ǯؽѳϤᶵ顤ʡ㡤šʸưʤɤθǡ֥ȥʳưˡפȤʸˤ˼ˤ褦ˤʤä伫ȤѸˤưhel (helkatsu) ŸʤǡΥȥȤǰռ褦ˤʤäƤܥ֥Ǥ#6161. ɾ٤ý֥ȥư¿ͤʸפɤǡ ([2026-03-10-1]) ʤɤǴϢ˴ؿƤ
⤽ñ outreach ȤϲʤΤϤñΰ̣Ѳ (semantic_change) ʻž (conversion) ˤ֤äƤߤ
ưȤƤ outreach ˤϸŤűѸˤޤ̤롥Ƭ out- ˴ư reach 礷ΤǡƸűѸ餷ŵŪʣǤ롥ȤƤϡϤפϤޤꡤĶ롤俭סˤϡּϤ롤ФפؤȯŸŪˡּ٤פȤ˻äʤѸˤϡưȤƤ reach out ƱͤŪʸǤλѤ褦ˤʤ롥
ʻžˤäޤ줿̾ȤƤˡϡư٤ȤȿΤǤ롥OED (Oxford English Dictionary) ˤȡ̾ˡν1835ǯΤȤ̾ȤƤθιưȯŸϩȤ͵ˤƤꡤȤϤ餫ϤϰϡפȤʪŪʸ顤Ūʡּ٤뤳ȡפ˻ޤạ̇̄ѤƤ
䤿Ρ֥ȥפ˶ᤤ᤹ܶΤϡ19ΤȤǤ롥1899ǯʹߡ֤ȿٱ䶵Τˡ뤤ϼŪ뤿ˡΤʤ͡˸ƯưפȤüʸȯŸƤOED 곺Ƥߤ褦
2.b. spec. The activity of an organization in making contact and fostering relations with people unconnected with it, esp. for the purpose of support or education and for increasing awareness of the organization's aims or message; the fact or extent of this activity. (1899--)
ơ20ˡʡ㡦šȤäʬǤΡּ٤פθ夷ƻŪˤѤ졤outreach programs, a YMCA outreach worker, outreach effort, outreach activity ʤɤɽ褦ˤʤä
ܸˤ륫ʸΡ֥ȥʳưˡפϡѸˤƸȯŪȯã̾졦ƻθǯˤʤäƼѤΤǤ롥θ촶ȤƤϡظѸδμ2008٤β⤬ͤˤʤ롥Ǥϡʡ㥵ӥǵ̾θ٤ĶƼΤ٤褦ȤưפƤ롥ȥưܼϼѶˤȤȤ
äƤߤСïŪ˵Ƥ⤤ʤΤˡȤӱۤƹԤʤưפǤꡤˤäƤϰΡ֤פ˶ᤤʤäƤȤͤ롥뤤ϡɵᤷʤȲȤ뤫⤷ʤ
ĤΰˤȤɤޤ餺ޤβͤΤʤ͡˸ѶŪ˼ФƤȤȤƤ֥ȥפȤγ˿ʤΤȲᤷƤ롥̣ѲˤˡιɤäƤߤȡñسԤ˸Ƥ롥
ε#6317. ֽءפιۡ ([2026-08-13-1]) ǡֽءפʤΤۡʤȤʳʤΤǡۡסˤƤߤȤɤޤ줿Ų̾ꡤؤ Dimitrios Meletis Ȥ긦ԤΤȤƤgrapholinguistics ʤޤˡֽءפΡˤƤ븦ԤǤ롥
Meletis ζӰ¤ꡤǽŪʴۤ뤳Ȥ˴ؿ褦ϤäȹդμҲءˤܤƤ롥ޤǧοŪʴοʹ֤μǽϤ˴ؤƶ䡤ΤĵʤɤμҲŪͤ˴ؤȥԥåθڤ⤢롥ΤȤƽŪ˰ΰǰƬˤƤ褦ˤȤäƿɽ꤬Ǥ꤬Ȥޤˡ
(writing) ˴ؤ븦ϡޤǤ⤿ǤƤΤϻ¤Ǥ롥ȥ븡СνʪäƤ롥ؤˤˤơ1ĤγΰȤƹۤ褦ȤưޤäȤϤʤäΤǤϤʤ
̤ϤƤ뤳ȤƤäˤϡ2018ǯ˴Ԥ줿˸ء١īҽŹˤνǴǤ⤿ؤˤäˤʤäΤʤǻ2ʬôƤΤ1Ĥ5ϡֽηϤפǡѸνηϤˤоȤʤ鼹ɮƤΤähellog β#3283. ˸ءīоȸإȯŸԡϤǤޤ ([2018-04-23-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿

ԡˡ˸ءīоȸإȯŸԡ3īҽŹ2018ǯ
δ졡5ϡηϤ ԡˡ˸ءīоȸإȯŸԡ3īҽŹ2018ǯ89--105ǡ
5ΤȤפФʤ顤ΤȤ˻ĤˡεƤ롥37ȥꥢǮԻԥںߤƤȤˡǮīˤդ1ĤΥǥߤäƤֽء (linguistics_of_writing) ιۤ
ؤʬϡȤ뵬ϤƤʸ˻ĤƤѸоݤȤѸʸؤ˷ȤäƤԤȤơդ˸줷Ωˤ뤳ȤϼǧĤġƤΤȤĥθؤϤֲء (linguistics_of_speech) äΤǤϤʤȤݤǤ䤤ľǤ롥
ʸդθϤ¸ߤƤɤ⡤ϲŪʤˤʤȰ֤ŤΤŪäȤäƤ褤ϽΤޤޡΩηϤȤɬפΤǤϤʤʸפʤɤȤθƤǤϡܼŪʼСʤֽءפ餤礭ʥ٥뤬ɬפʤΤǤϤʤȹͤƤ롥
줬ĴİФ˰¸ΤФϱɮȻФ˰¸롥ɽʸηϤʤɡˤϲ˰¸¦̤⤢뤱ɤ⡤§ȤΩƥȹͤȤвбʤۻƼﵭ桤ˡλŪθ¸ߤ뤷ȼϰ衦νѰۡˤ¸ߤ롥ˤäƤϡˤ벻ǤбΤϲʤΤȥбΤ⤷ʤä̯ʤΤΤ褦ʵ⤹롥
ؤۤ礭ȤʤΤκŪ°Ȥ2ʬ (double_articulation) θءʡءˤǤϡ̣⤿ʤǡ2ʬˤ礷ợķǡ1ʬˤȤ2ʬθθŪħǤȤƤϥե٥åʸ˴ƤɽʸƳΡֲءŪʸˤʤΤǤϤʤ
ɽǡɽŪʸηϤǤ˹ͤƤߤ褦ݷʸػʸˤϡǤ褦ʡְ̣⤿ʤǡפƤʤ褦˻פ롥ĤޤꡤǤ2ʬθƤϤޤʤǡʸʸͤȡʤɤιǤǽƤ롥ʸˤϲǤʤְ̡̣ǡפȤ2ʬʸǤϰ̣ǡ¾ŪǤȤƵǽƤ롥
Τ褦ˤߤƤȡˤ2ʬɬܤǤϤʤΤΡ2ʬǤƳ뤳ȤȤ߹碌αѲǽȯŪ˹롤ۤɤª֤¨Ƥȸɽʤ뤤ɽǡˤä˿ؤʸΥץϡؤ̤Τ˴˾ꤽȴƤ롥
ʤʸȯˤˤưȤΤñˡϿƻפФǤϤʤȤϰۤʤ븶ưֿ2θפΤȯǤϤʤȻϹͤϤƤ롥
ܤνդˤˤʸѤ diglossiaʻѡˤȤªľȤ䡤ܸˤ¸졦졦ʸȤʬɥåȤƲ᤹⡤ؤȤߤ褦˻פ塤ؤμæѤΩηϤȤƤΡֽءפۤƤȹͤƤ롥ˤǡȤͯŪʥǥ5ۤޤƤ补
ε ([2026-08-04-1]) ͽ𤷤̤ꡤ5ˤ錄ꡤرѸˤDz ʸˡ --- ʤ֣ñ sפĤΤNHKǿˤδԤ˴ƹԤʤäȥ3ñ sפ˴ؤϢܤϤޤ
1Ȥʤ뺣ϡ䤿عʸˡΤ褦˽3ñפȤʸˡѸ줽ΤΤƹͤƤߤȻפޤ
1. 䤦٤ϡ֤ʤ3ñʳˤϲĤʤΤ
Ѹؤֺݡï⤬٤ϡ֤ʤưˤ虜虜 3ñ s ĤΤפȤޤѸˤλ鸫С¤䤦٤䤤ȿžޤ䤦٤ϡ֤ʤ3ñʳˤϲĤʤΤפʤΤǤ
űѸλˤϡ1;Τˤ2;ΤˤۤʤưζդޤˤβǤθȾüƤʤǡ3;ΡñߡפζޤΤߤݻ³ --- ѸˤˤƤϡ䤤ΩžפȤʤޤ
2. ϡ3ñľ s
Ȥǡ䤿ƤǤ3;ΡñߡפȤǤ̩ʸˡҤȤƤϼ¤ϤǤޤ㤨СʸƤߤޤ礦
God save the king. ʹС
ʸμ God Ǥ3;ΡñפǤָߡפؤƤªƤ褤Ǥư -s ϤĤƤޤʤʤ顤ʸϲˡǤ
Ĥޤꡤ-s 뤿ˤϡˡľˡǤ뤳ȡפȤդäʤФʤޤʸˡѸȤΤʤС3;Ρñߡľˡ sסάơ3ñľ sפȸƤ֤٤ʤΤǤ3ñ sפϸϤ̤ɤΤΡ̩˸ڤȴƤ郎뤳Ȥ˵Ťޤ
3. ʤˡǤ s ĤʤΤ
ǤϡʤˡǤ 3ñǤäƤ -s ĤʤΤǤ礦ˤűѸ̤äƤߤޤ礦
űѸˤơˡ³ˡȤƤФޤˤζηϤľˡȤ礭ۤʤäƤޤˡǤϻˤ餺ñǤаΧ -e ʣǤ -e(n) Ĥޤ㤨СűѸ leornian ʸѸ learnˤγѤȡ3;Ρñߡˡη leornie ǤꡤȤ -s Τˤζ þˤФ;ϤϤʤäΤǤ
θűѸβˡñ -e ˲Ѳˤäƾü̡Ѹβˡ߷ϡưθƱפȤƻĤ뤳Ȥˤʤޤ
4. ⤽ֿ;ΡסֿסֻפȤϲ
3ñֿ;ΡסֿסֻפȤäǤϡؤǤϡʸˡơ (category) ȸƤФޤϳƸͭΡ֤ס뤤Ϥθ줬ɤΤ褦ڤäƤ뤫ȤѤȿǤ֤Ǥ
ڡ; (person)
ѸѸǿ;Τñ person Ǥ顤ǰȤƤϡ֤ɤʿͤפȤñʶʬˤޤѸηϤϡֻȢ1;Ρˡ֤ʤȢ2;ΡˡƤʳΡ֤¾Ȣ3;ΡˤȤ3ĤΰʬषƤޤ
ڡ (number)
ѸϿΤ̾ˤĤơñʣʸˡŪ뤳ȤǤ̾ˤñʣ̤ʸ䤹ȤƤ⡤̾Թ礬ưθʶޡˤˤޤȵڤο˱ưηѤȤϡѸΡֿפؤ¡ʤ̤Ƥޤ
ڡ (tense)
ֻפȤϡ¤Ρֻ֡פΤΤǤϤʤִط첽뤿ʸˡ٤ǤѸưζηϤˤơư켫ΤηѲľɽǤϡָ߷פȡֲפ2Ĥޤ̤λ֤ɽݤˤ will be going to ʤɤνư䱪ŪɽźɬפʤɡѸληϤоΤι¤äƤޤ
Τ褦ˡʲʤŵ3ñ sפ⡤ʸˡƤλѸˤ̻ŪۤƤȤǡѸȤ줬ηѲΥʥߥबƤޤ
ϡư can s Ĥʤͳ䡤says/has/does ʤɤԵ§ʲѲ̾ʣ -s ȤδطˤĤƹͻƤޤ
δ رѸˤDz ʸˡ --- ʤ֣ñ sפĤΤ NHKǡNHKǿӡ2026ǯ
#6207. Ѹˤ Scots ֥åĸפν ([2026-04-25-1]) Ǥ⾯ˤɸ Scots Scottish English Ѹ졦ǰζ̤ϡ䤳ζ̤ˤϡޤѼˤؤФʤФʤʤ
Ūħ˾Ȥ餷2ĤѼ郎ۤʤΤǤ롤ȵ뤳ȤϤٲǽߤƤƶͿäƤаޤ⤢ꡤɬ⤭줤˶̤Ǥ櫓ǤϤʤषѼ郎֤ƤҲŪʸ̮ȤơĤޤɸ̵ͭäդȽդΥǥΰ㤤üԤΥǥƥƥʤɤװȤơ2ĤѼ郎̤ƤΤȤªۤŬڤ
MaClure (23) ϡåȥɤˤѸ⤹ʸϤƬǡ2ĤζʬΤ褦ƳƤ롥
Insular West Germanic speech was first established in what is now Scotland in the sixth century. Two phases are clearly identifiable in its history: the first includes the emergence of a distinctively Scottish form, developing independently of the Northern dialect of England though like it derived from Northumbrian Old English, and its attainment to the rank of official language in an autonomous nation-state; and the second, the gradual adoption in Scotland of a written, and subsequently also a spoken, form approximating to those of the English metropolis, with consequent loss of status of the previously existing Scottish tongue. In the course of the linguistic history of Scotland, that is, first one and then two speech forms, both descended from Old English, have been used within the national boundaries. For convenience we will choose to designate the first Scots and the second Scottish English. This situation has no exact parallel in the English-speaking world.
Ǹ˻ŦƤ̤ꡤűѸͳ褹2ĤѼ郎ޤ¤ΩäƻȤ³ƤˤϰϡõƤۤˤʤѸ (world_englishes) 줿ˤͤȤåȥɤüʻƤΤǤ롥
McClure, J. Derrick. "English in Scotland." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 5. Ed. Burchfield R. Cambridge: CUP, 1994. 23--93.

嵭ϡPowell ʸܤ礭Ƥ "THE CATEGORIES OF WRITING" Ǥ롥ʸʬ1Ĥιͤʬβϡp. 52 ˤޤȤƤ롥
1 Semasiography: Writing in which the signs are not attached to necessary forms of speech. Sematograms, the elements of semasiography, may be arranged in any conventional way.
2 Lexigoraphy: Writing in which the signs are attached to necessary forms of speech. They are (usually) arranged in a linear sequence corresponding to sounds in speech. There are two divisions.
(i) Logography: the signs represent words (but not sounds), significant segments of speech. A logography would be a system in which logograms, the elements of logography, predominate (sometimes logograms do not follow the same order as words in speech).
(ii) Phonography: the signs represent sounds. Such sounds are ordinarily nonsignificant elements of speech. There are two kinds of phonographic systems.
Syllabography: the signs represent syllables, the smallest apprehensible elements of speech. A Syllabography would be a system in which syllabograms predominate.
Alphabetic writing: the signs represent elements of speech smaller than syllables, although such sounds do not exist in nature as separable elements of speech. In alphabetic writing letters predominate.
ǸΥե٥åȡñʸˤβˤơñʤɤȤñ̤ϼˤ¸ߤʤΤפȤ˥ϥäȤ줿ñʸפȤϡֲʸפªۤ褤Τ (phoneme) Ͽʹ֤ˤݲλʪǤꡤʸƤȤȤˡե٥åȤκθŪʰյȲͤΤȻפ
Powell, Barry B. Writing: Theory and History of the Technology of Civilization. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009.
ε#6146. Τۤ register Ҳ𤷤ޤ ([2026-02-23-1]) ˰³register ȤѸˤĤơѸȤƤ register νĴ٤٤OED äƤߤ II.9.c ꡤǯ1956ǯȤ롥θʸ٤ OED Ѥ롥
II.9.c. Linguistics. In language: a variety or level of usage, esp. as determined by social context and characterized by the range of vocabulary, pronunciation, syntax, etc., used by a speaker or writer in particular circumstances.
1956 He will on different occasions speak (or write) differently according to what may roughly be described as different social situations: he will use a number of distinct 'registers'. (T. B. W. Reid in Archivum Linguisticum vol. 8 32)
1962 Interference may..vary according to the social role of the speaker in any given case. This is what the Edinburgh School has called register. (Canadian Journal of Linguistics vol. 7 69)
1966 Varieties of English distinguished by use in relation to social context are called registers. (G. N. Leech, English in Advertising vii. 68)
1971 A novel, then, can be seen as an amalgam of registers within a wider register of literary endeavour. (P. Young in J. Spencer, English Language in West Africa 173)
1972 Chaucer must therefore have used what was, for the London of his time, a more formal, possibly more archaic, register. (Notes & Queries December 446/2)
1977 They are aware..of the idea of 'varieties' of English, and they probably know the term 'register'---a variety related to a particular use of the language, a particular subject or occupation. (P. Strevens, New Orientations in Teaching of English x. 119)
1991 An unexpected bonus is a bilingual section on letter-writing in both formal and informal registers. (Times Educational Supplement 15 March 49/2)
2004 This marker is very often used by Catalan speakers in colloquial register when the speech formality is low. (M. González, Pragmatic Markers in Oral Narr. vi. 224)
ŵȤʤäƤ Reid ʸäƤߤȡΤ褦ˤä (32)
Even if we possessed a separate repertory of utterances for each of the groups of speakers into which the French speech community must be divided, we should still be unable to establish a single linguistic system for any one group. For the linguistic behaviour of a given individual is by no means uniform; placed in what appear to be linguistically identical conditions, he will on different occasions speak (or write) differently according to what may roughly be described as different social situations: he will use a number of distinct "registers"[note 2]
note 2: cf. the levels of diction, indicated in the Report of the Commission set up by the International Council for Philosophy and Humanistic Studies quoted by Professor J. R. Firth in Transactions of the Philological Society. 1951, p.81.
Reid (1901--81) ϥåեؤζǡޥؤ칶Ƥˤ⤢ȤꡤǥΤ Firth "levels of diction" ̤뤬 Reid "register" ̾դʤȤȤΤ褦70ǯˡ֤ΤۤפǤȤƼ夲ۤɤ˽פѸĹȤˤʤcf. #404. 쥸ȡenregisterment쥸ˤȥ쥸ӥ˷ɸ졤եߥ쥹ɸҲؤ鸫ȡˡ
Reid, T. B. W. "Linguistics, Structuralism and Philology." Archivum Linguisticum 8.1 (1956): 28--37.
217ۿ줿֤Τۤإͥפβϡ#404. 쥸ȡenregisterment쥸ˤȥ쥸ӥ˷ɸ졤եߥ쥹ɸҲؤ鸫ȡꤷơenregisterment ȤѸ졦ǰƳޤ
δܤˤΤ register ʤΤǤưǤƤ̤ꡤѸ졦ǰǤԤˤäƥ˥奢ۤʤȤ⸫ƨޤܥ֥ǤϡHalliday ŪʴΡ#839. register ([2011-08-14-1]) Ҳ𤷤Ȥޤ McArthur Ѹ켭ŵ餳ѸɤǤߤޤ礦 (859)
REGISTER [1950s in this sense; 14c in origin, through French from Medieval Latin registrum a list or catalogue]. In sociolinguistics and stylistics, a variety of language defined according to social use, such as scientific, formal, religious, and journalistic. The term has, however, been used variously in different theoretical approaches, some giving it a broad definition (moving in the direction of variety in its most general sense), others narrowing it to certain aspects of language in social use (such as occupational varieties only). The term was first given broad currency by the British linguist Michael Halliday, who drew a contrast between varieties of language defined according to the characteristics f the user (dialects) and those defined according to the characteristics of the situation (registers). Registers were then subclassified into three domains: field of discourse, referring to the subject matter of the variety, such as science or advertising; mode of discourse, referring to the choice between speech and writing, and the choice of format; and manner of discourse, referring to the social relations between the participants, as shown by variations in formality. . . .
Ūˤ Halliday ή register ȤʤäƤޤ͡εǤϡ1970ǯʹߤ˹ޤäѸȳǰפȾҲ𤷤ޤregister ΤθΤ1950ǯ夫餢äȤΤϽ鼪Ǥ
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
ܥ֥Ǥ doubt <b> sign <g> ʤɤˤȤۻ (silent_letter) ȤѸΤ褦˻ȤäƤʬ䤹ѸǤ롥ŬʤΤѸǤȤơѤʤֻԤ⤤롥
ѸΤɤ꤬ΤõäƤȻפΤޤ Carney "2.6.5 Auxiliary, inert and empty letters" ꤹƬȤϤ (40)
All letters are 'silent', but some are more silent than others
Opinions are sharply divided on whether to allow the use of 'silent letters' in a description of English orthography so as to cater for spellings such as the <b> in debt, doubt. If we are to find our way in this controversy, we clearly need to clarify our terminology. The term 'silent letters' is an extension of a metaphor commonly used in the teaching of reading, where letters are often supposed to 'speak' to the reader. When a simple vowel letter, as the <a> in latent has its long value /eɪ/, 'the vowel says its name'. A commonly-used classroom rule for reading vowel digraphs, such as <oa>, <ea>, is: 'when two vowels go walking, it's the first that does the talking' --- a comment on the greater phonetic transparency of the first element in a complex graphic unit. But, as Albrow (1972: 11) pints out, all letters are silent: 'the sounds are not written and the symbols are not sounded; the two media are presented as parallel to each other'. He suggests the term 'dummy letters' for letters with no direct phonetic counterpart but, as far as possible, tries to do without them in his analysis.
Albrow θʬϡʸȯʤ椨ˤ٤ƤʸۻפȤȤϤΥ硼Τ褦ˤʹ뤬ΡʸȯפȤǰեɽʸǤ륢ե٥åȤȤʸȤԤο˿߹ޤƤ뤳ȤƤȤϡ¤϶ˤƽפǤ롥ȤΤϡʸֻεäƤϡȯʸäդȽդ§ȤưۤʤǥǤ뤳ȤǧƤɬפ뤫ξǥϡѼԤ͡ˡǸߤϢ礪ȤƤΤϻ¤ܼŪ˰ۤʤ2ĤΥǥؤ餻褦ȤĤߤʤΤǤꡤˤޤԤ櫓ǤϤʤषбطޤԤʤΤȤΩ줫饹ȤƤߤۤͭפ⤷ʤΤ
silent letter ȤѸˤĤƤϡͤ³Ƥ
Carney, Edward. A Survey of English Spelling. Abingdon: Routledge, 1994.
Albrow, K.H. The English Writing System: Notes toward a Description. London: Longman, 1972.

īۿƤ Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)ˤơȤѸˤ˴ؤѸ켭ŵȤΤϤΤǤ礦ȤϡȤФ뤷ʤȤФʤȤȤˤʤ롥
ޤ֤ʤפȤ¦̤顥ѸˤŪι⤤Х˥åΰǤ롥ʬѸ켭ŵԻǤˤϡʤμפޤʤФʤʤǤϥ˥åʱѸˤȤʬѸ켭ŵϡǰʤΩҤȤƽǤ줿ΤϤʤ
ˡ֤פȤ¦̤ˤĤơѸѸ켭ŵϾ嵭̤¸ߤʤΤΡϾͤȤ̤ꡤ1ľΥƥǤֱѸءפѸ켭ŵǤСܸǤѸǤ⤤ĤǤƤ롥ϡ¼Ū˱ѸѸ켭ŵ̤ƤƤȤäƤ褤ѸˤμפʽѸϡƤѸءѸ˼ŵΩवƤ뤫ɽŪʱѸؼŵȤƤϡ#5830. Ѹ˳ν2025ǡˡ ([2025-04-13-1]) βΡֱѸˡѸؤλͿפȤ줿
ޤѸǽ줿ΤǤϡѸˤ˶ᤤʬʤ˸ (historical_linguistics) ò Campbell, Lyle and Mauricio J. Mixco, eds. A Glossary of Historical Linguistics (Salt Lake City: U of Utah P, 2007) Ȥʾŵ롥ˡѸ˳δˤѸ콸 (glossary) դƤ뤳Ȥ¿ͭѤ
ơäˤᤷΤغǿѸءѸ켭ŵ١ʳҡ2015ǯǤ롥μŵˤϡ伫Ȥ⼹ɮԤ1ͤȤƴؤäƤ롥
Ѹ켭ŵκħϡѸءؤιϤʬ夷ĤġʬȤ˾ϤΩƤѸ⤷Ƥˤ롥11Ϥιϰʲ̤ꡥ
1ϡء
2ϡ
3ϡ
4ϡ̣
5ϡ
6ϡҲ
7ϡѸˡ˸
8ϡ
9ϡǧθ
10ϡѸ
11ϡѥء
7ϡֱѸˡ˸ءפܤ줿ξ (pp. 238--70) ϡ켫ΤΩѸѸ켭ŵȤѤǤ롥㤨СѸ˳ؽԤɬвѸ1ġ첻 (gvs) ιܤƤߤ褦
Great Vowel Shift 첻ܡˡѸ줫ѸˡĤ٤ƤĹ첻˵ä絬ϤʲѲĶǡ鷺첻Ͼ徺첻첻첻첻ȶ첻ξ徺Τ줬˵äˤĤưոʬ롥⤽絬ϤϢǤäɤˤĤƤФƤ롥 DRAG CHAIN; PUSH CHAIN
¤줿Τʤǡݤ塤оݡơƳؽŪޤǤʷˤޤȤƤ롥Τ褦ˡѸˤΥɤ30ڡˤ錄äƲ⤵ƤꡤؼԤȤޤǡɼԤΥˡ˱ƤȤʤäƤ롥
ѸˤγؤϿͤ줾ǤѸ켭ŵ긵֤ƤȤϡؽפȤ礤ΩĤϤҲ𤷤غǿѸءѸ켭ŵϡθȤơäƿǤ1Ǥ롥
δ ůͺʴƽˡغǿѸءѸ켭ŵ١ҡ2015ǯ
ȡܸ³ (subjunctive) ˤĤơܸʸˡ缭ŵ٤ȤƤϡƱʸܸ³θˤĤƳѤ (387--88)
³칽Ū˸ȡ¾ʻ줫žΡưڤӡޤʤɤˡư̾ؼ˽줬ܤƴŪ˸ꤷΡʤȡˡơ椨ˡȤǡˤʤɤǤ롥Ǥ⡤Ū³ȤϤۤȤɤʤĤޤꡤȤܸǤ³줬ȯãʤäɤ⡤夬ˤĤơߤŪ³ɽơʬŪоݲǺŪ˴ϢŤ褦Ȥޤ졤βǡθžϢ첽ˤä³ĤФȹͤ롥
ܸ³ˤϡȤȤν³Ϥʤޤ¾ʻ줫Τ¿ȤȤλϡѸ³ˤƤƱǤ롥ǤŪ³ȤäƤ褤 and Ǥ顤ĸ "in" ̣ *en ͳ褹ȤΤ顤٤ࡥ
Τˤơ³ϸŵꥷʸˡˤΩʻȤǧƤꡤˤ̤ƺǤФʻ1ĤȤäƤ褤εȤʤȡճ¾ʻθʤɤŪƤΤˤʤȤʬäƤ롥³ԻĤǤ⤷
ܸʸˡ뤬³ǧ᤺ˡΰȤƤȤ館ʸˡ⤢äȤõƤ㤨СĹͺ侾绰Ϻϡ³ȤʻǧƤʤعʸˡǤϡ³ϡ֤켫Τΰ̣ƤǡԤɽΰ̣ƸԤɽ˴طŤȤ̵ǽǧͳ顤ΩʻȤǧƤƱp. 387ˡ
桦 ѡԡˡܸʸˡ缭ŵ١2001ǯ
ε ([2025-08-06-1]) Ǥϡܸˤ³ (conjunction) ˤĤŪŪʴ鸫Ʊܸʸˡ缭ŵ (387) ˰͵ợŪʴͤƤߤ褦
̣夫鸫³εǽĤޤɽƤɤΤ褦ʤΤȤƼơԤɽˤɤΤ褦˴طŤʤ³뤫ˤĤƤϡ⤬ФƤ뤬Τ褦̤ΤǤ
ޤȤεȤƸ郎ΩȴطŤ־³פȡȵδطʤñ˲äƸ³³פȤ̤롥־³פϡŪɬȤƤε롤Ĥޤλμ̮ά˱褦褦Ǥ뤳Ȥֽ³סʽܡˤȡŪɬȤƤε̷⤷ơĤޤ꼫̮άΤ褦˵դäƸ郎Ω뤳Ȥɽֵ³סʵܡˤȡΩȤȤʤäƸΩ뤳Ȥɽ³פȤʬ롥ơΤ줾ϡλ֤ΩȤƼ뤳Ȥɽֳפȡλ֤ΩȤƸ³ֲפȤʬ롥³פˤϡİʾλŪ¤٤ƽҤ٤Ū³פȻŪˤʤ٤Ҥ٤߲áסİʾλ椫Ĥ뤳ȤסԤ̤ΤȤФǽҤ٤ƱסԤͳʤɤҤ٤ֲסԤȤϻѤƽҤ٤뤳Ȥžפ롥ޤȤƼʸȤȡΤ褦Ǥ롥
A;³
(1)³ʽܡ
ʥ˳顤ǡäơ椨
ʥ˲ʤ顤СȤ
(2)³ʵܡ
ʥ˳ɤ⡤ˡɡɤ⡤Ȥ
ʥ˲ȤƤ
(3)³
ʥ˳ǡ
ʥ˲Ȥ
B³
(1)³ʽܡˡäơ椨
(2)³ʵܡˡȤǤ⡤Τˤ⤫餺
(3)³ȡ
(4)ڤӡ¤Ӥˡޤ
(5)߲áơĤǡ줫顤
(6)Ȥ⡤뤤ϡ⤷ϡ
(7)ƱĤޤꡤʤ㤨Сפˡפ
(8)⡡ʤʤ顤ȤΤϡâäȤ
(9)žơȤǡǤ
ʾܸ³ΰ̣Ūʬˤʤ뤬ΤޤޱѸ³˱ѤȤɤΤ褦ˤʤŪʬˤĤʤΤ뤤ϻ𤬰ۤʤΤۤʤ褦ˤפ뤬ͤˤϤʤ
桦 ѡԡˡܸʸˡ缭ŵ١2001ǯ
ΤȤ³ (conjunction) ˴ؿƤ롥̸Ū³뤳ȤɤޤDzǽʤΤʬʤΤʤȤ̸ˤơ³פʻ褦ȤߤϤʤƤ
ȤϤ㤨ܸˤ³ɤΤ褦˰ˤĤƤ顤ŪʲޤߡޤߤǤ롥ۤɰˤǤ⤢ΤϤҤȤޤܸʸˡ缭ŵ (387) 국ҤΰѤνȯȤ
³ ʤĤˡʻΰġΩdzѤʤñȤ³Ȥʤ롥ԤɽˤƤƸԤɽʸˤ˴طŤʤ³롥³줬³Τϡʸ˰֤硤ññ졤ʸϢʸˤʸϢʸˡʸƬ˰֤硤ʸʸܤǤ롥①ññֻޤۤ②ʸʸɮ뤤ڥǽ③ʸʸϤɤϤޤߤäƤ④Ȥ³硤³ϸƬѤ롥ŪˡȤơʸΤƸʸΤ³ꡤʸƸ³ꤹʤɡΥꥨ롥ʤΤ³ˤä³ʸϡ³ǤǤ⡤ʸʤȹͤ٤⤷ʤ
³줬³뤫ȤˤĤơʤ뤤ϡ˵ƤϤʤܼʤɤθ̤ηǤǤ뤳Ȥ⤢ˤȤʷŪñ̤顤Ȥ礭Ūñ̤ˤޤǵڤ֤ȤȤϡճä³ϡɤñ̤Ǥ³ǤȤħ餷Τ
ܸˤ衤Ѹޤθˤ衤ŪʻʬȤΤ뤬ΤʤǤ³Ϥʤü褦˻פƤ2İʾθǤĤʤǽǤˡֶ֤ʤʻȺǧĤĤ롥
桦 ѡԡˡܸʸˡ缭ŵ١2001ǯ
³ (conjunction) ˤĴ٤Τ Fischer et al. ȤƤȤ̲ (insubordination) Ȥ̣Τä (187) ³Ƴ뽾ȼ鷺ΩѤ礬롥
Sometimes clauses with the formal markings of subordination are used without a proper main clause --- which is what Evans (2007) refers to as 'insubordination'.
(70) O that I were a Gloue vpon that hand (Shakespeare, Romeo & Juliet, II.2)
It is typical for such insubordinate clauses to come with specialized functions --- the insubordinate that-clause in (70) expresses a wish. It is still an unresolved issue, however, exactly how insubordinate clauses originate and develop, and how formal and functional change interact in this.
ϡMay the force be with you! Τ褦ʵ ˡȯãεˤؤפƶmay ιʸϡ³ȼ鷺֤Ȥʤˤ꽾äƤ뤫Τ褦ǡǤϾѤäפǤϤΤΡȤü첽ǽפƤ롥̲λ֤ӸϤޤʤƤʤ褦ȯãλˤ϶Τ⤷ʤϢơ#5937. ³ʳ˽Ǥ뤳Ȥɸʤϡ ([2025-07-29-1]) ⻲ȡ
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
My family is a large one. Τ褦ʸˤ one Τ褦ʸ (prop_word) ȸƤФ롥ֻפȤȯۤϡ줬ʤȹʸȤΩ椫ʤɬܹȤȤǡΤ褦 one ҤβĻ̾ؼ졤켫Τΰ̣Ƥ϶äݤȤΤǡǤϡֻפȤϤޤͭǤʤ褦˻פ롥
ѸȤƤ prop ȤϲCrystal Ѹ켭ŵ prop Ƥߤ
prop (adj.) A term used in some GRAMMATICAL descriptions to refer to a meaningless ELEMENT introduced into a structure to ensure its GRAMMATICALITY, e.g. the it in it's a lovely day. Such words are also referred to as EMPTY, because they lack any SEMANTICALLY independent MEANING. SUBSTITUTE WORDS, which refer back to a previously occurring element of structure, are also often called prop words, e.g. one or do in he's found one, he does, etc.
̣Ūʴϡ嵭Τ褦 substitute word ѸˤȸƤ֤Τʬ䤹
̣Τʤ it ʤɤؤ "prop" ȸƤ֤ȤʤС"empty", "expletive", "dummy" ʤɤηƻˤᤷº McArthur Ѹ켭ŵˤС"prop" ιܤ "dummy" ػȤ¥롥4ܤѤʤǤä one ȤƵƤʤˡ
DUMMY [16c: from dumb and -y]. . . . (4) In grammar, an item that has little or no meaning but fills an obligatory position: prop it, which functions as subject with expressions of time (It's late), distance (It's a long way to Tipperary), and weather (It's raining); anticipatory it, which functions as subject (It's a pity that you're not here) or object (I find it hard to understand what's meant) when the subject or object of a clause is moved to a later position in the sentence, and is the subject in cleft sentences (It was Peter who had an accident); existential there, which functions as subject in an existential sentence (There's nobody at the door); the dummy auxiliary do, which is introduced, in the absence of any other auxiliary, to form questions (Do you know them?).
̣Ūˤ϶¤ɬܤȤǡ줬 prop κŪȤäƤ褤one ¾üˡˤĤƤϡʲε⻲ȡ
#1815. ̾ one ˡϥեαƶ ([2014-04-16-1])
#5170. 3;ñ̾Ūˡ ([2023-06-23-1])
Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008.
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
heldio/helwa ΥꥹʡǥإᥤȤ mozhi gengo īȤ note #233. ķͤƥĻ lapwingƤ롥 crayfish ֥ꥬˡפ lapwing ֥ĻˡפȤñΥᥤ˱ƤѲŦĤġΤ褦ʸ֥쥤եåפ̾դƤ롥ָ̱츻 (folk_etymology) 䵶ʣ (disguised_compound) 1ȤäƤ褤ֲѲη̤Ȥޤ줿֥쥤եåפ̾ŤƤΤȤƤƤߤ䤹
mozhi gengo ˤ뺣εƤϡƱإᥤȤ lacolaco ˤǿ note ֱѸ츻ŵɥΡ C (crayfish-creature)ƶΤ롥crayfish cray ȤϲȻפ⤷ʤθ˴ؤƤϡcray ̣ʤǤʤfish Ȥ̵طʤΤθϸťե crevice ͳ褷Ѹ crevise ȤƼѤ줿촴ΰǤ vise Ū۷ vish ȤʤäơǽŪ fish ȸäƲᤵ˻äȤȤλ̤δ¸˰ĥơcrevice crayfish ˤޤDzƤޤäȤȤˤʤ롥ʤߤˡŪˤϸ츻 crab ֥ˡפˤؤȤ餪⤷
lacolaco mozhi gengo ƶȤή줬ޤʤإᥤȤĤʤơ֥쥤եåפȤϽФ˻ä櫓
Ƥ2ͤαԤܤǵƤ븽ݤϡ䤬 hellog Ǽ夲#5840. --- Υߡ*ĥޥᡤĥХᡤĥХ ([2025-04-23-1]) ƱΤǤ롥ǤϡܸؤˤפȤѸȤäΤäϡ֤줬¸θβ˰Ѳ븽ݡפؤεǤϡٻˤַμ¡פɽ줬֥ĥХפȤ¸θ˰ĥơ֥ĥХפءˤϡ֥ĥХפؤѲƤҲ𤷤
ΡפϡѸѸȤƤľбΤʤεǤ Fertig confusion of similar-sounding words (61) ȤäŪʶѤˤȤɤޤäѸѸˤĤäƤΤǤ롥ޤˡ̤ΥإᥤȤ~ߤnote ˤ ä㤨 paromophonic attraction ߤ¤ϲǽʤΤ̥ޥޡͤȤĤ֤䤫줿ΤǤ롥ޤʥ¤Ǥ롥"paramorphophonic attraction" pho νŲæ (haplology) Фơ"paramorphonic attraction" ȻäƤ櫓
إᥤȤγϡǽĤǤ롥
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
ԤΰͤȤƼɮ˲ääرѸ츻ϥɥ֥åҤ괩ԤޤĹǯ hellog õᤷƤѸˡȤ櫓ñθ츻Τ⤷¿ϤȤפطԤζϤʥ˥֤ΤȤǡ1ܤȤƷ¤ޤ
ܽμɤ֤ȤΤʤǡǰƬˤäΤϡ߷˧ͺԽ紴̳줿رѸ츻ŵʸҡˤǤμŵϡhellog Ǥ֤ⷫҤ٤ƿ䤷Ƥ̤ꡤܤαѸϽǻ˾ζפǤʡ#5553. ߷˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵ١ʸҡ1997ǯˤο --- ֤ΤۤإͥפǤҲ𤷤ޤ ([2024-07-10-1]) ȡˡμŵϱñθ츻˴ؿĤ٤ƤγؽԡԤˤȤäɬȤΥեǤꡤγؽŪͤϷפΤޤ
ǤϡΰʡرѸ츻ŵ٤Ǥ˼ȤˡʤˡرѸ츻ϥɥ֥å٤褷ΤǤ礦ϡξԤ䤬Τ˰ۤʤ뤫Ǥؼŵ٤ġñˤ겼ֽĤõפΤΥġȤСإϥɥ֥å٤ϱѸ츻ΤϤѸˤδ͡ΤδϢΤֲõפ¥ΥġȤޤ
hellog heldio Ǥϡ츻 (etymology) Τ⤷ˤĤƤ˸äƤޤŪʾڵᡤŤͤñοäƤŪʶʳϡ츻ọ̃ǤΤˤϡĤδŪõˡͥե졼ΤäƤɬפޤ㤨С (borrowing)ʸˡ (grammaticalisation)ȥ˥ߡ (metonymy) ʤɤθݡѸϡ츻ͤȤʤμǤ
رѸ츻ϥɥ֥å٤ϡ˹ܤǤġñθ츻˽ϤΤǤϤʤαѸˡ츻ؤδŪʳǰŪʻȷӤĤʤʿפ˲⤹뤳ȤܻؤƤޤϡ hellog ε heldio βۿǼ褦ȻߤƤ륢ץʤŪθ˳ߺդ̥Ϥ뤫Ȥδؿˤⴰ˹פޤ
ǡرѸ츻ŵ٤ϡΤ褦ˤƴŪμȸȤˤĤõԤ̤λ㡤ʤġñθ츻˿ʬäƤݤˡǤǤեȤʤޤإϥɥ֥å٤Ĥ塤ŪƳơؼŵ٤ιܤС˵줿βͤ䵭Ҥο´ạ̈臘ȤǤϤǤ
Τ褦ˡإϥɥ֥å٤ȡؼŵ٤ϡߤ˶礹ΤǤϤʤषߤ䴰礤õԤ츻Τ꿼ؤƳŪϢȴطˤޤإϥɥ֥å٤äȤƸ츻Τ⤷ܳФᡤˡؼŵ٤ȤܳŪõι˽Ф --- Τ褦ξѤƤäƤФȻפޤξȤɬȤǤ
䤬2ǯۤ³ƤرѸ츻ŵ٤ο䤷ˤĤƤϡ#5856. ΡرѸ츻ŵٿ䤷 --- 2025ǯ59ǡ ([2025-05-09-1]) Ӥĥäɤߤ
߷ ͧ ɹ δˡʡ 쵮 ءʹܶϡˡرѸ츻ϥɥ֥å١ҡ2025ǯ
߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵٿǡҡ2024ǯ
֤إ饸κǿӤΩ뤿ˡʸˡؤ١ǴطˡˡȤƤ롥ơ heldio Ǥ#1474. إ饸Ρ֥륷ʸˡפǴطˡˡˤʤäƤޤꤷƤä
ط˸¤餺ñʷƻޤᡤ̾ղû (adjunct) ˤϡǽŪ礭ʬ2Ĥμब롥Ūղû (restrictive adjunct) Ūղû (non-restrictive adjunct) Jespersen (108) ꡤޤԤˤĤƤɤǤߤ褦
It will be our task now to inquire into the function of adjuncts: for what purpose or purposes are adjuncts added to primary words?
Various classes of adjuncts may here be distinguished.
The most important of these undoubtedly is the one composed of what may be called restrictive or qualifying adjuncts: their function is to restrict the primary, to limit the number of objects to which it may be applied; in other words, to specialize or define it. Thus red in a red rose restricts the applicability of the word rose to one particular sub-class of the whole class of roses, it specializes and defines the rose of which I am speaking by excluding white and yellow roses; and so in most other instances: Napoleon the third | a new book | Icelandic peasants | a poor widow, etc.
³ơԤˤĤ (111--12)
Next we come to non-restrictive adjuncts as in my dear little Ann! As the adjuncts here are used not to tell which among several Anns I am speaking of (or to), but simply to characterize her, they may be termed ornamental ("epitheta ornantia") or from another point of view parenthetical adjuncts. Their use is generally of an emotional or even sentimental, though not always complimentary, character, while restrictive adjuncts are purely intellectual. They are very often added to proper names: Rare Ben Johnson | Beautiful Evelyn Hope is dead (Browning) | poor, hearty, honest, little Miss La Creevy (Dickens) | dear, dirty Dublin | le bon Diew. In this extremely sagacious little man, this alone defines, the other adjuncts merely describe parenthetically, but in he is an extremely sagacious man the adjunct is restrictive.
ղûεǽȤ2ब̤ȤϤäƤ⡤줬Ū˶̤Ƥ뤫ȤСɬ⤽ǤϤʤȤդɬפǤ롥
Jespersen, O. The Philosophy of Grammar. London: Allen and Unwin, 1924.
ε#5879. ΰͤ ([2025-06-01-1]) (tense) ˴Ϣ夲ޤĤơ#3693. ˤȤϲ ([2019-06-07-1]) ǻˤĤƹͤȤ⤢롥
ƻȤϲʤΤ긵ˤ International Encyclopedia of Linguistics TENSE ƤߤߤƤߤ褦 (223--24)
Definition
Tense refers to the grammatical expression of the time of the situation described in the proposition, relative to some other time. This other time may be the moment of speech: for example, the past and future designate time before and after the moment of speech, respectively, while the perfect (or anterior) designates past time which is relevant to the moment of speech. Or it may be some other reference time, as in the past perfect, which signals a time prior to another time in the past---as in I had just stepped into the shower when the phone rang, where the first clause signals a time prior to that of the second. The most commonly occurring tenses are past and future; however, perfect tenses are also common, as are combinations of perfect with past and future. Some languages show degrees of remoteness in the past or future: distinctions are possible between past situations of today vs. yesterday, yesterday vs. preceding days, or recent time vs. remote time. Analogous distinctions are possible in the future but not as common. Tense is expressed by inflections, by particles, or by auxiliaries in construction with the verb; it is rarely expressed by derivational morphology . . . .
ǤϡλˤƸɽΤ (224)
Expression
According to the traditional view, tense is a verbal inflectional category expressing time; however, the possibility of tense being realized also by periphrastic constructions is usually acknowledged. There are several difficulties in applying this view to actual languages. First, the semantics of many inflectional categories contain aspectual and modal as well as temporal elements: e.g., perfective aspect in many languages is restricted to past time reference, and future tenses almost always have modal overtones. Furthermore, if a language has several tense distinctions, they often have rather different modes of expression. An example is the past/non-past and future/non-future oppositions of English; the former is inflectional, and the latter periphrastic . . . .
An alternative is to view "tense" as a cover term for those inflectional categories whose semantics is dominated by temporal notions. In inflectional systems, then, the most common tense oppositions are past/non-past and future/non-future. Less common, but by no means rare, are distinctions pertaining to degrees of remoteness, e.g. recent and remote past. At least four or five such degrees can be distinguished in certain systems, but the main remoteness distinction is generally between 'today' and 'not today'.
Tense in finite verb forms normally expresses the relation between the time referred to in the sentence and the time of the speech act (absolute tense); in non-finite verb forms, and sometimes in finite subordinate clauses, tense is relative, expressing the relation between the time expressed by the verb and that of a higher clause. Categories such as perfects and pluperfects, which signal that a situation is viewed from the perspective of a later point in time, have a debated status; they are usually expressed periphrastically, but can also occur in inflectional systems.
ǽ¦̤Τ뤤Ϸ鸫ΤˤäƤȤƤªѤäƤޤ̸ŪˡŪ˴ϢݤƤȤɬפ
Frawley, William J., ed. International Encyclopedia of Linguistics. 2nd ed. Vol. 4. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2003.
ܥ֥ǤϡޤǡֻΰספˤĤƹͤ뵡ʤäʸˡˤ뤳̾ˤĤơ塤ŪʻޤĤġޤޤ˹ͤƤȻפ
ֻ̾ξȱ (sequence_of_tenses)뤤ä˻ˤ餹Ǥϡָžܡ (backshift) ȸƤФ뤳Ȥ⤢롥
ˤѸѸ켭ŵΤĤäƤߤŪʴͻäƤΤϤʤޤ Bussmann βɤǡhellog ˤͻϵȤ
sequence of tenses
Fixed order of tenses in complex sentences. This 'relative' use of tenses is strictly regulated in Latin. If the actions depicted in the main and relative clauses are simultaneous, the tense o the dependent clause depends on the tense in the independent clause: present in the main clauses requires present subjunctive in the dependent Cal's; preterite or past perfect in the main clause requires perfect subjunctive in the dependent clause. This strict ordering also occurs in English, such as in conditional sentences: If I knew the answer I wouldn't ask vs If I had known the answerer I wouldn't have asked.
ֻΰספˤĤƤϺä긡ƤƤ (tense) Ȥʸˡ (category) ΤΤˤĤƤϵƤȤ櫓εȤ줿
#2317. Ѹˤ̤ȯã ([2015-08-31-1])
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#3692. Ѹˤϲ2Ĥʤ ([2019-06-06-1])
#3693. ˤȤϲ ([2019-06-07-1])
#3718. Ѹ̤ʤȹͤͳ ([2019-07-02-1])
#4523. --- ο̤ĤäưΥƥ ([2021-09-14-1])
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Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.
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