founding father of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Muslim world's decline was symbolized by its acceptance of Western forms of government. Thus, he believed that Muslims should return to Islamic values. Returning to Islam implied the establishment of an Islamic state, according to al-Banna.

The tarbiyah (education) movement model, a cornerstone of the PKS, has been clearly influenced by the methods the Muslim Brotherhood used to recruit its members. According to al-Banna, the basic unit of his organization is the cell or "family". The main role of each family unit is tarbiyah (education) and dakwa (propagation). This tarbiyah model, popular among Muslim students in leading universities in Indonesia during the 1990s, has been adopted by the PKS to recruit its members.

The influence of Middle Eastern ideology is also found in the PAS. According to Safie Ibrahim in his book The Islamic Party of Malaysia: Its Formative Stages and Ideology (1981:74), PAS ideology has been heavily influenced by the Jamaati-Islami movement in Pakistan and the Ikhwanul Muslimin movement in Egypt.

However, although both the PKS and PAS share similar ideologies imported from the Brotherhood movement, they also have significant differences, particularly as regards their views on the Islamic state.

PAS positions itself as an opposition party and has often been oppressed by the government. Meanwhile, the PKS was established soon after the fall of Soeharto in 1998, which means that as a party it never experienced Soeharto's iron fist.

Looking at the current political platforms and objectives of the two parties, it is clear enough that they have different orientations as regards the relationship between Islam and the state.
On the one hand, PAS since its establishment has stated that establishing an Islamic state is its main objective. In Kelantan, we can see how Islamic law has been being enacted at the state level.

The PKS, on the other hand, has never clearly stated so far that its final objective is the establishment of an Indonesian Islamic State.

Thus, it is understandable that in the last two elections (1999 and 2004), as pointed out by Greg Fealy and Anthony Bubalo in their work Joining the Caravan?: The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia (2005:70), the PKS has emphasized the "secular" themes of fighting corruption, socioeconomic equality and the need for continued political reform instead of Islamic state issues.

However, this is not to say that PKS leaders have abandoned their earlier commitment to Islamist causes.

The question therefore arises: why do the PKS and PAS apparently have different orientations when both of them are strongly influenced by the Ikhwanul Muslimin movement, which clearly states that fighting for the establishment of the Islamic state is compulsory? It could be argued that it is the real socio-political situations prevailing in Indonesia and Malaysia respectively that lead to these different orientations.

As an established opposition party in a federal system, it is easier for PAS to fight for it objectives at the state level. If PAS becomes a successful ruling party at the state level, it will be easier for it to try to implement its concept of an Islamic state.

The PKS, on the other hand, is still struggling in Indonesia, which is a unitary rather than a federal state. Indonesia also has a presidential system. That is why the PKS is hesitant to proclaim itself an opposition party or to say that the establishment of an Islamic state is its main objective. We do not know what would happen if the PKS become the ruling party -- would an Indonesian Islamic state be its main goal?

Finally, it would be interesting if the parties were to hold discussions and share information on their respective ideologies and manifestos. Would it be possible for the PAS to follow and adopt the PKS strategy of attracting Muslim voters in Malaysia by emphasizing more secular issues? Or, conversely, could the PKS learn from the PAS experience in Kelantan and make itself even more acceptable to Indonesian Muslims (particularly hard-line Muslims), by proposing an Islamic State as its main objective?

The writer is a lecturer in the School of Theology at the Sunan Gunung Djati State Islamic University, Bandung.

posted by Alin at 2:37 PM | 2 comment(s)

Political Dilemma of PKS Prior to Cabinet Reshuffle

Statement made by Anis Matta Secretary General of PKS (Prosperous and Justice Party) that his party has been considering to withdraw its support from SBY government is interesting to be scrutinized.

Does PKS brave enough to do so and to clearly state its position as party opposition to the SBY-JK coalition? Or did the statement just a 'shock therapy' to increase party's bargaining position to ask more cabinet members if SBY truly reshuffled his cabinet post Iedul Fitri as commonly assumed by commentators?

This question is understandable due to at least two factors. Firstly, why does this issue put forward prior to cabinet reshuffle? And the second reason is why PKS brings up the issues but postponed its decision to be an opposition until the president officially announced the reshuffle? Yet, it seems to me that it is better for PKS to announce, as soon as possible, its position rather than waiting till the reshuffle has been done.


Political Calculation

At the political arena, it is natural that political party considers profit and cost. Thus, it is comprehensible if political elites of PKS have been calculating the benefits and costs before they make a final decision.

If finally PKS get out from the SBY-JK government, the party would get several political advantages.

Firstly, PKS would have munificent opportunity to criticize the government's policies particularly its policy which disadvantage grass root people. PKS, for example, would not have physiological burden to strictly criticize and reject government?s policy in rising up fuel price that make more poor people suffering. PKS can also unhesitatingly refuse an idea to increase parliament member?s salary and presidential budget that have become controversial issues.

Secondly, party's image as a clean and care party which always struggles for the grass root constituents could be maintained. The image of SBY-JK government which is very slow in handling corruptions and does not have 'a sense of crises' will not be addressed to PKS anymore. PKS will not be stigmatized as part of government partner who has lost ?sense of crises?.


Thirdly, if PKS bravely left government coalition, the party could avoid party?s internal conflict as commonly happen in other parties. Several parties? branches both in provincial and district level have encouraged the national party leaders to pull its support from the government coalition. Fail to accommodate grass root constituents? aspiration could lead to the party?s conflict.


Fourthly, stand back from the government coalition could avoid ?stigma? that PKS is similar with others party which commonly break their promise during campaign. Parties are commonly assumed to forget what they promise during election campaign.


I believe, of course, that parties? leaders are aware of these advantages. However, it seems that parties? elites still consider the costs and disadvantages if they totally stand back to become purely opposition party.

PKS seems to me that they do not want to lose their cadres to be actively involved in the government. They perceived that losing their cadres in the cabinet means lost their opportunity to promote their cadre in national level.

It could be also that the party?s leaders still calculate their political strategy for the 2009 general election. PKS should consider that if they pull out their support from SBY-JK government means that they automatically should pull Hidayat Nurwahid from the position of MPR leadership. It is commonly believed by the commentators that Nurwahid got his position due to ?political compensation? for PKS when they nominated Yudhoyono as president.

Push Nurwahid to resign, it means that PKS reduces his chance to be politically promoted for president in 2009. Thus, only PKS political leaders who know their political agenda and strategy whether they will become an opposition or still support SBY-JK government. It is really dilemma for them to decide particularly if they look at the future agenda for 2009 general election. Let?s wait and see which option PKS will take.

posted by Alin at 4:53 PM | 3 comment(s)