ǯؤDZѸ˥ߤôƤǯ٤Τ褦´ʸȤƿ͵Υơޤ롥Ѹ֤ο̸˴ؤ륮åפǤ롥ֿפȤȶʴؿѸʸκۤ뤳ȤΤǤơޤȤơŪʼפ롥Ը˭٤ʤˡꥸʥʸʤȤϷ褷ưפʤΤǤĤפ䤿ʤ
ɽ줿ֱѸƳ2021ΤΥƥĤϡο͵ΥơޤäΡȥֿС٤ˤʤäȤϤǤ롥¿ɼԤϤ˥ԥȤܸΡĿפϱѸǤ the green light бȤǤ롥浡Ƴˤ䡤դƤ (proverb) Ǥ The grass is always greener (on the other side of the fence). ٤μǤĤפˡġСbluegreen δطˤĤʬ䤹ƳƤƤ롥
γΥƥĤϻΥԥ졼θʤΤ嵭ƥǤƤθܤ뤳Ȥˤθζϡ¾ͤΤΤϼʬΤΤ褯ΤǤפȤȤܸǤϡۤˡ٤β֤֤פȤ٤̣פȤ⤢뤽ܸ٤μǤĤפϡѸ The grass is always greener (on the other side of the fence). ۤľƼ줿ΤǤꡤܸθǤϤʤ
ǤϡαѸΥ롼ĤϤɤˤ뤫ȤСOED ˤȰճȿ褦ǡФϥꥫѸ1897ǯ Grass is always greener ǤȤʸϤȡȤƥƥ fertilior seges est aliēnīs semper in agrīs ("the harvest is always more fruitful in another man's fields") ȤΤ뤽̤˸ȤΤŪʶǤ뤫顤ѸǤΥƥǤΤɤʬʤष grass green äƤդꡤʤȤˤϡѸ쥪ꥸʥȤäƤ褵
grass green ΰäȤΤϡƬ (alliteration) ǰƬˤƽҤ٤ΤǤ롥ޤThe grass is always greener. ϡ줤ʡּ嶯嶯嶯פ iambic ȤʤäƤ뤳ȤŦƤ䡤ƬƧǤȤΤ⤢̣Ǥ̯ʸǡ⤽ grass green ĸǡְġ (to grow) ̣ *ghrē- ̤Τ顤ƬҲƱȤäƶäȤǤϤʤThe grass grows green. Ȥʸϡäơ츻Ū˲᤹СְΤ褦˰ġפΤ褦ʥȡȥʸʤΤǤ롥
̸ϡ̸ؤǤ⽸Ū˰ƤץơޤǤ롥̸ܿ (Basic Color Terms) ˤĤƤϡ"bct" ΥΤĤȤ줿
ޤˡ浡ˤˤĤŪˡ21ɤɴʡΤΤϤޤۡ (p. 80) ѤƤؤäΤ
ǤϤƤο浡1868ǯɥˤǤο浡äܤǤϡ1919ǯϩ˼ưϤƤǤŵȤä浡ϡ1918ǯ˥˥塼衼ˤǤܤǤ1930ǯë˥ꥫ͢줿ΤȤ줿
ϢơפʻʸȤƾͺܸˡĿϤʤʤΤ٤Ƥޤ礦
21ɤɴʡΤΤϤޤۡ١شۡ2008ǯ
ͺܸˡĿϤʤʤΤ١ֽ2001ǯ
#2103. Basic Color Terms ([2015-01-29-1])#3153. Ѹˤˤ̸ܿȯŸ ([2017-12-14-1])#3154. Ѹ˾塤̸줬äƤͳ ([2017-12-15-1]) ǾҲ𤷤褦ˡ̸ܿ (Basic Color Term) ˴ؤ븦ϡBerlin and Kay λɷŪͤȯɽưʹߡȯŸƤ̸츦Ǥ The World Color Survey ΥȤϡϢʸǡؤΥޤΥĥƤ롥
̸츦ϡƤ Berlin and Kay ηǤ˴ؤ2ĤβڤŪǹԤʤƤ2ĤβȤϰʲΤΤǤʾ嵭HPˡ
(1) the existence of universal constraints on cross-language color naming, and
(2) the existence of a partially fixed evolutionary progression according to which languages gain color terms over time.
(1) Ͽ̸˴ؤ붦Ū餫ˤ(2) ̻ŪȯŸν뤳ȤǤ롥оȸؤˤط롥ܤݤˡˤĤƤϡStatistical tests of cross-language color naming Ƥ롥

Berlin, Brent and Paul Kay. Basic Color Terms. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 1969.
#2103. Basic Color Terms ([2015-01-29-1]) Ӻε#3153. Ѹˤˤ̸ܿȯŸ ([2017-12-14-1]) ǡ̸ܿ (Basic Colour Terms) ŪȯŸϩ˿줿ѸˤˤƤ⡤BCTs μϡŪȯŸϩͽ̤ۤνǡűѸ줫ѸءѸ줫Ѹؤ¤äƤơBCTs Τߤʤ餺 non-BCTs ȤȤˤμƤο̸äϲääΤ
Biggam (123--24) ˤСűѸ줫ѸˤƤäϡΥޥΥեѸ˵ȤBCTs ˴ؤƤСѸDzä줿bleu ϳΤ˥եͳbrun ϸűѸȤƤΤ Anglo-French brun ˤѤ줿Ȥ⤢äޤ硤ǻø ١٤礵űѸ BCCs ȰۤʤꡤѸˤȤ櫓Ż뤹 BCCs बƤΤϡ뻺ȵѾο˵ΤǤϤʤȤŦ⤢롥
The dominance of hue in certain ME terms, especially in BCTs, was at least encouraged by certain cultural innovations of the later Middle Ages such as banners, livery, and the display of heraldry on coats-of-arms, all of which encouraged the development and use of strong dyes and paints. (125)
ѸˤʤȡPURPLE, ORANGE, PINK BCCs ˲äꡤḽŪ11बФȤˤʤäλˤϤʳˤ⤪Ӥ non-BCTs и뤳Ȥˤʤä⡤μҲʸѲϢưƤȤ
From EModE onwards, the colour vocabulary of English increased enormously, as a glance at the HTOED colour categories reveals. Travellers to the New World discovered dyes such as logwood and some types of cochineal, while Renaissance artists experimented with pigments to introduce new effects to their paintings. Much later, synthetic dyes were introduced, beginning with so-called 'mauveine', a purple shade, in 1856. In the same century, the development of industrial processes capable of producing identical items which could only be distinguished by their colours encouraged the proliferation of colour terms to identify and market such products. The twentieth century saw the rise of the mass fashion industry with its regular announcements of 'this year's colours'. In periods like the 1960s, colour, especially vivid hues, seemed to dominate the cultural scene. All of these factors motivated the coining of new colour terms. The burgeoning of the interior décor industry, which has a never-ending supply of subtle mixes of hues and tones, also brought colour to the forefront of modern minds, resulting in a torrent of new colour words and phrases. It has been estimated that Modern British English has at least 8,000 colour terms . . . . (126)
Ѹο̸ˤ̤ơäȤѸ쳰̻ˤǤ롥
Kay, Christian and Kathryn Allan. English Historical Semantics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2015.
Biggam, C. P. "English Colour Terms: A Case Study." Chapter 7 of English Historical Semantics. Christian Kay and Kathryn Allan. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2015. 113--31.
#2103. Basic Color Terms ([2015-01-29-1]) Ǽ夲褦ˡˤ뿧̸ȯŸˤϡ褽ŪȤƻڤȹͤƤ롥Ѹο̸⡤ˤ̤ƤƻڤɤäȤǧƤ롥ޤǴŪѸǤ basic colour terms (BCTs) basic colour categories (BCCs) ǧƤChristian and Allan δѸ콸Ѥ (178)
basic colour categories (BCCs) are the principal divisions of the colour space which underlie the basic colour terms (BCTs) of a particular speech community. A BCC is an abstract concept which operates independently of things described by terms such as green or yellow. BCCs are presented in small capital letters, for example GREEN.
basic colour terms (BCTs) are the words which languages use to name basic colour categories. A BCT, such as green or yellow, is known to all members of a speech community and is used in a wide range of contexts. Other colour words in a language are called non-basic terms, for example sapphire, scarlet or auburn.
Biggam ˤȡѸ BCCs ȯãϰʲ̤Ǥ롥
OE: (1) WHITE/BRIGHT, (2) BLACK/DARK, (3) RED+ (4) YELLOW, (5) GREEN, (6) GREY
ME: (1) WHITE, (2) BLACK, (3) RED+, (4) YELLOW, (5) GREEN, (6) GREY, (7) BLUE, (8) BROWN
ModE: (1) WHITE, (2) BLACK, (3) RED, (4) YELLOW, (5) GREEN, (6) GREY, (7) BLUE, (8) BROWN, (9) PURPLE, (10) ORANGE, (11) PINK
BCTs ȯãϰʲ̤ꡥ
OE: hwit, blæc/(sweart), read, geolu, grene, græg
ME: whit, blak, red yelwe, grene, grei, bleu, broun
ModE: white, black, red, yellow, green, grey, blue, brown, purple, orange, pink
BCTs μϡűѸ6Ѹ8ͳơѸ11ؤƤȤˤʤ롥ηϩϡ[2015-01-29-1]οޤǼŪʡϩȤۤܽŤʤäƤ롥
Kay, Christian and Kathryn Allan. English Historical Semantics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2015.
Biggam, C. P. "English Colour Terms: A Case Study." Chapter 7 of English Historical Semantics. Christian Kay and Kathryn Allan. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2015. 113--31.
ܸˤϡֱפμ٤ʬƻؤä˭٤ˤꡤѸˤϡַפɽ魯줬ηƤΤμ˱ƻȤʬʡ#1894. Ѹ͡ʡַסܸ͡ʡֱס ([2014-07-04-1])#1868. Ѹ͡ʡַס ([2014-06-08-1]) ȡˡΤ褦äϡԥᥦդβ (sapir-whorf_hypothesis) ˴ؤȤợ⤿롥ºݤˤϡΤ褦ʻ㤬ɤƱμĥʸȸ̩ܤʴطٻΤʤΤΤȽǤ뤳ȤΤȤϡ#364. The Great Eskimo Vocabulary Hoax ([2010-04-26-1])#1337. ְñʸաס ([2012-12-24-1]) ʤɤεմƤ
Ǥ⡤μʹʹۤɤ⤷ȤΤ¤ǤꡤĤɤƤȻפäƤWardhaugh (234--35) ˡźθ줫λ㤬ƤΤǡʲ˰ѤƤ
If language A has a word for a particular concept, then that word makes it easier for speakers of language A to refer to that concept than speakers of language B who lack such a word and are forced to use a circumlocution. Moreover, it is actually easier for speakers of language A to perceive instances of the concept. If a language requires certain distinctions to be made because of its grammatical system, then the speakers of that language become conscious of the kinds of distinctions that must be referred to: for example, gender, time, number, and animacy. These kinds of distinctions may also have an effect on how speakers learn to deal with the world, i.e., they can have consequences for both cognitive and cultural development.
Data such as the following are sometimes cited in support of such claims. The Garo of Assam, India, have dozens of words for different types of baskets, rice, and ants. These are important items in their culture. However, they have no single-word equivalent to the English word ant. Ants are just too important to them to be referred to so casually. German has words like Gemütlichkeit, Weltanschauung, and Weihnachtsbaum; English has no exact equivalent of any one of them, Christmas tree being fairly close in the last case but still lacking the 'magical' German connotations. Both people and bulls have legs in English, but Spanish requires people to have piernas and bulls to have patas. Both people and horse eat in English but in German people essen and horses fressen. Bedouin Arabic has many words for different kinds of camels, just as the Trobriand Islanders of the Pacific have many words for different kinds of yams. Mithun . . . explains how in Yup'ik there is a rich vocabulary for kinds of seals. There are not only distinct words for different species of seals, such as maklak 'bearded seal,' but also terms for particular species at different times of life, such as amirkaq 'young bearded seal,' maklaaq 'bearded seal in its first year,' maklassuk 'bearded seal in its second year,' and qalriq 'large male bearded seal giving its mating call.' There are also terms for seals in different circumstances, such as ugtaq 'seal on an ice-floe' and puga 'surfaced seal.' The Navaho of the Southwest United States, the Shona of Zimbabwe, and the Hanunóo of the Philippines divide the color spectrum differently from each other in the distinctions they make, and English speakers divide it differently again. English has a general cover term animal for various kinds of creatures, but it lacks a term to cover both fruit and nuts; however, Chinese does have such a cover term. French conscience is both English conscience and consciousness. Both German and French have two pronouns corresponding to you, a singular and a plural. Japanese, on the other hand, has an extensive system of honorifics. The equivalent of English stone has a gender in French and German, and the various words must always be either singular or plural in French, German, and English. In Chinese, however, number is expressed only if it is somehow relevant. The Kwakiutl of British Columbia must also indicate whether the stone is visible or not to the speaker at the time of speaking, as well as its position relative to one or another of the speaker, the listener, or possible third party.
֤Ǹΰ̣ʬƤˡۤʤäƤ㤫Ϥޤꡤ;Τʤɤʸˡ (category) κۤ㡤ƷɸηϤΤ褦ʼҲŪʹܤ˴ؤޤǵƤ롥ԥᥦդβƹͤǤΡäμˤʤ
Wardhaugh, Ronald. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 6th ed. Malden: Blackwell, 2010.
#2101. Williams ΰ̣Ѳ ([2015-01-27-1]) Ǹڤ褦ˡˡ§̣̾ͤѲΥѥȤΤϤۤȤȯƤʤ˶ŤΤȤƵΤ#1756. ̣Ѳˡ§餷Ρ ([2014-02-16-1]) Ρ®ע֤ˡפ䡤#1759. synaesthesia ([2014-02-19-1]) 䡤εǿ줿 Basic Color Terms (BCTs; ̸ܿ) ˴ؤϡBCTs Ūʸ˾Ƥ롥
Berlin and Kay BCTs θϡŪˡΤˤꡤ̣ (linguistic_relativism)ءǧβʳؤʤɤδϢʬ礭ʾͿƤȽˤ⤵餵ƤϤߤ̣ʬǤְ㤤ʤƶϤΤ븦1ĤȤƿƤ롥̣Ѳˡ§Ȥ Berlin and Kay ȯȡοޤ롥

οޤϡΤˤ뿧̸ȯŸƻڤɽȤ롥̻ŪˤߤȯŸIVIIʳˤɤΤȤ졤Ūˤߤй⼡ʳ㼡ʳްդΤȲᤵ롥Ūˤϡ٤Ƥθ줬 black white Ūʿ̸2ͭ롥⤷̸줬3줢ʤСɲäΤɬ red θǤ롥ʳIIIIVؤǽ뤬green yellow ˲ä롥ʳV blue ʳVI brown νɲäȡǸʳVII4Τ줫ޤäʤ̸äɲä롥ĤޤꡤŪ BCTs ϰʾ11ƥǤꡤ줬νȯãȤΤ Berlin and Kay ȯιҤ
⤷줬¤ǤСǧθŪʴؤδͿȤʤꡤʸ˰¸ʤϤʰ̣Ūˡ§פȸƤǤ٤ʾ塤Williams (208--09) ȤƼɮ
Berlin, Brent and Paul Kay. Basic Color Terms. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 1969.
Williams, Joseph M. Origins of the English Language: A Social and Linguistic History. New York: Free P, 1975.
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