Thriftville-san,
Thank you for your post; I apologise to you for taking so long to respond. I needed to check a couple of details, where I was on not-so-sure ground, with a knowledgeable Japanese chum in Kobe. I'll try to answer your three questions ............
1. Ishihara-san and the LDP? This one is more than a bit complicated. I do not pretend to fully grasp it! As I understand it, yes, Ishihara-san was (repeat: was) a long standing LDP opinion-leader/former, sitting at the rightist side of the party; Ishihara-san and his "faction" were however, very much a minority within the LDP.
He effectively parted ways with the LDP when it was still Japanâs ruling party in the early 1990's; during this period, the LDP lost power and became Japanâs opposition. Some of the confusion regarding Ishihara-sanâs allegiances is down to the fact that a) his eldest son is the LDPâs Secretary General - in reality father and son are very different political animals, politically unrecognisable as father and son, and b) sometimes Ishihara-san still receives (visible or tacit) backing from the LDP. I do not pretend to fully understand this situation or to see much consistency in LDPâs approach â I sense it is one of those phenomena that can only happen within the opaque, intrigue-filled world of Japanese national politics. We should also bear in mind that the DPJ party, born in 1993, is a mix of former members of various political parties, i.e. including former LDP members. Wonderfully complex.
As another example of this wonderfully murky world, it is worth reviewing the recent history of Hashimoto-san, the very recently elected mayor of Osaka, whom I mentioned in a previous post. When Hashimoto-san ran for Osaka Governor in 2008, the LDP supported himâĶâĶâĶ but when he ran for Osaka Mayor earlier this month, both the LDP and the DPJ backed his rival â I donât believe this is because of any profound shifts in Hashimoto-sanâs policies, tactics or conduct, rather it is due to the profound instability, volatility and downright inconsistency of LDP and DPJ policies and tactics. It was interesting to see that after Hashimoto-san won the Osaka Mayor electoral race, both the LDP and the DPJ made overtures to him. My old Japanese chum believes that the fact Hashimoto-san had neither the support of the LDP or the DPJ was actually a strong factor in his favour.
2. Ownership of the Tokyo Grid. Yes, the electric grid system in Tokyo belongs to Tepco. So if the Tokyo Government does go ahead with developing a non-Tepco-owned power station, the electrons so generated by that plant can only get to their end consumers by means of transmission thru Tepcoâs grid. But regulation obliges Tepco to transmit these âthird partyâ electrons â the question is how much of a transmission tariff Tepco charges the power plant/producer. Tepco have used their grid position and the until-now relatively lax regulation of tariff levels to astutely suppress the growth aspirations of (competing) Independent Power Producers (IPPâs); this has in fact caused many IPPâs to withdraw from the industry in recent years. This has helped Tepcoâs share price âĶâĶ.until recently.
I say ârelatively laxâ regulation because it was largely left to Tepco to determine the transmission tariff (Tepco publicly deny this but the reality was clear for industry observers to see). Tepco has been very successful in executing its strategy of not killing-off IPP companies but at the same time constraining their growth - Tepco wanted such IPP companies to maintain a token share of the generating industry in Tokyo order to avoid public criticism of monopolistic conduct.
I say âuntil-nowâ and âuntil recentlyâ because, following the Fukishima debacle, Tepcoâs cost and tariff charging structures are now placed under considerably more scrutiny. It is now most likely that Tepco will no longer be able to manipulate tariff levels as they have in the past â as a result of an 11th March 2011 edict by the Kan Government, electricity generated by third parties will henceforth be transported at much lower cost (a so called âminimum cost priceâ) and tariff structures and levels will henceforth be much more transparent - this will benefit existing IPPâs and the power plant the Tokyo Government is now pushing for â this development can only be good for Tepcoâs competitors and bad for Tepcoâs competitive position, its bottom line and its share price . And, at the end of the day, Tepco will lose out if it gets involved in a public scrap with the Tokyo Governorâs office â they need to work with the Governor, not against him.
3. Will the Tokyo governor need to get an operating license from Japan's Central Government, in order to operate a utility company? Yes, the Tokyo Government would need that their new power plant secures an operating and other licenses - but this will not be an issue â the Central Government would be seen as dishonest and protecting and favouring a public pariah (i.e. Tepco) if it resisted this â a sure way to lose both credibility and votes. I sense that in the future we may see more IPP companies entering the Japanese electricity sector because their economics and growth prospects will look substantially better.
Coupled with the ongoing and potentially future (including as yet unknown and unquantified) liabilities that will confront Tepco, I hope the above gives a tad more explanation and âcolourâ for why I am still not buying Tepco stock at this stage. The implications of Fukushima go way beyond fixing the plant and addressing nuclear leakage related liabilities â many aspects of Tepcoâs wider business, including those that are nothing to do with Fukushima, are under threat.
Hope this gives some more insight. Its just my personal views. Best regards to you Thriftville.
Dommo (an almighty word).
Thank you for your post; I apologise to you for taking so long to respond. I needed to check a couple of details, where I was on not-so-sure ground, with a knowledgeable Japanese chum in Kobe. I'll try to answer your three questions ............
1. Ishihara-san and the LDP? This one is more than a bit complicated. I do not pretend to fully grasp it! As I understand it, yes, Ishihara-san was (repeat: was) a long standing LDP opinion-leader/former, sitting at the rightist side of the party; Ishihara-san and his "faction" were however, very much a minority within the LDP.
He effectively parted ways with the LDP when it was still Japanâs ruling party in the early 1990's; during this period, the LDP lost power and became Japanâs opposition. Some of the confusion regarding Ishihara-sanâs allegiances is down to the fact that a) his eldest son is the LDPâs Secretary General - in reality father and son are very different political animals, politically unrecognisable as father and son, and b) sometimes Ishihara-san still receives (visible or tacit) backing from the LDP. I do not pretend to fully understand this situation or to see much consistency in LDPâs approach â I sense it is one of those phenomena that can only happen within the opaque, intrigue-filled world of Japanese national politics. We should also bear in mind that the DPJ party, born in 1993, is a mix of former members of various political parties, i.e. including former LDP members. Wonderfully complex.
As another example of this wonderfully murky world, it is worth reviewing the recent history of Hashimoto-san, the very recently elected mayor of Osaka, whom I mentioned in a previous post. When Hashimoto-san ran for Osaka Governor in 2008, the LDP supported himâĶâĶâĶ but when he ran for Osaka Mayor earlier this month, both the LDP and the DPJ backed his rival â I donât believe this is because of any profound shifts in Hashimoto-sanâs policies, tactics or conduct, rather it is due to the profound instability, volatility and downright inconsistency of LDP and DPJ policies and tactics. It was interesting to see that after Hashimoto-san won the Osaka Mayor electoral race, both the LDP and the DPJ made overtures to him. My old Japanese chum believes that the fact Hashimoto-san had neither the support of the LDP or the DPJ was actually a strong factor in his favour.
2. Ownership of the Tokyo Grid. Yes, the electric grid system in Tokyo belongs to Tepco. So if the Tokyo Government does go ahead with developing a non-Tepco-owned power station, the electrons so generated by that plant can only get to their end consumers by means of transmission thru Tepcoâs grid. But regulation obliges Tepco to transmit these âthird partyâ electrons â the question is how much of a transmission tariff Tepco charges the power plant/producer. Tepco have used their grid position and the until-now relatively lax regulation of tariff levels to astutely suppress the growth aspirations of (competing) Independent Power Producers (IPPâs); this has in fact caused many IPPâs to withdraw from the industry in recent years. This has helped Tepcoâs share price âĶâĶ.until recently.
I say ârelatively laxâ regulation because it was largely left to Tepco to determine the transmission tariff (Tepco publicly deny this but the reality was clear for industry observers to see). Tepco has been very successful in executing its strategy of not killing-off IPP companies but at the same time constraining their growth - Tepco wanted such IPP companies to maintain a token share of the generating industry in Tokyo order to avoid public criticism of monopolistic conduct.
I say âuntil-nowâ and âuntil recentlyâ because, following the Fukishima debacle, Tepcoâs cost and tariff charging structures are now placed under considerably more scrutiny. It is now most likely that Tepco will no longer be able to manipulate tariff levels as they have in the past â as a result of an 11th March 2011 edict by the Kan Government, electricity generated by third parties will henceforth be transported at much lower cost (a so called âminimum cost priceâ) and tariff structures and levels will henceforth be much more transparent - this will benefit existing IPPâs and the power plant the Tokyo Government is now pushing for â this development can only be good for Tepcoâs competitors and bad for Tepcoâs competitive position, its bottom line and its share price . And, at the end of the day, Tepco will lose out if it gets involved in a public scrap with the Tokyo Governorâs office â they need to work with the Governor, not against him.
3. Will the Tokyo governor need to get an operating license from Japan's Central Government, in order to operate a utility company? Yes, the Tokyo Government would need that their new power plant secures an operating and other licenses - but this will not be an issue â the Central Government would be seen as dishonest and protecting and favouring a public pariah (i.e. Tepco) if it resisted this â a sure way to lose both credibility and votes. I sense that in the future we may see more IPP companies entering the Japanese electricity sector because their economics and growth prospects will look substantially better.
Coupled with the ongoing and potentially future (including as yet unknown and unquantified) liabilities that will confront Tepco, I hope the above gives a tad more explanation and âcolourâ for why I am still not buying Tepco stock at this stage. The implications of Fukushima go way beyond fixing the plant and addressing nuclear leakage related liabilities â many aspects of Tepcoâs wider business, including those that are nothing to do with Fukushima, are under threat.
Hope this gives some more insight. Its just my personal views. Best regards to you Thriftville.
Dommo (an almighty word).
(29-11-2011, 04:19 PM)Thriftville Wrote: Hey RBM,
Thank you very much for your valuable time to explain the political situation!
The Tokyo governor seems to have some power to go against the central government. Ishihara belongs to LDP, going against the central gov means that there're a lot of internal conflicts within the party?
The electric grid system belongs to Tepco. If Tokyo gov can produce electricity on their own, do they have to go through Tepco's distribution network?
Does Tokyo governor need to get license from central government, in order to operate a utility company?
Hope to hear your views! Thanks a lot!
RBM, Retired Botanic MatSalleh
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