Ϣ (typology) ȸ (universal) ˤĤˤƤ롥ȤäƤ⡤ζ٤ˤꡤŪ⤢СŪ뤤ϳΨŪ⤢ȽҤ٤ˤСˤϰۤʤΤΤ롥Ҳ𤹤ΤϡCrystal (85) ̤Ƥ3줾ּ¼ŪסַŪסִްŪפƤ
Substantive
Substantive universals comprise the set of categories that is needed in order to analyse a language, such as 'noun', 'question', 'first-person', 'antonym', and 'vowel'. Do all languages have nouns and vowels? The answer seems to be yes. But certain categories often thought of as universal turn out not to be so: not all languages have case endings, prepositions, or future tenses, for example, and there are several surprising limitations on the range of vowels and consonants that typically occur . . . . Analytical considerations must also be borne in mind. Do all languages have words? The answer depends on how the concept of 'word' is defined . . . .
Formal
Formal universals are a set of abstract conditions that govern the way in which a language analysis can be made --- the factors that have to be written into a grammar, if it is to account successfully for the way sentences work in a language. For example, because all languages make statements and ask related questions (such as The car is ready vs Is the car ready?), some means has to be found to show the relationship between such pairs. Most grammars derive question structures from statement structures by some kind of transformation (in the above example, 'Move the verb to the beginning of the sentence'). If it is claimed that such transformations are necessary in order to carry out the analysis of these (and other kinds of) structures, as one version of Chomskyan theory does, then they would be proposed as formal universals. Other cases include the kinds of rules used in a grammar, or the different levels recognized by a theory . . . .
Implicational
Implicational universals always take the form 'If X, then Y', their intention being to find constant relationships between two or more properties of language. For example, three of the universals proposed in a list of 45 by the American linguist Joseph Greenberg (1915--) are as follows:
Universal 17. With overwhelmingly more-than-chance frequency, languages with dominant order VSO [=Verb-Subject-Object] have the adjective after the noun.
Universal 31. If either the subject or object noun agrees with the verb in gender, then the adjective always agrees with the noun in gender.
Universal 43. If a language has gender categories in the noun, it has gender categories in the pronoun.
As is suggested by the phrasing, implicational statements have a statistical basis, and for this reason are sometimes referred to as 'statistical' universals . . . .
ʾ3θޤȤȼΤ褦ˤʤ
1. ¼Ū (Substantive universals): ̾졤ʸ;Ρ첻ʤɡʬϤɬפʴŪ (category) Τȡ٤Ƹ˶̤¸ߤǤ⤢Сֻ̤Τ褦ɬŪǤʤǤ⤢롥
2. Ū (Formal universals): ʸι¤뤿ɬפŪʾʸˡ§Τȡ㤨Сʿʸ鵿ʸؤѴ§ʤɤޤޤ졤ॹǤϡΤ褦ѷ§ϷŪȤư롥
3. ްŪ (Implicational universals): ֤⤷ X ʤ YפȤɽ蘆֤δطΤȡŪʷ˴ŤƤꡤ㤨 VSO θǤϷƻ줬̾θ뷹λŦʤ롥
Crystal, David. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. 2nd. Cambridge: CUP, 2003.
ε#5666. ˸ء ([2024-10-31-1]) κǸˡؤγʬϡָȤΥȥͥۤʤ鷡ʤƤȤ㤤ˤʤפȽҤ٤ (typology) ȸ (universal) θϡˡŪˤ礭ۤʤäƤ롥ԤϤʤ٤¿θĴưƱΤФơԤ϶üʾˤ1Τߤ椹лȼĥ뤫Crystal (85) "BREADTH OR DEPTH?" ꤹ1Ƥ롥
The distinction between typological and universalist approaches to language study is doubtless ultimately an arbitrary one; and both have considerable insights to offer. But the two approaches, as currently practised, differ greatly in their procedures. Typologists typically study a wide range of languages as part of their enquiry, and tend to make generalizations that deal with the more observable aspects of structure, such as word order, word classes, and types of sound. In contrast with the empirical breadth of such studies, universalists rely on in-depth studies of single languages, especially in the field of grammar --- English, in particular, is a common language of exemplification --- and tend to make generalizations about the more abstract, underlying properties of language.
This focus on single languages might at first seem strange. If we are searching for universals, then surely we need to study many languages? Chomsky argues, however, that there is no paradox. Because English is a human language, it must therefore incorporate all universal properties of language, as well as those individual features that make it specifically 'English'. One way of finding out about these properties, therefore, is the detailed study of single languages. The more languages we introduce into our enquiry, the more difficult it can become to see the central features behind the welter of individual difference.
On the other hand, it can be argued that the detailed study of single languages is inevitably going to produce a distorted picture. There are features of English, for example, that are not commonly met with in other languages, such as the use of only one inflectional ending in the present tense (third-person, as in she runs), or the absence of a second-person singular/plural distinction (cf. French tu/vous). Without a typological perspective, some say, it is not possible to anticipate the extent to which our sense of priorities will be upset. If languages were relatively homogeneous entities, like samples of iron ore, this would not be a problem. But, typologists argue, languages are unpredictably irregular and idiosyncratic. Under these circumstances, a focus on breadth, rather than depth, is desirable.
ʬˤäơȥͥǤʤΤΤ礭ۤʤ뤳Ȥǧ´ϤɤΥפǤ礦
Crystal, David. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. 2nd. Cambridge: CUP, 2003.
ε#5665. ηȸĬή ([2024-10-30-1]) (typology) γػˤ֤äϢ
ؤǤϡźνȶõߤʤƤ˸ؤؤϡȤ櫓ʬ˴ؿΤǡܤǤ롥븦ϡ塤õ롥̣Ǥϡ֤ˤäƽ֤ȶۤŪŪ뤤ϳΨŪõȤΤȤ⤤롥3ԤδطˤĤơCrystal (84) üŪʲɤǤߤ褦
The languages of the world present us with a vast array of structural similarities and differences. Why should this be so? One way of answering this question is to adopt a historical perspective, investigating the origins of language, and pointing to the importance of linguistic change . . . . An alternative approach is to make a detailed description of the similarities or differences, regardless of their historical antecedents, and proceed from there to generalize about the structure and function of human language.
There are two main ways of approaching this latter task. We might look for the structural features that all or most language have in common; or we might focus our attention on the features that differentiate them. In the former case, we are searching for language universals; in the latter case, we are involving ourselves in language typology. In principle, the two approaches are complementary, but sometimes they are associated with different theoretical conceptions of the nature of linguistic enquiry.
ɡȤΥȥͥۤʤ鷡ʤƤȤ㤤ˤʤΩ֤ΰ㤤Ϥ뤬ߤθήϤΤȻפ
Crystal, David. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. 2nd. Cambridge: CUP, 2003.
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