The subgrouping of the Semitic languages

References (144)

1. The history of Semitic classification is discussed by Hetzron (1974), Voigt (1987), and Rubio (2003).
2. Excellent synopses of Semitic subgrouping can be found in Faber (1997) and Huehnergard (1992a, 1995a), with Faber providing the most detailed discussion. Huehnergard (2004) presents the current scheme (and very valuable Proto-Semitic reconstructions), though specific discussion of classification is very brief.
3. Cf. Hetzron (1974, 1975, 1976). On Hetzron's contribution to the subgrouping of the Ethiopian languages, see below, Section 13.
4. The statement made by Lipinski (1997: 47) that 'this [East-West] conception can no more be sustained' would find very few adherents.
5. P. Haupt (1878) first recognized that the qatala past tense found in West Semitic was an innovation, and that the Akkadian prefixed past tense must be archaic. It was F. Hommel, however, who recognized the implications of this for the subgrouping of Semitic; cf. Hommel (1883: 63, 442; 1892: 92-97; 1926: 75 -82).
6. See my discussion elsewhere on the origins and development of the Semitic stative (Rubin 2005: 26-8).
7. For further on the innovations specific to East and West Semitic, see Huehnergard (2006). On the existence of the form iptaras in Eblaite, see Rubio (2006: 122).
8. Hetzron (1976: 105).
9. Cf. Pettinato (1975: 373 -74 = 1979: 16 -17), Dahood (1981). Still others have seen Eblaite as forming a distinct North Semitic branch. For example, Lipinski (1997: 50) groups Eblaite (which he terms 'Palaeosyrian') with Ugaritic and Amorite (the latter known only from proper names in Akkadian and Egyptian texts) as North Semitic.
10. On this conclusion, see Gelb (1981: 46 -52), Caplice (1981), Krebernik (1996), and the excellent recent studies of Rubio (2003, 2006) and Huehnergard (2006).
11. Huehnergard (2006: 4).
12. Cf. Huehnergard (2006: 4-5).
13. Cf. Dombrowski (1988), Krebernik (1996).
14. Cf. Reiner (1966: 21, 113 -14), Huehnergard and Woods (2004: 219). For some arguments supporting this conclusion, see Kienast (1981).
15. See the study of Hasselbach (2007).
16. Examples and discussion can be found in Aro (1955: 75 -8).
17. The Akkadian texts from El-Amarna (Egypt) are letters that originated in a variety of locales, most of which were Canaanite speaking areas (i.e. modern Israel and Lebanon).
18. For an example of an archaism in peripheral Akkadian, see Moran (1973). On Assyrianisms see Moran (1975) and the sources in the following note.
19. On issues pertaining to peripheral dialects, including their classification and divergent features, see Huehnergard (1989: 20, 271-84), Pentiuc (2001: 12).
20. Hetzron (1974, 1976). For Hetzron, Central Semitic included Aramaic, Arabic, and Canaanite. 21 On the development of the Central Semitic indicative, see Hamori (1973) and Rubin (2005: 146 -8).
21. The Afro-Asiastic background of this form was demonstrated by Rössler (1951 [= 2001: 341-56], 1981 [= 2001: 693 -72]) and Greenberg (1952), though both of these authors should be read with caution; see also Lipinski (1997: 339, 382-3). For the internal evidence, see Gensler (1997).
22. Faber (1990: 629, 1997: 8).
23. For a discussion of Ugaritic emphatics, see Tropper (2000: 96 -8).
24. See Steiner (1982) for discussion.
25. Faber (1991, 1997: 9). Strangely, Faber ignores the occurrence of bl 'without' in OSA. This fits with the presentation of Central Semitic in this article, but Faber herself (in these works, at least) does not classify OSA as Central Semitic.
26. Cf. the classic reference work of Nöldeke (1899: 17 = 1911: 621). Many modern scholars still use this evidence to promote this scenario, for example, Blau (1978), Diem (1980); see also Corriente (1996).
27. Christian (1919 -20).
28. Hetzron (1974, 1976).
29. See Zaborski (1991, 1994) for discussion of this ongoing debate.
30. Ratcliffe (1998a,b).
31. Ratcliffe (1998b: 122).
32. For an overview of the dialects and this system of division, see Fischer and Jastrow (1980: 20-38) and Versteegh (1997: 130 -72).
33. See the classic study of Blanc (1964).
34. There have been some more careful linguistic studies of dialect groups in recent years, but no comprehensive work. See Behnstedt and Woidich (2005) for an excellent overview. 36 It was Nöldeke (1904) who first made this clear. See the discussion in Borg (1978: 343 -7).
35. Macdonald (2000, 2004). Macdonald continues to use the older terms Thamudic B, C, D, and Southern Thamudic for those texts which are essentially unclassified.
36. See Rubin (2005: 65 -90) for a discussion of the forms of the articles and their origins.
37. The first three of these are also referred to as Sabaean, Minaean, and Qatabanian. Recently, South Arabian scholars have suggested replacing the names Minaic/Minaean with Madhabic; cf. Robin (1991: 98) and Macdonald (2000: 30). For an overview of the languages, see Robin (1991: 93 -100).
38. Beeston (1984: 1).
39. See the discussions in Beeston (1987) and Macdonald (2000: 30 -1).
40. Nebes (1994). Nebes also provides discussion of the history of the debate.
41. It should be noted that already Voigt (1987) argued for the inclusion the Sayhadic languages in the Central Semitic branch. 45 Although many scholars have made such a connection with accompanying doubts, for example, Huehnergard (1992a: 158, 1995a: 2120), Lipinski (1997: 81). Already Rabin (1963: 108 n. 1) recognized that the MSA languages do not descend from the OSA, but it was the short article of Porkhomovsky (1997) that has most influenced recent scholarship.
42. Cf. Huehnergard (1992a: 158; 2004: 142).
43. I transcribe here <š> and <s> in place of the traditional, but more cumbersome, <s 1 > and <s 3 >. It is not relevant for our purposes whether the symbols <š> and <s> accurately reflect the phonetics of Hadramitic. It is possible that <s 1 > and <s 3 > actually represent [s] and [ t s], which are their Proto-Semitic values.
44. Forms with asterisks in Qatabanic and Minaic are unattested, but are based on other attested forms of the pronoun, such as the suffixed forms.
45. The initial h of the Mehri 3ms form is derived from an earlier sibilant, just as the h's of Sabaic, Hebrew, and Arabic undoubtedly are.
46. Cf. the introduction of the feminine pronouns with initial sh-(she, scho, etc.) in Middle English dialects, replacing the inherited forms with initial h-, in order to remove ambiguity.
47. See Frantsouzoff (1997: 115 -17, 123). Frantsouzoff also suggests an additional morphological isogloss, but this is rather speculative, as it is based on a single Hadramitic form, of uncertain etymology.
48. A minority of scholars, most notably David Cohen and his students, have suggested that the MSA imperfective form (e.g. Mehri yekoteb) does in fact stem from yaqtulu, and not from the Proto-Semitic *yVqattVl; cf. Cohen (1974; 1984: 68-75);
49. Lonnet (2005: 187-8). See Goldenberg (1977: 475 -77, 1979) for an argument against this scenario.
50. Cf. the works of Cantineau (1932), Leslau (1943), Marrassini (1991), and Rodgers (1991), all of whom also group OSA (but not Arabic) with Ethiopic and MSA.
51. For this conclusion, see Porkhomovsky (1997). The data in Appleyard (1996) support this conclusion, though Appleyard himself seems to suggest otherwise. Against this conclusion, see Müller (1964).
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53. Cf. Simeone-Senelle (1997: 408-9). On this development in Mehri, see Rubin (2007b).
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