
ǯ١1٤ī㡼ɶǤαѸ˹ֺ˾äȤԻĤʱñץ⡤ޤǽĴ˿ʤǤޤ轵1220ڡˡǯǤϺǸȤʤ롤3ʺǯ̻9ˤ֤ͽǤϡ츫Ȳůʤ one Ȥñܤޤ
οˤʤȤФʤΤǤ¤ϤΤǤϤޤ
one ֻȯЪΥ
괧 a/an ؤȯã
츻ŪϢ any, alone, atone, only, other, none, no
ʣ someone, anyone no one
1ĤʤΤʣ ones 롩
ֶפ one's, oneself
̾ȤƤ one
ȤƤ one
one of . . . θˡ
one 줫Ҿʤ餶ȯã뤲꤬ꤹؤѼƤ餷ȤƼΤǤϤʤǤ礦षܶǹ٤ñ餳͡ˡ߽ФƤȤޤֺ¤Ǥϡξ礭ʸùܤˡѸˤδ90ʬä礤ޤ
ֺ¤ؤλˡϡƱͤ˥饤äΤߤȤʤäƤޤꥢ륿ǤΤäΤۤ2֤θƨۿӥ⤢ޤΤǡԹΤ褤ˡǤֻ֤֤ 15:30--17:00 Ǥֺ¤ȿߤξܺ٤īڡꤴǧ
ʰʲ嵭2025/12/13(Sat))
ֺܹ¤ͽˤĤƤ heldio ˤ֡#1658. 1220īֺ¤ one --- ñʤ͡ˡعäסȤƤäƤޤҤ⤪İ
߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵٿǡҡ2024ǯ
߷ ͧ ɹ δˡʡ 쵮 ءʹܶϡˡرѸ츻ϥɥ֥å١ҡ2025ǯ
ε#5907. one ˡ OED dzǧ ([2025-06-29-1]) ˰³ (prop_word) ȤƤ one λѤˤ롥 MED on (pron.) Ƥߤ
5a ʲθ褽ȤƤˡ뤬θ͡ǤꡤɤΤ褦ʸǶʬФ褤ΤϡʤʤǤ롥ŵŪȤܤΤϡȤ櫓 5b ʲΤΤ5b ǵƤϡѸΤΤǤ롥ʲ˰Ѥ롥
c1380 Firumb.(1) (Ashm 33)251: A fair knyȝt a was to see, a iolif on wyþ oute lak.
(a1393) Gower CA (Frf 3)5.519: Thanne hath he redi his aspie..A janglere, an evel mouthed oon, That sche ne mai nowhider gon..That he ne wol it wende and croke.
(c1395) Chaucer CT.Mch.(Manly-Rickert)E.1552: I haue the mooste stedefast wyf, And eek the mekeste oon that bereth lyf.
c1450(?a1400) Wars Alex.(Ashm 44)40: Þe kyng..was a clerke noble, Þe athelest ane of þe werd.
c1450(?a1400) Wars Alex.(Ashm 44)586: Anoþer barne..I of my blode haue, Ane of my sede.
1591(?a1425) Chester Pl.(Hnt HM 2)53/259: Into my chamber I will gonne tyll thys water, soe greate one, bee slaked through thy mighte.
ʸ̮塤ľˤĻ̾Ȥ one ŵŪˡǧǤ롥Ƥ㤫ϡѸȯãȹͤ뤬μϤ⤦ᤤʳ餢äȹͤƤ褤
Ѹλ one ᤰϡ줬¿ͤˡʣ¤ǡҤǤꡤŪĴϤˤ䤳 one ĤƤϡheldio/helwa ꥹʡ夵 note ˤ"Do you have a red one?" one ϲǤѤʵ褦2ۡȤƴϢƤΤǡȤ줿
ε#5906. (prop word) ΡֻפȤϡ ([2025-06-28-1]) ǤϡMy family is a large one. one ˡ˿줿ϡ one εˤĤơOED εҤǧ
OED one (ADJECTIVE, NOUN, & PRONOUN) PRONOUN V Υˡ롥ƱDz̶ʬ줿ܤΤȤ櫓ŵŪʻȤƤˡ˴ط V. 13 ˷ǤƤǽĤƤ
V. As substitute for a noun or noun phrase.
V. 13. Following a determiner such as the, this, that, yon, any, each, every, many (a), other, such (a), what (a), what kind of (a), which, or (in certain phrases) following a, or (from Middle English onwards) following an ordinary adjective (occasionally also a noun used attributively) preceded by any of these or (in plural) alone.
V.13.a. A thing or person (or, in plural, things or persons) of the kind in question (as indicated by the context).
Down to the late Middle English period one was probably felt as an emphatic pronoun, intensifying the determiner with which it was coupled. In modern English it is generally an empty pro-form (sometimes referred to as a 'prop-word'), and the addition of one or ones often serves to specify number: cf. 'Which do you choose?' with 'Which one do you choose?' 'Which ones do you choose?'; 'the good one', 'the good ones' correspond to French le bon, les bons. As this use began before pronunciation with initial /w/ became standard (cf. the ε form), the γ form 'un (without initial /w/ ) often occurs in regional or colloquial speech.
OE Æt æghwylcum anum þara hongaþ leohtfæt. (Blickling Homilies 127)
a1250 (?a1200) Blescið ou mid euerichon of ðeos gretunges. (Ancrene Riwle (Nero MS.) (1952) 18 [Composed ?a1200]
a1325 (c1250) Ilk kinnes erf and wrim and der..And euerilc-on in kinde good. (Genesis & Exodus (1968) l. 185 [Composed a1250]
c1395 I haue the mooste stedefast wyf, And eek the mekeste oon that bereth lyf. (G. Chaucer, Merchant's Tale 1552)
1463 To William Sennowe, oon of my short gownys, a good oon wiche as is convenient for hym. (in S. Tymms, Wills & Inventories Bury St. Edmunds (1850) 41 (Middle English Dictionary))
. . . .
. . . .
. . . .
ƻ˸³ one ϡ٤ȤѸˤϸƤȤʬ롥³ĴƤ
My family is a large one. Τ褦ʸˤ one Τ褦ʸ (prop_word) ȸƤФ롥ֻפȤȯۤϡ줬ʤȹʸȤΩ椫ʤɬܹȤȤǡΤ褦 one ҤβĻ̾ؼ졤켫Τΰ̣Ƥ϶äݤȤΤǡǤϡֻפȤϤޤͭǤʤ褦˻פ롥
ѸȤƤ prop ȤϲCrystal Ѹ켭ŵ prop Ƥߤ
prop (adj.) A term used in some GRAMMATICAL descriptions to refer to a meaningless ELEMENT introduced into a structure to ensure its GRAMMATICALITY, e.g. the it in it's a lovely day. Such words are also referred to as EMPTY, because they lack any SEMANTICALLY independent MEANING. SUBSTITUTE WORDS, which refer back to a previously occurring element of structure, are also often called prop words, e.g. one or do in he's found one, he does, etc.
̣Ūʴϡ嵭Τ褦 substitute word ѸˤȸƤ֤Τʬ䤹
̣Τʤ it ʤɤؤ "prop" ȸƤ֤ȤʤС"empty", "expletive", "dummy" ʤɤηƻˤᤷº McArthur Ѹ켭ŵˤС"prop" ιܤ "dummy" ػȤ¥롥4ܤѤʤǤä one ȤƵƤʤˡ
DUMMY [16c: from dumb and -y]. . . . (4) In grammar, an item that has little or no meaning but fills an obligatory position: prop it, which functions as subject with expressions of time (It's late), distance (It's a long way to Tipperary), and weather (It's raining); anticipatory it, which functions as subject (It's a pity that you're not here) or object (I find it hard to understand what's meant) when the subject or object of a clause is moved to a later position in the sentence, and is the subject in cleft sentences (It was Peter who had an accident); existential there, which functions as subject in an existential sentence (There's nobody at the door); the dummy auxiliary do, which is introduced, in the absence of any other auxiliary, to form questions (Do you know them?).
̣Ūˤ϶¤ɬܤȤǡ줬 prop κŪȤäƤ褤one ¾üˡˤĤƤϡʲε⻲ȡ
#1815. ̾ one ˡϥեαƶ ([2014-04-16-1])
#5170. 3;ñ̾Ūˡ ([2023-06-23-1])
Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008.
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
ε#5754. divers vs diverse ([2025-01-27-1]) ³ԡεɮ塤إᥤȤ ari ˤhel note #177 WD۵פ֤αѸ켭ΡֺΤȤСסɤΤäΤdivers Ȥñ줬124 Merriam-Webster: Word of the DayǼ夲ƤȤΤȡ

divers diverse ˤĤơ1755ǯ Johnson μƤߤΰʸǼƤ̤ꡤơθ줬Τ̡ΩवƤ롥Ǻܤ褦

Johnson εҤ顤ΥڥñˤĤƵˤʤä롥
diverse Τۤ divers ȤȤ˶1ˤäʤǤξˤϤβˤޥʡȯʹ
̣ΰ㤤 divers "more than one" ǡdiverse "different" ñ
Ǥ divers ϻȤʤʤäƤ
ʸߤ divers ̾ȤƤˡꡤƱʸˤƱˡ some ߤ
divers ѤΡֻ̹ (= the Acts of the Apostles) ͭ̾1Ȥơ"But when divers were hardened, and believed not, but spake evil of that way before the multitude, he departed from them, and separated the disciples, disputing daily in the school of one Tyrannus." (Acts 19:9) Ƥ
ƹǤϥȥ2.0ȯͽ¬ǽΥơäƤƤ롥οǤϡDEI (= diversity, equity, and inclusion) ǰΥæޤƤȤ롥1Ĥ diversity ϡ¿פ̣륭ɤǤꡤѸˤϥƥ줫եФ14ȾФ˼ѤƤ
̾δΤϥƥηƻ dīversum Ǥꡤ켫Τư dīvertere ʤ來ؤ餹žˤ̤롥ž̡̼Ρ¿ͤʡĤΡפŸȤˤʤ롥
ȤǡѸ켭ˤ divers /ˈdaɪvəz/ diverse /daɪˈvəːs/ Ȥ̡ΩवƤ롥ֻϸ <e> 뤫ʤΰ㤤ꡤȯ϶벻ᤪӸҲ̵ͭ㤬롥̣ˡȤƤϡԤϸʸŪʶäơ̼ΡĤΡפѤ졤Ԥϼˡ¿ͤʡפθѤ롥ȤȤξԤϸߤ˰۷ˤѸʹߤθˤѤƤ1700ǯ˸̣ˤʬƤ
divers /ˈdaɪvəz/ ϡֿġ͡פ̣̾졦̾ȤƤѤ褦ˤʤäᤫθҲϡ̾ʣ -s ȿǤ뤫Τ褦 /z/ ؤžޤdiverse /daɪˈvəːs/ ȯֻϡƥͳ adverse, inverse ʤɤȴϢŤ夷ΤȻפ롥
OED Ǥξ̡ΩवƤ뤬Diverse, Adj. & Adv. ιˤξη֤ȯˤܺ٤˲⤵Ƥ롥
Form and pronunciation history
The stress was originally on the second syllable, but was at an early date shifted to the first, although both pronunciations long coexisted, especially in verse. In early modern English divers (with stress on the first syllable) is the dominant form (overwhelmingly so in the 17th cent.), especially in the very common sense 'several, sundry, various' (see divers adj.) in which the word always occurs with a plural noun (the final -s coming to be pronounced /z/ after the plural ending -s, making the word homophonous with the plural of diver n.).
By the 18th cent. the senses of the word had come to be distinguished in form, with divers typically used to express the notions of variety and (especially) indefinite number (see divers adj. & n.) and diverse (probably by more immediate association with Latin diversus) the notion of difference (as in senses A.1 and A.3); thus Johnson (1755), Sheridan (1780), and Walker (1791), all of whom have two parallel entries. Both forms were typically stressed on the first syllable, and differed only in the pronunciation of the final consonant (respectively /z/ and /s/ ). The same formal and semantic distinction is reflected in 19th-cent. dictionaries, including Smart (1836), Worcester (1846), Knowles (1851), Stormonth (1877), Cent. Dict. (1889), and New English Dictionary (OED first edition) (1897). The latter notes at divers adj. (in sense 'various, sundry, several') that it is 'now somewhat archaic, but well known in legal and scriptural phraseology'; in this form the word is now chiefly archaic and used mainly in literary or legal contexts.
In the second half of the 19th cent. (as divers adj. was gradually becoming more restricted in use), the dictionaries begin to note an alternative pronunciation for diverse adj. with stress on the second syllable. This pronunciation probably continues the original one that had never entirely disappeared for this form, as is shown by examples from verse (compare e.g. quots. a1618, 1837 at sense A.1a, 1754 at sense A.3a). Knowles (1851) is one of the first dictionaries to note this pronunciation of diverse adj. (which, interestingly, he gives as the sole pronunciation); more commonly the two alternatives are given, as e.g. Craig (1882), who puts the pronunciation with initial stress first, and Stormonth (1877), Cent. Dict. (1889), New English Dictionary (OED first edition) (1897), who give priority to the pronunciation with stress on the second syllable; this has since become by far the more common pronunciation of the word.
Poutsma (878) ˡ1;ʣ̤̾ˡȤ royal_we ꤬夲Ƥ롥ѸȤƤ "Plural of Majesty or Plural of Dignity" ѤƤ롥
As in Dutch, the plural of the first person is sometimes used by sovereigns, especially in public utterances, when speaking of themselves.
About this Plural of Majesty or Plural of Dignity, as it is commonly called, Sweet (N. E. Gr., §2095) observes: "We see the beginnings of this usage in Old-English laws, where the king speaks of himself as iċ, and then goes on to say wē bebēodath .. 'we command ..', the wē being meant to include the witan or councillors." Compare also Kellner, Hist. Outl. of Eng. Synt., §276; Onions, Advanced Eng. Synt., §221.
We were not born to sue, but to command. Rich. II, ii, 1, 196.
Fair and noble hostess, | We are your guest to-night. Macb., I, 6, 24.
Should our host murder us on this spot --- us, his king and his kinsman, ...our fate will be little lightened, but, on the contrary greatly aggravatated, by your stirring, Scott, Quent. Durw., Ch. XXVII, 354.
The Queen said ...: "We are this day fortunate --- we enjoy the company of our amiable hostess at an unusual hour. Id., Abbot, Ch. XXI, 225.
Note. This practice seems to have become unusual or extinct in the personal utterances of sovereigns to their audiences, having been preserved only in public instruments.
Thus King George V in his reply to the address of the Corporation of Bombay uses I, etc.:
You have rightly said that I am no stranger among you [etc.]. Times, No. 1823, 974b.
Similarly in his Address on the occasion of the opening of the Coronation Durbar:
It is with genuine feelings of thankfulness and satisfaction that I stand here to-day among you [etc.]. Id., No. 1824, 1001d.
But in the instrument announcing the fact that the seat of the Government of India will be transferred from Calcutta to Delhi, we find we, etc.: We are pleased to announce to Our People [etc.]. Ib.
20ƬޤǤ royal we ϻ¾äƤȤǧǤ롥Ȥ뤳Ȥˤ衤ŪˡΧʸˤŪˡȤƤǤꡤ쥸ϤƸꤵƤȤ狼롥
Poutsma, H. A Grammar of Late Modern English. Part II, The Parts of Speech, 1B. Groningen: P. Noordhoff, 1916.
ַ֡ we (royal_we) դˤĤĴ٤Ƥ롥Jespersen äƤߤȡַ weפʤּ̡ҲŪʿʣ ("the plural of social inequality") ȤѸ줬Ƥ2;̾ˤ롤 "T/V distinction" (t/v_distinction) ȴϢŤ we ݤˤϡΤѸ줫⤷ʤ
4.13. Third, we have what might be called the plural of social inequality, by which one person either speaks of himself or addresses another person in the plural. We thus have in the first person the 'plural of majesty', by which kings and similarly exalted persons say we instead of I. The verbal form used with this we is the plural, but in the 'emphatic' pronoun with self a distinction is made between the normal plural ourselves and the half-singular ourself. Thus frequently in Sh, e.g. Hml I. 2.122 Be as our selfe in Denmarke | Mcb III. 1.46 We will keepe our selfe till supper time alone. (In R2 III. 2.127, where modern editions have ourselves, the folio has our selfe; but in R2 I. 1,16, F1 has our selues). Outside the plural of majesty, Sh has twice our selfe (Meas. II. 2.126, LL IV. 3.314) 'in general maxims' (Sh-lex.).
. . . .
In the second person the plural of social inequality becomes a plural of politeness or deference: ye, you instead of thou, thee; this has now become universal without regard to social position . . . .
The use of us instead of me in Scotland and Ireland (Murray D 188, Joyce Ir 81) and also in familiar speech elsewhere may have some connexion with the plural of social inequality, though its origin is not clear to me.
٥ȤѸǤϤʤ⤷ʤҲŪʿˤ־פؤΤˡַʣ ("polite plural") ʤɤνѸϤ뤤ϡǤϤ魯뤫⤷ʤΤǡäȿȤʤ־ʣפʤɡ䡤ꤷơäȤȤʤѸȤơַʣפǤ褤Τ⤷ʤ
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles. Part 2. Vol. 1. 2nd ed. Heidelberg: C. Winter's Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1922.
ַ we (royal_we) ˤĤơ#5284. ñ we --- royal we, authorial we, editorial we ([2023-10-15-1]) #5692. royal we --- ϼȤ I ǤϤʤ we ȸƤ֡ ([2024-11-26-1]) εǼ夲Ƥ
OED εҤˤȡűѸ royal we θŤȤܤΤ뤬㤫ɤȽǤȤ롥Mitchell OES (§252) ؤλȤäΤǡäƤߤ
§252. There are also places where a single individual other than an author seems to use the first person plural. But in some of these at any rate the reference may be to more than one. Thus GK and OED take we in Beo 958 We þæt ellenweorc estum miclum, || feohtan fremedon as referring to Beowulf alone---the so-called 'plural of majesty'. But it is more probably a genuine plural; as Klaeber has it 'Beowulf generously includes his men.' Such examples as ÆCHom i. 418. 31 Witodlice we beorgað ðinre ylde: gehyrsuma urum bebodum . . . and ÆCHom i. 428. 20 Awurp ðone truwan ðines drycræftes, and gerece us ðine mægðe (where the Emperor Decius addresses Sixtus and St. Laurence respectively) may perhaps also have a plural reference; note that Decius uses the singular in ÆCHom i. 426. 4 Ic geseo . . . me . . . ic sweige . . . ic and that in § ii. 128. 6 Gehyrsumiað eadmodlice on eallum ðingum Augustine, þone ðe we eow to ealdre gesetton. . . . Se Ælmihtiga God þurh his gife eow gescylde and geunne me þæt ic mote eoweres geswinces wæstm on ðam ecan eðele geseon . . . , where Pope Gregory changes from we to ic, we may include his advisers. If any of these are accepted as examples of the 'plural of majesty', they pre-date that from the proclamation of Henry II (sic) quoted by Bøgholm (Jespersen Gram. Misc., p. 219). But in this too we may include advisers: þæt witen ge wel alle, þæt we willen and unnen þæt þæt ure ræadesmen alle, oþer þe moare dæl of heom þæt beoþ ichosen þurg us and þurg þæt loandes folk, on ure kyneriche, habbeþ idon . . . beo stedefæst.
Ǥ royal we 餷űѸ㤬ĤƤ뤬Τˤ1;ʣȤƲ᤹뤳ȤǽǤ롥ǸոƤѸ줫ˤƤ⡤royal we ȳθǤ櫓ǤϤʤľ1;ʣȤᤷΤĤδ֤ˤʸؤȼҲ˸ξ¤ͶƤޤä롥
ʤߤˡ嵭 "the proclamation of Henry II" "the proclamation of Henry III" θǤ롥Ѹ˾ȤƤפʡ#2561. The Proclamation of Henry III ([2016-05-01-1]) ȡ
Mitchell, Bruce. Old English Syntax. 2 vols. New York: OUP, 1985.
ַ we (royal_we) ȾΤŪˡ롥1ͤΤȤؤ I ǤϤʤ we ѤȤ̤ʰ;̾λȤǤ롥ˡˤĤƤϡ#5284. ñ we --- royal we, authorial we, editorial we ([2023-10-15-1]) OED ȤĤľ夲
üˡˤĤơQuirk et al. §6.18 Note [a] ˼Τ褦ʵҤ롥
[a] The virtually obsolete 'royal we' (= I) is traditionally used by a monarch, as in the following examples, both famous dicta by Queen Victoria:
We are not interested in the possibilities of defeat. We are not amused.
Quirk et al. §6.23 ˤϡбƵ̾ ourself ؤθڤ⤢롥
There is also . . . a very rare 'royal we' singular reflexive pronoun ourself . . . .
Fowler θˡŵĴ٤Ƥߤ we ιܤˡroyal we ˴ؤ뵭Ҥä (835)
4 The royal we. The OED gives examples from the OE period onward in which we is used by a single sovereign or ruler to refer to himself or herself. The custom seems to be dying out: in her formal speeches Queen Elizabeth II rarely if ever uses it now. (On royal tours when accompanied by the Duke of Edinburgh we is often used by the Queen to refer to them both; alternatively My husband and I.)
History of the term. The OED record begins with Lytton (1835): Noticed you the we---the style royal? Later examples: The writer uses 'we' throughout---rather unfortunately, as one is sometimes in doubt whether it is a sort of 'royal' plural, indicating only himself, or denotes himself and companions---N&Q 1931; 'In the absence of the accused we will continue with the trial.' He used the royal 'we', but spoke for us all---J. Rae, 1960. (The last two examples clearly overlap with those given in para 3.) It will be observed that the term 'the royal we' has come to be used in a weakened, transferred, or jocular manner. The best-known example came when Margaret Thatcher informed the world in 1989 that her daughter-in-law had given birth to a son: We have become a grandmother, the Prime Minister said. A less well-known American example: interviewed on a television programme in 1990 Vice-President Quayle, in reply to the interviewer's expression of hope that Quayle would join him again some time, replied We will.
ʤΰѤ˸ڤΤ"para 3" Ǥϡindefinite we Ƥ뤳ȤդäƤ
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
Burchfield, Robert, ed. Fowler's Modern English Usage. Rev. 3rd ed. Oxford: OUP, 1998.
űѸˤ̾졤̾졤ƻʤɤμ» (substantive) γ (case) Ȥ (instrumental) ƻĤäƤѸޤǤˤܴۤ˾üƤޤűѸǤϤޤѤ롥
ʤδŪʵǽ3Ĥ롥(1) ʤˡɽ魯ˡ(2) ¾ȤƤˡ(3) ֤ɽ魯ˡǤ롥Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer (47) ꡤʰѤ褦
Instrumental
88. The instrumental denotes means or manner: Gāius se cāsere, ōþre naman Iūlius 'the emperor Gaius, (called) Julius by another name'. It is used to form adverbs, as micle 'much, by far', þȳ 'therefore'.
It often expresses time when: ǣlċe ȝēare 'every year'; þȳ ilcan dæȝe 'on the same day'.
ʤϤǤ˸űѸޤǤ˿षƤƤˡűѸǤи٤Ϲ⤯ʤŪˤͿ (dative) ζ֤뤳Ȥ¿ĤäƤȤƤʤиòΤʤʤ褦˻פ롥ӸŪʴζʤοˤĤƤϡ#3994. űѸͿʷε ([2020-04-03-1]) Ȥ줿ۤ˶ʤȤƤϡ#811. the + ӵ + for/because ([2011-07-17-1]) ȡ#812. The sooner the better ([2011-07-18-1]) ⻲ȡ
Davis, Norman. Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer. 9th ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1953.
ѸˤǤϡؼ that 괧 the ʬΩǤ뤳ȤΤƤ롥űѸ괧ʵŪˤϻؼǤꡤޤ괧ȤƤˡǤ˳ΩƤϤʤäص夳Τ褦˸ƤǤˤ se ʤ˱ƶޤ͡ʷ֤äΤʤñʡгʤη֤ þæt ä줬Ѹλؼ that η־Ǥ롥θűѸλ˴դߤȡthat the 1֤ˤʤȤȤˤʤ롥
Ǥϡʤθ that the ֥롼פȴФΩؼȤȯãΤűѸ줫Ѹˤơ괧͡ʶ֤ the ȤƱ֤ؤȿʿƤäή줬³Сthe 1ˤʤ that 䤬ƾä椯̿ǤϤäȤthat ϻؼȤ̤εǽä椯̿æ뤳ȤǤΤǤ롥ΤˤСȤ the ȤˤؼεǽϤäȤˡλؼεǽ the å褦ˤ that ΩȤȤĤޤꡤؼ that εǽ the ߤƤȤˤʤ롥θ塤¸ΡֶΡפλؼ this ȤʬĴ˿ʤߡthat ϡֱΡפλؼȤƳΩ˻ä
Fertig (37--38) ϡΰϢθѲŬ (exaptation) λȤƾҲ𤷤Ƥ롥
A simple example can be seen in the modern survival of two singular forms from the Old English demonstrative paradigm: the and that. The contrast between these two forms originally reflected a gender distinction; that (OE þæt) was an exclusively neuter form, while the predecessors of the were non-neuter. One would expect one of these forms to have been lost with the collapse of grammatical gender. They survived by being redeployed for the distinction between definite article (the) and demonstrative (that).
ؼ that ȯãȴϢơʲ heldio hellog ΥƥĤȡ
heldio #493. ؼ this, that, these, those θ츻
hellog #154. űѸη se ζޡ ([2009-09-28-1])
hellog #156. űѸ se ʻϲ ([2009-09-30-1])
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Hogg and Fulk (202--203) Ȥơޥĸ (Proto-Germanic) ȸűѸ (Old English) 1;ñ̾γʶޤ¤٤Ƽ
| PGmc | OE | |
|---|---|---|
| Nom. | *ik | iċ |
| Acc. | *mek | mē |
| Gen. | *mīnō | mīn |
| Dat. | *miz | mē |
ɽκ¦ PGmc γƶޤˤƱ¦ OE η֤ѲˤϤʣ (analogy 䲻Ѳ (sound_change) 䤽¾βƯƤȤHogg and Fulk (203) βΤޤްѤ褦
nom.sg.: *ik must have been the unstressed form, with analogical introduction of its vowel into the stressed form, with only ON ek showing retention of the original stressed vowel amongst the Gmc languages (cf. Lat egō/ǒ).
acc.sg.: *mek is the stressed form; all the other Gmc languages show generalization of unstressed *mik. The root is *me-, with the addition of *-k borrowed from the nom. The form mē could be due to loss of *-k when *mek was extended to unstressed positions, with lengthening of the final vowel when it was re-stressed . . . . More likely it represents replacement of the acc. by the dat. . . . as happened widely in Gmc and IE . . . .
gen.sg.: To the root *me- was added the adj. suffix *-īn- (cf. stǣnen 'made of stone' < *stain-īn-a-z . . .), presumably producing *mein- > *mīn- . . . . To this was added an adj. ending, perhaps nom.acc.pl. neut. *-ō, as assumed here.
dat.sg.: Unstressed *miz developed in the same way as *hiz . . . .
ǸΤȤ PGmc *miz ˤ OE mē ˤʤäΤˤĤơHogg and Fulk (198) ȤƤϤ礦3;ñʤ PGmc *hiz OE *hē ȯãΤʿŪȯãȤ*hiz z ˤ벼θ̤ *hez Ȥʤꡤ˸Ҳ rhotacism Ф *her Ȥʤä˾ü *he ȤʤꡤǸ˶ȤĹ첻 hē ˻äȤ롥
;̾Ϲ٤εǽȤƶȼθؤ㤷Ȥ⤤뤷˿ȼޤ³Ȥ⤵롥嵭βѤǤ⡤Ӹؤʬ롥Ϣơʲε⻲ȡ
#1198. ic I ([2012-08-07-1])
#2076. us ȯˡ ([2015-01-02-1])
#2077. you ȯˡ ([2015-01-03-1])
#3713. ǽζȼ岻 ([2019-06-27-1])
#3776. ǽζȼ岻 (2) ([2019-08-29-1])
Hogg, Richard M. and R. D. Fulk. A Grammar of Old English. Vol. 2. Morphology. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
Ѹ3;̾ he, she, it, they ʳơϼʤηˤζηϤϸǤʣʤۤŪˤˤƤаޤ롥бűѸμʷС줾 hē, hēo, hit, hīe Ȥʤ뤬ܤǤ⸽Ȥκ礭Ȥʬ (cf. #155. űѸο;̾ζޡ ([2009-09-29-1]))
ޥο;̾ηϤ٤ȡΤȤƤȤϤȤ櫓3;ΤθġγʷˤĤƤϡɬƱθ츻̤櫓ǤϤʤޤƤĸޤ̤餻뤳ȤǤʤĤޤꡤ1Ĥζ̴Ʒ뤳ȤǤʤȤȤˤʤ롥3;̾ϡ12;̾䡤ؼ졤ʤɤȤϻ𤬰ۤʤ롥Lass (139) ϢѤ褦
Proto-Germanic did not inherit a fully coherent pronoun or determiner system; nothing quite like this reconstructs even for Proto-IE. Rather the collections labelled 'pronouns' or 'articles' or 'demonstratives' in the handbooks represent dialect-specific selections out of a mass of inherited forms and systems. There are clear IE first-, second-person pronoun systems: we can easily identify a first-person nom sg root */H1egh-/ (l eg-o, Go ik, OE ic 'I') and a second-person root in */t-/ (L tu, OCS ty, OE þū). There is also an interrogative in */kw-/ (L qu-is, OE hw-ā 'who?') and a deictic in */to-/ (Go to 'def art, masc nom sg', OE þæ-s 'def art m/n gen sg'). There is no reconstructable third-person pronoun, however. The personal pronouns may be heterogeneous even across Germanic: Go is, OE hē 'he' are not cognate. But overall the main systems are related, at least in outline.
ϲ̣Τ3;̾줬¾ȯǤ뤳ȤΤƬ˽Ҥ٤褦ˡѸˤǤ˻˸¤äƤƱ礭ƤȤаޤ롥ȤȤϡ֤֡μѤηȤؤˤʸǤȤȤʤΤ
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ʸˡǤϡñ they (singular_they) ˾뤳Ȥ¿ñ weפˤĤƤʹȤŪʱʸˡ "royal we", "authorial we", "editorial we" ʤɤȤΤƤˡǤ롥
OED, we, pron., n., adj. I.2 ˴ط2ĤθʸƤ롥űѸ줫ǧʤȵ˸ŤˡǤ롥ǽοȤȤ˰Ѥ롥
I.2. Used by a single person to denote himself or herself.
I.2.a. Used by a sovereign or ruler. Frequently defined by the name or title added.
The apparent Old English instances of this use are uncertain, and may rather show an inclusive plural use of the pronoun; see further B. Mitchell Old Eng. Syntax (1985) §252.
OE Witodlice we beorgað þinre ylde, gehyrsuma urum bebodum & geoffra þam undeadlicum godum. (Ælfric, Catholic Homilies: 1st Series (Royal MS.) (1997) xxix. 420)
OE Beowulf maþelode..: 'We þæt ellenweorc estum miclum, feohtan fremedon.' (Beowulf (2008) 958)
1258 We hoaten all vre treowe in þe treowþe þet heo vs oȝen þet heo stedefesteliche healden and swerien. (Proclam. Henry III (Bodleian MS.) in Transactions of Philological Society 1880-1 (1883) *173 (Middle English Dictionary))
. . . .
I.2.b. Used by a speaker or writer, in order to secure an impersonal style and tone, or to avoid the obtrusive repetition of 'I'.
N.E.D. (1926) states: 'Regularly so used in editorial and unsigned articles in newspapers and other periodicals, where the writer is understood to be supported in his opinions and statements by the editorial staff collectively.' This practice has become less usual during the 20th cent. and is limited to self-conscious and humorous contexts.
eOE Nu hæbbe we scortlice gesæd ymbe Asia londgemæro. (translation of Orosius, History (British Library MS. Add.) (1980) i. i. 12)
OE We mihton þas halgan rædinge menigfealdlicor trahtnian. (Ælfric, Catholic Homilies: 1st Series (Royal MS.) (1997) xxxvi. 495)
?a1160 Nu we willen sægen sum del wat belamp on Stephnes kinges time. (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Laud MS.) (Peterborough contin.) anno 1137)
we λؼоݤϲ뤤ϴްоݤϲȤˤʤäƤǤϺε#5283. we ŪˡϸűѸ줫 ([2023-10-14-1]) Ǽ夲 we ˡ˴ؤˤĤʤäƤ롥
夲 we ñˡˤĤƤϡ#1126. 衼åѤμˤ T/V distinction ε ([2012-05-27-1])#3468. ;ΤȤϲ (2) ([2018-10-25-1])#3480. ;ΤȤϲ (3) ([2018-11-06-1]) Ǥ⾯ƤΤǻͤޤǡ
#5171. ʣ;̾ we, you, they Ūˡ ([2023-06-24-1]) #5181. ʣ;̾ we, you, they Ūˡ (2) ([2023-07-04-1]) ʤɤεǼ夲Ƥ;̾Ūˡ (generic) ˤĤơ1;ʣ̾ we Ūˡκǽ
ޤOED, we, pron., n., adj. I.1.d θˡ롥ˤ "Used indefinitely in general statements in which the speaker or writer includes those addressed, i.e. his or her contemporaries, compatriots, fellow human beings, etc." Ȥ롥ϸűѸ줫ΤΤǡ³Ѹ줫οȤȤᤤƤߤ롥
OE On ðisum wræcfullum life we sceolon earmra manna helpan. (Ælfric, Catholic Homilies: 1st Series (Royal MS.) (1997) xxix. 258)
a1275 Þe louerd of monkinne of hire was yboren to bringen us hut of Sunne, elles wue weren for-lore. (in C. Brown, English Lyrics of 13th Century (1932) 55)
a1400 (a1325) Giue we ilkan þare langage, Me think we do þam non outrage. (Cursor Mundi (Vespasian MS.) l. 247 (Middle English Dictionary))
c1405 (c1385) We seken faste after felicitee But we goon wrong ful ofte trewely Thus may we seyn alle and nameliche .I. (G. Chaucer, Knight's Tale (Hengwrt MS.) (2003) l. 408)
űѸ줫㤬ȤΤϻפΤۤᤤȤͤ뤬Τ褦ˤפƤΤ褦įƤƻפΤϡ we ̾Ρֻ䤿פθǤϤʤꡦΤθѤƤȲ᤹뺬ϲȤȤԤԤγĥǤꡤξϢ³Τ롥äơơʸˤƤθѤƤ뤫ȤȽǤФ꤫ˤԲǽǤ餢롥
we ΤΤǤϤʤOED θǤ⼨Ƥ̤ꡤषꡦŪʡʸ̮פʤΤʸ꤬̿ӤӤƤΤǤСѤƤ we ŪˡӤӤƤ롤ȤȤǤϤʤĤޤꡤ̣ŪȤϸŪʼȤȤƱȤ you, they ŪˡˤϤ
#5171. ʣ;̾ we, you, they Ūˡ ([2023-06-24-1]) ³ꡥLGSWE ǴϢĴ٤Ƥߤ4.10.1.1--3, 4.10.2 곺սѤ褦ޤ1;̾줫顥ŪˡȤäƤ褤Τ̯ʥǤϤ롥
By choosing the plural pronoun we rather than I, a single author avoids drawing attention to himself/herself, and the writing becomes somewhat more impersonal. On the other hand, when we is used to include the reader, it has a rather different effect and the writing becomes more personal. (§4.10.1.1)
2;̾ŪˡˤĤơ
A particular problem in the use of you is that it may refer to people in general, including the speaker/writer. This is found both in speech and writing:
You've got to be a bit careful when you're renting out though. (CONV)
I have got this little problem you see. Sometimes I forget. And the trouble with "sometimes" is that you never know when to expect it. (NEWS) (§4.10.1.2)
3;̾ŪˡˤĤƤϡä˵ҤʤäΤǾά롥
嵭礹ǡ;̾ŪˡˤĤƼΤ褦˥Ȥä
When we, you, and they are used with reference to people in general (4.10.1.1--3), they tend to retain a tinge of their basic meaning.
εǤҤ٤̤ꡤ;̾Ūˡˡ֤줾ο;ΤθäȻ¸Ƥ̣襤
Biber, Douglas, Stig Johansson, Geoffrey Leech, Susan Conrad, and Edward Finegan, eds. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Harlow: Pearson Education, 1999.
Ѹˤ̾ (indefinite_pronoun) (indefinite determiner) ȤηϤ롥 (indefinite) ȿФ (definite) Ǥ롥㤨п;̾졤Ƶ̾졤ͭ̾졤ؼ̾졤ƤȤ˵̾ˤŪǤǧ뤬̾ˤϤ줬ߤʤ̾졦ϡषŪ顤ŪǤ (quantitative) ȤȤ館Ƥ褤⤷ʤŪ (universal) ʬŪ (partitive) ȤǤ롥
Quirk et al. (6.45) ˼פ̾졦ΰɽ롥Ǻܤ褦ηŪǤϤ뤬ʤʤʣʸǤ뤳Ȥ狼
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
ε#5170. 3;ñ̾Ūˡ ([2023-06-24-1]) ˰³;̾Ūˡ (generic) ˤĤơä we, you, they ˤĤơQuirk et al. (6.21) Ҳ𤷤ƳȤƼΤ褦ˤ롥
. . . plural pronouns of all persons can function generically with reference to 'people in general':
Science tells us that the earth goes round the sun. [1]
We live in an age of immense changes. [2]
You can never tell what will happen. [3]
These days you have to be careful with your money. [4]
They say it's going to snow today. [5]
Τ褦 we, you, they ŪѤ뤬Ȥο;Τεǽ˼äƤ櫓ǤϤʤ椨ɬߤ˸ǽȤϤʤʤ
we Ѥ [1], [2] ϡäꡤʹꡤ3Ԥޤह٤Ƥο͡ؤΤǡäȤؼϰϤȹͤ롥ܲȯäξȤˤޤdzȤäƤ롥äơȤˤʸϼưʸѤ롥㤨 We now know that the earth is round. It is now known that the earth is round. ȴ롥
you Ѥ [3], [4] ϡεǤ줿褦̾ one ΥեޥǤȹͤ롥you ʹο̤ξηиʤ̤롥㤨 This wine makes you feel drowsy, doesn't it? Τ褦ʸȡˤϡȤʹǤϤʤäؼ륱⤢롥it wasn't a bad life. You got up at seven, had breakfast, went for a walk . . .' Τ褦ʸȡ
they Ѥ [5] you Ʊͤ˥եޥʶ롥3;̾ŪʵǽȿǤơäʹ͡ȤޤߤꡤŪˡָҶڡס֥ǥסܡפʤɤؤȤ⤢롥㤨 I see they're raising the bus fares again. Whatever will they be doing next? They don't make decent furniture nowadays. Τ褦ʸȡ
we, you, they ŪˡˤĤơ줾ο;ΤθäȻ¸ƤȤ̣1ĵ䤬롥嵭 you ŪˡʣȤƤ you ˡǤȸڤ뤳ȤǤΤȤȤȤΤϡ "plural pronouns of all persons can function generically with reference to 'people in general'" Ȥ뤫ñȤƤ you ˡ뤳ȤϤǤʤΤϢơ#2248. ;̾ȤƤ you ([2015-06-23-1])#2313. ;̾ȤƤ thou ([2015-08-27-1]) ȡ
3;ñ̾դ٤ˡȤŪ (generic) ʻѤ롥Quirk et al. (6.20, 21, 56) 3褦
(1) he who . . . she who . . . Τ褦ʸȱɽʸŪ뤤ϸʶġʤߤˡ *it that . . . ʣ *they who . . . Ϥʤơ what . . . those who . . . Ѥ롥
He who hesitates is lost. ['The person who . . .'; a proverb]
She who must be obeyed. ['The woman who . . .']
(2) Ūñ̾ǡȱǤȱǤˡ̾Τ褦3;ñ̾Ѥ뤳ȤǤ롥
Ever since he found a need to communicate, man has been the 'speaking animal'.
A: Do you like caviar? B: I've never tasted it.
Music is my favourite subject. Is it yours?
(3) one "people in general" ɽ魯եޥɽեޥˤ you Ѥ롥ͭʷ one's ȺƵ oneself 롥ФмºݾüԤؤȤ⤢롥
I like to dress nicely. It gives one confidence.
One would (You'd) think they would run a later bus than that!
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
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