űѸ be ưˤĤƤϡ#2600. űѸ be ưζޡ ([2016-06-09-1]) Ϥᡤ¿ε夲ƤűѸ be ưΥѥϡ佼ˡ (suppletion) ŵǤꡤ͡ʸ캬˴ŤŪѤƤȤ𤬤롥Ȥ櫓ȤľˡôäƤ eom bēo ȤˡǤɤΤ褦˰ۤʤΤȤʤ롥 (aspect) 㤬ȸ뤳Ȥ¿ Campbell (§768; p. 350--51) εҤɤǤߤ뤳Ȥˤ롥
The distinction of the pres. indic. tenses eom and bēo is fairly well preserved in OE: bēo expresses what is (a) an invariable fact, e.g. ne bið swylċ cwenliċ þeaw 'such is not a queenly custom', or (b) the future, e.g. ne bið þe wilna gad 'you will have no lack of pleasure', or (c) iterative extension into the future, e.g. biþ storma ȝehwylċ aswefed 'every storm is always allayed' (i.e. on all occasions of the flight of the Phoenix, past and to come); eom expresses a present state provided its continuance is not especially regarded, e.g.wlitiġ is se wong 'the plain is beautiful'.
ŪˡȤƤϡeom ϡä˷³ռªƤ븽ߤξ֡פɽ魯ΤФbēo ϡѤλ¡ס̤סȿפɽ魯ʸ̮塤κΤ˽Фʤ⤢뤳ȤϳΤ2Ĥηˡ̤ƤªƤ褤
ۤ̿ˡη֤ˤĤƤ⡤bēon ¾η¤ǹԤʤƤʲ Campbell (§768; p. 51) ̤ꡤˡΰ㤤Ȥκۤª٤ΤȤ
The distinction of the imperatives bēo and wes is one of dialect, not of meaning. Broadly bēo is W-S and Merc., wes (woes, wæs) North.; but while bēo is never North., wes is found in W-S and Merc. . . .
Similarly inf. bēon (bīon, bīan) is W-S and Merc., wosa North.; but Ru.1 has once wesa, Li. once bīan.
The subj. forms bēo and sīe (sēo) are also dialectally distinguished: sīe is eW-S, Kt., VP, North., bēo is Ru.1 But already in eW-S bēo appears, and in lW-S it is the prevailing form (it does not appear, however, in KG). In North, it only appears in Li. (twice).
Campbell, A. Old English Grammar. Oxford: OUP, 1959.

ǯ٤ī㡼ɶˤơ˾äȤԻĤʱñפꤷơѸˤΥֺ¤ŸƤޤرѸ츻ŵʸҡˤرѸ츻ϥɥ֥åʸҡˤˡŪñ1ļ夲IJ̵Ԥ˹귡겼ꤷĤġʥߥåʱѸˤ̣浪ȤݤǿʤƤޤ
٤βϡǯ٤ΥȤƤϺǸȤʤ12ǤȤƤϡǽñȤ be ưӤޤ90ʬǤϤȤƤԤˤʤʪñǤǽ˽вñ1ĤǤꡤIJǯѸؤǤƤɬ⤦ޤȤʤʤ be ư̥Ϥޤ
ʲbe ưᤰäƤɤΤ֥쥹˽ФƤߤޤ
be ưεϡ
be ưŪ۷Ƥߤ褦
be ưü5
be ưưǤ⤢ưǤ⤢
¸ߤɽ魯 be ư
Ϣ뼭 (copula) ȤƤ be ư
ˡ If I were/was a bird, . . . ᤰͻ
be λȤϡ
be ưϿ;Ρꡦ֡ˡɽ魯ȤǤ
䤨 be ư
ain't ᤰҲŪͻ
ɸѼˤ be ưλȤ
ۤˤפĤޤֺ¤Ǥϡʤ٤¿˿졤ΤΤʤդäƹԤʤʥư90ʬҤäƤޤ礦
ֺ¤ؤλˡϡ⥪饤äΤߤȤʤޤꥢ륿Ǥμ֤Τۤ2֤θƨۿӥ⤢ޤΤԹΤ褤ˡǤäйǤֻ֤ 15:30--17:00 ȤʤäƤޤֺ¤ȿߤξܺ٤īڡꤴǧơҤ긵ˡرѸ츻ŵ٤رѸ츻ϥɥ֥å٤⤴Ѱդֺ¤ܤڤʤޤ
⤷ֺ¤ΤΤ餻ϡ heldio Ǥ#1754. 328īֺ¤ be --- ѸΡ¸ߡפ٤ĶԵ§ưȤͽԤϤޤΤǡ碌Ƥİ
ơ2025ǯ٤ΥϰڤȤʤޤ42026ǯ٤οϤޤޤϤȤϤäƤ⡤ʤȤմˤĤƤϡ2025ǯ٤Υμ˾äȤԻĤʱñפϰѤǤͽǤ1ĤαñܤƥʥߥåʱѸˤưɤäƤޤǯ٤225˸Ҥ괩Ԥ줿ظűѸ졦ѸҿӡθŤѸθʸƥȤȤĤŸͽǤǯٽմˤĤƤϡǤīθΰФƤޤΤǡ餫ܺ٤ǧ
߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵٿǡҡ2024ǯ
߷ ͧ ɹ δˡʡ 쵮 ءʹܶϡˡرѸ츻ϥɥ֥å١ҡ2025ǯ
Բ ϲ ͭظűѸ졦Ѹҿӡ١ҡ2026ǯ
ε#6062. Take an umbrella with you. with you ϤʤɬפʤΤ --- mond ȿ ([2025-12-01-1]) ȡΩ mond Ǥβơ with you ˤĤơ˹ͻƤߤ롥
βǤϡֻ with you ¿ take θꤹôäƤȲ⤷ֻ¸ߤˤꡤ take ñʤּפǤϤʤֻäƤפ̣뤳Ȥꤹ롥ʸ̮ˤäƤƱͤϲ̤ΤľܸŪ˲̤ΤǤСϤ˾ޤȤե졼ΰ̣ϡǤΰ̣ñǷޤȤ⡤ߤζ (collocation) 켫Τˤäޤ롤ȹͤ롥ϡ¤ŪˤǧθŪˤǧƤª
ơwith you ϡҤΰ̣굡ǽ˿ԤȿȤƲƹͤƤߤȡ¾ˤ⤢ꤽǤ롥1ĹͤΤϡִֶطǽפȤǤ̾դ٤ǽTake an umbrella with me. 㡤ʤֻܿ;̾ʺƵŪˡפȼ¾ʸͤƤߤ褦ʸ Quirk et al. Ȥ hellog #2322. I have no money with me. me ([2015-09-05-1]) ƷǤ롥
(1) He looked about him.
(2) She pushed the cart in front of her.
(3) She liked having her grandchildren around her.
(4) They carried some food with them.
(5) Have you any money on you?
(6) We have the whole day before us.
(7) She had her fiancé beside her.
ĤǤϡưΰ̣ꤹ뵡ǽȯưƤȲǤ뤬¿ǺΩĤΤϡŪλؼоݳơŪʶִطĴƤ뤳Ȥ(6) ˤĤƤϡαѤǻִطˤƱʸѤƤȲ롥(1) ξǤСִط above him Ǥ behind him Ǥʤ about him ʤΤȤ˶ᤤĴε̣롥
ϢƤιʸħŪϡֻζֻ줽ΤΤ;̾ˤʤȤĤޤꡤɽФƤʤ¾ֻȤ椬ռƤ롤ȹͤΤǤϤʤΤȤϡ"Pat felt a sinking sensation inside (her)." Τ褦˿;̾줬ɽФ餷ʤ뤳Ȥ⵿롥
Take an umbrella with you. with you ȡΰ̣굡ǽβˤСּפǤʤּäơ˷ӤƤפȤعʤޤȤΤݥȤäϹ̣ưΥڥȤ˴ؤ뺹߽ۤФȤǤƤִطҵǽȤ̵طǤϤʤषʪŪưΥڥȤϡִط̩ܤʴطˤϤǡξǽΩ̡εǽȤϡϢ³Τª褤Τ⤷ʤ
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
ε#6062. Take an umbrella with you. with you ϤʤɬפʤΤ --- mond ȿ ([2025-12-01-1]) ȡΩ mond Ǥβơ with you ˤĤơ˹ͻƤߤ롥
βǤϡֻ with you ¿ take θꤹôäƤȲ⤷ֻ¸ߤˤꡤ take ñʤּפǤϤʤֻäƤפ̣뤳Ȥꤹ롥ʸ̮ˤäƤƱͤϲ̤ΤľܸŪ˲̤ΤǤСϤ˾ޤȤե졼ΰ̣ϡǤΰ̣ñǷޤȤ⡤ߤζ (collocation) 켫Τˤäޤ롤ȹͤ롥ϡ¤ŪˤǧθŪˤǧƤª
ơwith you ϡҤΰ̣굡ǽ˿ԤȿȤƲƹͤƤߤȡ¾ˤ⤢ꤽǤ롥1ĹͤΤϡִֶطǽפȤǤ̾դ٤ǽTake an umbrella with me. 㡤ʤֻܿ;̾ʺƵŪˡפȼ¾ʸͤƤߤ褦ʸ Quirk et al. Ȥ hellog #2322. I have no money with me. me ([2015-09-05-1]) ƷǤ롥
(1) He looked about him.
(2) She pushed the cart in front of her.
(3) She liked having her grandchildren around her.
(4) They carried some food with them.
(5) Have you any money on you?
(6) We have the whole day before us.
(7) She had her fiancé beside her.
ĤǤϡưΰ̣ꤹ뵡ǽȯưƤȲǤ뤬¿ǺΩĤΤϡŪλؼоݳơŪʶִطĴƤ뤳Ȥ(6) ˤĤƤϡαѤǻִطˤƱʸѤƤȲ롥(1) ξǤСִط above him Ǥ behind him Ǥʤ about him ʤΤȤ˶ᤤĴε̣롥
ϢƤιʸħŪϡֻζֻ줽ΤΤ;̾ˤʤȤĤޤꡤɽФƤʤ¾ֻȤ椬ռƤ롤ȹͤΤǤϤʤΤȤϡ"Pat felt a sinking sensation inside (her)." Τ褦˿;̾줬ɽФ餷ʤ뤳Ȥ⵿롥
Take an umbrella with you. with you ȡΰ̣굡ǽβˤСּפǤʤּäơ˷ӤƤפȤعʤޤȤΤݥȤäϹ̣ưΥڥȤ˴ؤ뺹߽ۤФȤǤƤִطҵǽȤ̵طǤϤʤषʪŪưΥڥȤϡִط̩ܤʴطˤϤǡξǽΩ̡εǽȤϡϢ³Τª褤Τ⤷ʤ
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
˰³Ƥꡥ轵ζˡ䤬μͭץåȥե mond ƤXʵ Twitter˾Ƕä٤ȿƤǤޤդXΥץå327mond ǤΡ֤͡פ800ǤֱѸ˴ؤѤʵפؤδؿι⤵Ƽ´Ƥޤ
ȤʤäƤΤϡ줿Τ褦ʼǤ
˱ѸȤ椦䤵ޤTake an umbrella with you. with you äƲɬפʤǤ׳ΤˡTake an umbrella. Ǥ̤Τǡwith NP ̤ˤʤʤȻפäƤޤޤ
¤˱ԤǤΤ Take an umbrella. Ǥʸֻ̮äƤʤפΰ̣ȤʤΤǡŪˤ̤Ǥ礦 take ˤϡֻäƤפȤΤ˺ܤäƤ櫓Ǥ顥Ǥϡʤ虜虜 with you Ȥʰ츫ȾĹʡֻźΤʱѸȤΤǤ礦
βγ˿ϡ¿βáפˤޤư take ϱѸǤؤ¿Ǥꡤܵϡ֡ʼˡ˼ (= grab/grasp/seize) ۤɤǤʸ̮ʤ硤ϰ Take an umbrella. ñˡֻ˼ʤפȤᤵΤǤ with you ź뤳ȤǡַȹԡפȤڥŪʰ̣뤳Ȥˤʤꡤֻ̣äƤפ˸ꤵΤǤ I have money. ֤⤬פ I have money on me. ֤⤬פΰ㤤ˤ̤롤Ѹζ̣ᥫ˥Ǥ
βեեåAIˤȤƤޤȤƤߤޤŪȡwith you ΰ̣굡ǽ褯ʬȻפޤ

mond ԤǤϡθŪᥫ˥ˤĤơPass me the salt. ܸư~ƤפȤӤʤ顤ܤ⤷Ƥޤ
with you ˤĤƤϡ̣굡ǽȤڤ⤷ޤۤ˥ڥȡִطҵǽȤǤΤǤϤʤȹͤƤޤϤޤ̤εˤҲ𤷤Ȼפޤ
Ѥʵ䤬˱ѸܼͤƤ뤫ҰʲΥ mond ǤΥꥸʥɤǡѸΡ֤ʤפꤷƤС
Take an umbrella with you. with you äƲɬפʤǤ
ε#5879. ΰͤ ([2025-06-01-1]) (tense) ˴Ϣ夲ޤĤơ#3693. ˤȤϲ ([2019-06-07-1]) ǻˤĤƹͤȤ⤢롥
ƻȤϲʤΤ긵ˤ International Encyclopedia of Linguistics TENSE ƤߤߤƤߤ褦 (223--24)
Definition
Tense refers to the grammatical expression of the time of the situation described in the proposition, relative to some other time. This other time may be the moment of speech: for example, the past and future designate time before and after the moment of speech, respectively, while the perfect (or anterior) designates past time which is relevant to the moment of speech. Or it may be some other reference time, as in the past perfect, which signals a time prior to another time in the past---as in I had just stepped into the shower when the phone rang, where the first clause signals a time prior to that of the second. The most commonly occurring tenses are past and future; however, perfect tenses are also common, as are combinations of perfect with past and future. Some languages show degrees of remoteness in the past or future: distinctions are possible between past situations of today vs. yesterday, yesterday vs. preceding days, or recent time vs. remote time. Analogous distinctions are possible in the future but not as common. Tense is expressed by inflections, by particles, or by auxiliaries in construction with the verb; it is rarely expressed by derivational morphology . . . .
ǤϡλˤƸɽΤ (224)
Expression
According to the traditional view, tense is a verbal inflectional category expressing time; however, the possibility of tense being realized also by periphrastic constructions is usually acknowledged. There are several difficulties in applying this view to actual languages. First, the semantics of many inflectional categories contain aspectual and modal as well as temporal elements: e.g., perfective aspect in many languages is restricted to past time reference, and future tenses almost always have modal overtones. Furthermore, if a language has several tense distinctions, they often have rather different modes of expression. An example is the past/non-past and future/non-future oppositions of English; the former is inflectional, and the latter periphrastic . . . .
An alternative is to view "tense" as a cover term for those inflectional categories whose semantics is dominated by temporal notions. In inflectional systems, then, the most common tense oppositions are past/non-past and future/non-future. Less common, but by no means rare, are distinctions pertaining to degrees of remoteness, e.g. recent and remote past. At least four or five such degrees can be distinguished in certain systems, but the main remoteness distinction is generally between 'today' and 'not today'.
Tense in finite verb forms normally expresses the relation between the time referred to in the sentence and the time of the speech act (absolute tense); in non-finite verb forms, and sometimes in finite subordinate clauses, tense is relative, expressing the relation between the time expressed by the verb and that of a higher clause. Categories such as perfects and pluperfects, which signal that a situation is viewed from the perspective of a later point in time, have a debated status; they are usually expressed periphrastically, but can also occur in inflectional systems.
ǽ¦̤Τ뤤Ϸ鸫ΤˤäƤȤƤªѤäƤޤ̸ŪˡŪ˴ϢݤƤȤɬפ
Frawley, William J., ed. International Encyclopedia of Linguistics. 2nd ed. Vol. 4. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2003.
ܥ֥ǤϡޤǡֻΰספˤĤƹͤ뵡ʤäʸˡˤ뤳̾ˤĤơ塤ŪʻޤĤġޤޤ˹ͤƤȻפ
ֻ̾ξȱ (sequence_of_tenses)뤤ä˻ˤ餹Ǥϡָžܡ (backshift) ȸƤФ뤳Ȥ⤢롥
ˤѸѸ켭ŵΤĤäƤߤŪʴͻäƤΤϤʤޤ Bussmann βɤǡhellog ˤͻϵȤ
sequence of tenses
Fixed order of tenses in complex sentences. This 'relative' use of tenses is strictly regulated in Latin. If the actions depicted in the main and relative clauses are simultaneous, the tense o the dependent clause depends on the tense in the independent clause: present in the main clauses requires present subjunctive in the dependent Cal's; preterite or past perfect in the main clause requires perfect subjunctive in the dependent clause. This strict ordering also occurs in English, such as in conditional sentences: If I knew the answer I wouldn't ask vs If I had known the answerer I wouldn't have asked.
ֻΰספˤĤƤϺä긡ƤƤ (tense) Ȥʸˡ (category) ΤΤˤĤƤϵƤȤ櫓εȤ줿
#2317. Ѹˤ̤ȯã ([2015-08-31-1])
#2747. Reichenbach λ ([2016-11-03-1])
#3692. Ѹˤϲ2Ĥʤ ([2019-06-06-1])
#3693. ˤȤϲ ([2019-06-07-1])
#3718. Ѹ̤ʤȹͤͳ ([2019-07-02-1])
#4523. --- ο̤ĤäưΥƥ ([2021-09-14-1])
#5159. Ѹˤ̤ƻϤɽƤ ([2023-06-12-1])
Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.
Visser (§2148) ˤȡ'He has been crying' 'He had been crying' ΥפδλʹԷϡѸ Cursor Mundi ˽㤬ǧ롥
13.. Curs, M. 5256 he three dais had fastand bene. | Ibid. 10305, fastand had he lang noght bene. | Ibid. 14240, mari and martha had been wepand þar four dais. | Ibid. 26292, if þi parischen In sin lang has ligand bene. | Ibid. 28176, Oft haue i bene ouer mistrauand. | Ibid. 28941, þin almus agh þou for to bede, And namli til him þat has bene Hauand ..., And falles in-to state o nede plight-less.
θ Chaucer ޤѸΥƥȤ㤬³Ǥᤤ㤬ѸˤĤǧ뤫Ȥäơɬ⸽ѸοdzΩƤ褦1ĤλȤơǤˤѤƤȤȤǤϤʤºݡԤΤʤˤϡγΩ϶ѸʹߤǤ롤ˤäƤϸѸǤȽҤ٤ƤΤ⤢롥Visser ȤϾ嵭ƱˤơΤ褦⤤Ƥ롥
These types, traditionally called the 'perfect progressive' or 'expanded perfect' and the 'pluperfect progressive' or 'expanded pluperfect', are not represented in Old English. They appear for the first time on paper in the 14th century, and it took them about a century to develop into a well-established and not infrequently used idiom. In the subjoined list all the 14th, 15th, 16th and 17the century instances available are mentioned (and it is therefore not a selection like the rest), in order to show the erroneousness of various statements concerning date of earliest appearance and the incidence in earlier English (often called 'rare').. Thus Åkerlund (1911 p. 85) states: "These tenses do not occur in Old English, nor in the earlier part of the subsequent period. Later on, they creep slowly into existence---even as late as Shakespeare there are strikingly scarce; but they are not employed frequently enough." Kisbye (An Historical Outline of Eng. Syntax I 1971 p. 47) observes: "The expanded pluperfect was instance only once [italics added] in Northern ME ...---This compound tense ... being uncommon till the 19th century [italics added]." In Barbara Strang's The History of English (1970 pp. 207--8) it is averred that the periphrastic perfect did not become fully current till the 18th century, and that the periphrastic pluperfect showed its full maturity fro the time of the Restoration. (But see e.g. the quotations from Lord Berners below). As to her statement that a pluperfect progressive arose "a little earlier [than a perfect progressive] in the 14th century", see earliest examples of the perfect progressive is from Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (1386).
Դ֤ˤäªäȤȤϡ٤˺ꡤ¤ͭƤʤäȤȤǡλʹԷνиΤۤߴλʹԷΩäƤȤ¤϶̣
Visser, F. Th. An Historical Syntax of the English Language. 3 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1963--1973.
ѸληϤϤʣǡȤ櫓ؼԤˤȤäƾ㳲ȤʤΤߴλ (present perfect) Ǥ롥 (preterite)ȤϤɤۤʤΤޤܼĤߤˤ͡뤬Ѹˤθ Visser ˤСߴλȰۤʤϤΡ (indefiniteness) ˤȤ㳰ʤ櫓ǤϤʤȽҤ٤Ĥġߴλܼ3ˤޤȤƤ (III, §2004 [p. 2193]) Visser ǰƬˤƤΤϡѸεʸˡȤ⡤̻֤ռ˱ʸˡǤ뤳Ȥդ줿
The present perfect is generally preferred to the preterite
(a) when in the sentence there is no past-time adjunct and at the same time any definite idea of past-ness of the action is excluded as e.g. in 'I have been in Brasil';
(b) when there is a temporal adjunct in the sentence which does not clearly refer to a definite point of time but rather to a certain space of time, such as 'long ago', 'in my youth', 'before this time', 'once', 'often', 'ere now', 'recently', 'formerly', etc.
(c) when there is a temporal adjunct in the sentence referring to a period of time that stretches from a point in the past to the moment of speaking, e.g. 'this month', 'ever since', 'hitherto', 'of late', 'this twelvemonth', 'for many years', 'the whole afternoon', etc.
(a) ˤСߴλϡΤĵäΤʤɤ⡤ߤޤǤ˴λƤ뤳Ȥްդ롥ִλסַ̡סַиפʤɤˡήФƤ롥
(b) ˤСߴλϲ1ǤϤʤϰϤä֤ǰƬˤƤȤַиˡ˴ط롥
(c) (b) üǤȹͤ鸽ߤޤǤδ֤ǰƬ֤졤ַ³פˡ߽ФƤ롥
ִλסַ̡סַиסַ³פʤɤѸ¤٤ȡˤɬӤΤʤФ븽ߴλħϡסȤ櫓֤˴ؤĤޤּΤ1ǰƬˤƤʤȤ˵ΤǤϤʤ
Visser, F. Th. An Historical Syntax of the English Language. 3 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1963--1973.
ѸˤˤƻƥбɽϤФѲƤ㤨С̤ΤȤؼΤˤɤΤ褦ɽѤƤˤ˱äƤɤäƤߤȡűѸ줫ѸˤƤϸѤƤѸ줫鸽ѸˤƤ shall/will ʤɤѤŪɽѤ褦ˤʤä
Görlach (100) ϡƥᤰѸ˾ѲγάɽˤޤȤƤ롥ʲ˰Ѥ롥

äȤޤȤƻͤˤ줿
Görlach, Manfred. The Linguistic History of English. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997.
#4595. Ĵʸ˴ؤ֥ȸ첾ס ([2021-11-25-1]) ǻȤ Filppula and Klemola ʸɤƤ롥ƱʸǤϡѸˤ be + -ing ΡֿʹԷ (progressive form) ȯãʤλѸȤˤؤΥȸαƶˤΤǤϤʤȤ֥ȸ첾 (celtic_hypothesis) Ƥ롥
ޤ̣¤ȤơΥȷǹԤʤƤѸѼǤϡɸѸϤ˿ʹԷѤȤŪˤ Irish English, Welsh English, Hebridean English, Manx English ˤơɸŪˤϿʹԷˤȤư줬ФпʹԷѤ뤳ȡưưʹԷˤ뤳Ȥˤ꽬꤬뤳ȡwould used (to) ˿ʹԷ³Ūưɽ蘆뤳ȡdo will ˿ʹԷ³ˡߤ뤳Ȥ𤵤Ƥ롥Filppula and Klemola (212--14) ꡤ줾ʸ
There was a lot about fairies long ago [...] but I'm thinkin' that most of 'em are vanished.
I remember my granfather and old people that lived down the road here, they be all walking over to the chapel of a Sunday afternoon and they be going again at night.
But they, I heard my father and uncle saying they used be dancing there long ago, like, you know.
Yeah, that's, that's the camp. Military camp they call it [...] They do be shooting there couple of times a week or so.
ϸΥѼαѸ˸ʹԷ¿ѤȤݤΤǤꡤ¤ȤƼ롥ȸ첾ϡѸˤʹԷȯãΤΤؤΥȸαƶˤΤȤȤԤȸԤܤƤ¦̤ۤʤäƤ뤳ȤդǤ⡤Filppula and Klemola (218--19) ϡ5Ĥʤ顤ȸ첾ٻʰ PF "progressive forms" ؤˡ
(i) Of all the suggested parallels to the English PF, the Celtic (Brythonic) ones are clearly the closest, and hence, the most plausible ones, whether one think of the OE periphrastic constructions or those established in the ME and modern periods, involving the -ing form of verbs. This fact has not been given due weight in some of the earlier work on this subject.
(ii) The chronological precedence of the Celtic constructions is beyond any reasonable doubt, which also enhances the probability of contact influence from Celtic on English.
(iii) The socio-historical circumstances of the Celtic-English interface cannot have constituted an obstacle to Celtic substratum influences in the area of grammar, as has traditionally been argued especially on the basis of the research (and some of the earlier, too) has shown that the language shift situation in the centuries following the settlement of the Germanic tribes in Britain was most conductive to such influences. Again, this aspect has been ignored or not properly understood in some of the research which has tried to play down the role of Celtic influence in the history of English.
(iv) The Celtic-English contacts in the modern period have resulted in a similar tendency for some regional varieties of English to make extensive use of the PF, which lends indirect support to the Celtic hypothesis with regard to early English.
(v) Continuous tenses tend to be used more in bilingual or formerly Celtic-speaking areas than in other parts of the country . . . .
ȸ첾Ϥǯδ֤ŪȤʤäƤޤɤβˤȤɤޤȤäƤ褤ŪʱѸ˵Ҥ˰ФꤸܿνܤƤ줿Ǥϡس˹ƤɾǤ롥
Filppula, Markku and Juhani Klemola. "English in Contact: Celtic and Celtic Englishes." Chapter 107 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1687--1703.
ε#4937. ˡȯûˤȿ²ۤɽ魯 ([2022-11-02-1]) ˰³ˡΤ⤦1ĤνפˡҲ𤹤롥Ū (pragmatic softener) ȤƤƯTaylor (178) Ѥ롥
The other use of the past tense that I want to consider is also restricted to a small number of contexts. This is the use of the past tense as a pragmatic softener. By choosing the past tense, a speaker can as it were cushion the effect an utterance might have on the addressee. Thus (6b) is a more tactful way of intruding on a person's privacy than (6a):
(6) a. Excuse me, I want to ask you something.
b. Excuse me, I wanted to ask you something.
Tact can also be conveyed by the past tense in association with the progressive aspect:
(7) a. Was there anything else you were wanting?
b. I was wondering if you could help me.
The softening function of the past tense has been conventionalized in the meanings of the past tense modals in English. (8b) and (9b) are felt to be less direct than the (a) sentences; (10b) expresses greater uncertainty than (10a), especially with tonic stress on might; (11b) merely gives advice, while (11a) has the force of a command.
(8) a. Can you help me?
b. Could you help me?
(9) a. Will you help me?
b. Would you help me?
(10) a. John may know.
b. John might know.
(11) a. You shall speak to him.
b. You should speak to him.
ǽҤ٤ƤʤΤϡʤʲˡ˲ŪޤȤƵǽΤȤȤַɤƱפȤ褦ˡҲŪʷɰդʪŪΥȤϢưȹͤ롥ΥեλŪ֤ꡤʤֱפɽ魯ʷˤҲŪʷɰդžѤȤΤϡʤŬäȤǤϤʤȻϹͤƤ롥
ε#4862. ưΡפ3Ĥΰ̣ ([2022-08-19-1]) ˰³ư (verb) ΰ̣ˤĤơ (135) ˤСưΰ̣ʬϤݤ3Ĥνפʴ롥
1. ̣ (semantic_role)
2. óǰ¤ (lexical conceptual structure)
3. ڥ (aspect)
1Ĥΰ̣Ȥϡưΰ̣Ωǡʡ (argument)ˤ줾˳꿶줿̣εǽǤ롥ư (Agent)о (Theme) (Location) (Source) (Goal) ʤɤĤꤵƤ롥㤨 Marvin traveled from Boston to San Francisco. Ȥʸˤơư traveled 濴ȤƼϤۤΰ̣ߤƤߤȡMarvin ư礫ġʰưΡоݡfrom Boston to San Francisco Ȥʤ롥Τ褦˰̣δबФ¤칽¤Ȥ϶̤ơ¤ (argument structure) ȸƤ֡ʾp. 137ˡ
2Ĥθóǰ¤ȤϡỤ̄ʬʬ (componential analysis) ˡǤ롥㤨 ride, swim, run Ȥưˤϡ [GO+MANNER PATH] Ȥ̣ʬͭƤȹͤ뤳ȤǤ롥ζ̹ΤȤǡMANNER ξܺ٤ȤƤ줾־ʪ˾äơסֱˤǡסäơפȤȼղỤ̄ޤΤȹͤʾp. 139ˡ
3ĤΥڥȤϺ夲̤Ǥ롥
ư˸̤ΰ̣뤳ȤϳΤð̣Ω줫ϡʤ٤¿ưΰ̣Ū˵Ҥ뤿ˡʤ٤ΥѥꤹΤ˾ޤ嵭3Ĥδϡλߤ1ĤǤ롥
ס5ϡð̣סоȡѸؤδá١ʻ 졦⸫ ˡ ס ס ʡ¼ ҡˡˡǡ2013ǯ
ư (verb) ˴ؤ (category) Ȥơ (tense) Ȥ̤ (aspect) 롥#4655. ưΡפäƲǤ ([2022-01-24-1]) Dz⤷̤⤦1ľ (141--42) ˤҲ𤷤
ڥȤȤϡưɽּ֤˱äƤɤΤ褦Ÿ뤫ۤʤ鸫븫Ǥ롥뤿ˡ㤨ХӥǥΥΤ褦ʤΤƤߤȤ褤ŻߤΤϥˤƤ⥳ޤȤξѲϤʤưΤѲΡ㤨ХåפƳ륷ʤɤϡޤȤ˰ä̤ǤϤǤ롥Ʊͤˡưɽּ֤˱äŸʬɤΤ褦Ÿ뤫ȤʬषΤڥȤȤ롥
ʬ͡ˤʤ뤬Ūˤϰʲ3Ĥΰ̣ȤȤ߹碌ˤΤΤƤ롥ޤ3Ĥΰ̣ʾp. 142ˡ
a. [dynamic]ưŪ (dynamic) / Ū (static)
b. [punctual]ִŪ (punctual) / ³Ū (durative)
c. [telic]Ū (telic) / Ū (atelic)
ˡ3Ĥΰ̣Ȥ߹碌ư4ʬषƤߤ롥 (142) ɽʸäΤ
dynamic punctual telic ex. a. (State) - - - Marvin resembled his mother. b. ư (Activity) + - - Marvin walked. c. 達 (Accomplishment) + - + Marvin built a house. d. ã (Achievement) + + + Marvin arrived.
ס5ϡð̣סоȡѸؤδá١ʻ 졦⸫ ˡ ס ס ʡ¼ ҡˡˡǡ2013ǯ
¿θˤϡ (time) ˴Ϣ복ǰɸ뵡ǽޤޤܸˤѸˤ⤢äʬ䤹Τ (tense) Ȥ (category) Ǥ͡ߡ̤ȤּΥݥȤǤ
⤦1ġ褯ʹΤ (aspect) Ǥaspect Ȥñϡֶ̡¦̡֡¡פۤɤ̣Ƥ褵ǤǤʬˤפȤʤäƤΤǺޤʤۤؽѸȤƤ꤬ȤäΤǤ礦͡ޤ괶Ǥޤ夷ƤޤäΤ̵뤹櫓ˤ⤤ޤΤǡϡפ̤ޤ
ơaspect פˤĤƻͽĴ٤Ƥߤȡ͡⤬Ƥޤߤ˼ݤ礭ۤʤޤ
ư˴ؤʸˡƤΰĤǡưɽ魯ư֤ΤȤ館ӤʸˡʡؿѸؼŵ, p. 96
The grammatical category (expressed in verb forms) that refers to a way of looking at the time of a situation: for example, its duration, repetition, completion. Aspect contrasts with tense, the category that refers to the time of the situation with respect to some other time: for example, the moment of speaking or writing. There are two aspects in English: the progressive aspect ('We are eating lunch') and the perfect aspect ('We have eaten lunch'). (McArthur 86)
A grammatical category concerned with the relationship between the action, state or process denoted by a verb, and various temporal meanings, such as duration and level of completion. There are two aspects in English: the progressive and the perfect. (Pearce 18)
ȾǯۤΤȤǤ饤ȤκˡꥺХפäƲǤȤ䤬åȤǴޤΤȤ˼¨ʤβȤפФޤΤǡ˺ƸޤȤȤ⤢ꡤξǤʬ䤹Ż뤷奢ǻŪʲˤϤʤäƤޤäʬ䤹⤷ޤ
꤬Ȥɤ㤦ȤƤǤ礦͡ȤäΤǤ褯Τϡפưɽ魯ư֤ꡤֻפưɽ魯ưγ֤Ȥޤ
㤨 jump ķ֡פγ֤ʬ䤹ơķסķ֡סķ֤פǤ֤͡ȤΤϡķ֡פȰǤäƤ⡤ӤζĥķӻϤ褦ʤȤʳʡˤ⤢СºķӻϤƤȤʳʡˤ⤢뤷ķǤƶˤʳʡˤ⤢Сķӽäʳʡˤ⤢Сķӽääʳʡˤ⤢Ȥ褦ˡǤϾʤȤ5ʳ餤櫓Ǥ⡼βΤɤǻߤ褦ȤäǤκ٤ʳɽ魯ΤפǤ֤ؤäƤǤ϶̤ƤޤֻפȤ̼λ֤ªǤ͡
ˤפγǰΰΤߤĤޤβˤޤͤˤʤС
⤦ܳŪˤϡ#2747. Reichenbach λ ([2016-11-03-1]) ⻲ȡ
ʸͺʴƽˡؿѸؼŵ١ҡ1982ǯ
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
Pearce, Michael. The Routledge Dictionary of English Language Studies. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007.
ѸˤǤϡűѸꡤλɽ魯Τ have λ be λ2बԤʤƤbe λϼư졤褽ưư˸ꤵ졤have λ٤ФȤΩʤ¸ߤǤϤäѸˤ have λޤޤˤӡưư have λؤȾ괹Ƥä
嵭ϡbe λοˤζʽŪʳѤǤ롥Ϣ뵭Ȥơ#1653. be λˡ ([2013-11-05-1])#1814. 18--19 be λο CLMET dzǧ ([2014-04-15-1])#3031. have λ be λ --- Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy ([2017-08-14-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
Ƕ be λ have λΨ̻Ūܤ餫ˤ Smith (2012: 1537) ĴߤĤΤǡҲ𤷤Ƥ头Ȥ type ٤ token ٤Ψʤӳ١ˤƤʴȤʤäƤΤ Smith ̤2001ǯ "Role" ʸˡ
| Type | Token | |||
| Be | have | Be | have | |
| OE | 16% (11) | 84% (57) | 21% (18) | 79% (85) |
| EME | 11% (12) | 89% (92) | 24% (69) | 76% (214) |
| LME | 11% (9) | 89% (70) | 11% (12) | 89% (96) |
| EModE | 8% (10) | 92% (115) | 4% (13) | 96% (319) |
| 19th C | 3% (8) | 97% (311) | 4% (38) | 96% (839) |
will be doing ηɽ蘆̤ʹԷ (future progressive) ˡˤĤơǤ̤λȤϡ̤ΤˤƿʹνɽȤΤǤ롥߿ʹԷλǤꡤʹԷλǤΤȤޤäʿŪˡ̤ξѤΤ̤ʹԷȤȤWe'll be waiting for you at 9 o'clock tomorrow morning. When you reach the end of the bridge, I'll be waiting there to show you the way. Τ褦ʸǤ롥ˡ礭褷ʤ
̤ʹԷΤ⤦1ĤˡϡŪñ̤ʡԤ̤סˤˡǤ롥ñ̤ will do η̤ˤäƤɽǤ뤬Ȱջ̤ɤߤȶ̤ĤʤʤȤ롥㤨 I'll talk to him soon. ǤϡüԤΰջ֤ΤäֶᤤäĤפΰ̣ñʤԤΡֶᤤä뤳Ȥˤʤפۤɤΰ̣ʸ̮λ٤ʤ¤ξŪȤʤ롥Τ褦ʾ I'll be talking to him soon. ̤ʹԷˤ뤳ȤˤꡤԤɤߤŪ˼ȤǤ롥
Ʊͤ Will you come to the party tonight? ϡ֤ʤեѡƥʤפȤͶΰ̣ʤΤ֤ʤեѡƥ뤳ȤˤʤäƤ͡פۤɤνʵ䤢뤤ϳǧΰ̣ʤΤξŪȤʤꤦ롥Ԥΰ̣Ūɽ路ˤϡWill you be coming to the party tonight? Ѥ뤳ȤǤ롥
Ūˤ will do ̤ɽϡ˾ջ֤ɽ路ư줬ΰ̣ɺ (bleaching) ɽ魯νưؤʸˡ (grammaticalisation) ΤȤcf. #2208. Ѹư̤ζޤʤΤϤʤ ([2015-05-14-1])#2317. Ѹˤ̤ȯã ([2015-08-31-1])ˡνư will ȤƤäñ̤פɺ櫓ǤϤʤٻĤְջ̤פʿԤƹԤʤƤ롥ʸˡˤФز (layering) λǤ롥زη̡ξŪȤʤäƤޤä櫓ʤΤǡΰ̣Ƥǡ̤ȤʹԷפȤȯãƤ will be doing ηñ̤פΤˤήѤȤȯۤޤ줿ʸˡζͤΤ褦ʤȤäƤ褦Ƕ̣
嵭Τ褦ʻ𤬤뤿ᡤ̾ϸߡʹԷȤʤư줬̤ʹԷȤƤѤǽФƤ롥He'll be owning his own house next year. Τ褦ʸȡ
ʾ塤Ȥ Quirk et al. (4.46) ȤƼɮʤ̤ʹԷȯã19ʹߤŪݤǤ롥
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
ֱܲѸƳ2021꺣Ҳ𤹤륳ƥĤϡɽ줿ʹԷ ing äƸʬʤΡư̾ʤΡǤưοʹԷˤҤȤϸʬιʸήǤ뤬ǽư̾ιʸήǤ뤳ȤŦƥĤǤ
be + -ing ȤɽʹԷ (progressive form) εȯãˤĤƤϡѸ˾¿εʤƤޤʶȤƤꡤʤȸƤ٤Τ뤫ɤǤˤˤĤƤ Mustanoja (584--90) ˤ褯ޤȤޤäƤޤʲ˰͵ƳάҤ٤ޤ礦
űѸˤϡѸ be + -ing ΤȤ٤ʸȤ wesan/beon + -ende ޤθʬ -ende Ȥ֤äƤꡤ˹ä -ing ֤줿Ȥаޤޤcf. #2421. ʬư̾ζƯŪȯã ([2015-12-13-1])#2422. Ѹˤư̾졤ʬ졤θβŪƱ ([2015-12-14-1])ˡűѸ wesan/beon + -ende ϡΤ˷³ްդʸ̮Ѥ뤳Ȥ⤢ޤǤʤȤ¿ǽŪˤϸοʹԷľܤĤʤΤɤԳΤǤޤȤƤϥƥб빽ʸǤȤƤޤѸȡιʸϤषΩʤʤޤˤäƤ٤Ф꤬ߤޤѸˤ¤ĹϤᡤḽѸοʹԷϢʤήФޤŵŪ˷³ɽ魯ŪˡȯãΩΤϡ16ʹߤΤȤǤ
ʹԷεȯãäȳѤޤξܺ٤ϼ¤ʣǡѸ˸塤ε깭ƤޤűѸбʸ³ȯãǤȤ⤢СΡon + ư̾פιʸǤȤ⤢ޤ2ĤȤ߹碌3ƤƤꡤ줬ƤȤʤäƤ褦Ǥ
¾줫αƶˤȯãȤ¿ޤҤ̤ꡤűѸ wesan/beon + -ende ϥƥбʸ路ΤǤȤΤͭϤǤѸǤλѤˤĤƤϡťեбʸαƶ⵿ƤޤˡȸƶޤƤƤޤcf. #3754. ȸ줫ι¤Ūѡ֥ȸ첾פˤĤơ ([2019-08-07-1])ˡ
ʹԷϡΤ褦˱Ѹ˸̥ŪǤ³Ƥޤ
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
ʤΤǵڤ˱Ѹ˥ͥȤȤhellog 饸4ƤǤϳعʸˡǤɬߴλ yesterday Τ褦ʻȤΰˤĤơʤʤΤͤƤߤޤ
ѸΡʸߡ˴λȤΤϡޥˤʸˡɽʤǤ͡ߴλϡ?פȤ?ƤޤäפȤ¿Τǡȶ̤ĤˤΤǤξԤϻȤƤޤäۤʤΤ͡櫓Ǥ顤° yesterday Τ褦ʻϡߴλƱ路ƤϤʤΤ櫓ǤϤ褯Ǥޤ
ϡŪˤ "Present Perfect Puzzle" ȤƤФƤޤ䤿ԥʤΤ̵ϤʤȤޤβǤ⡤åȲȤȤˤϤʤޤΤǡ餺ξǡʲβɤ
Ƥޤᡤ⤽ⴰλȤϲȤˤĤƾܤΤꤿȤϡ##2633,2492,2749,534,2750,2763,2747,2490,2634,2635εå
ӸؤȰˤߤƤȡʸˡƥ䤽ΥСν̸űѸȤˤǰƬˤƤ⡤Ȥưβη֤ϡˤΰĸˤ봰λ (perfect) ̵ (aorist) η֤ˤΤܤ롥ưλꥫƥˤäȤȤ cf. #2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1])#2153. Ŭˤ륫ƥȤؤ ([2015-03-20-1])#3331. ĸ줫饲ޥĸؤưʸˡƤκ ([2018-06-10-1])ˡ
ۤˤϡĸưεˡ (optative) ³ˡ (subjunctive) ǤϤȤȰۤʤ֤ȤäƤűѸޤǤԤη֤Ԥ߹ɽȤʤäο֤դ줿̾Τ³ˡפ顤䤳cf. #3538. Ѹ subjunctive ֤ϰĸ optative ֤ ([2019-01-03-1])ˡ
̾ˤƱͤθݤߤ롥űѸͿ (dative) ϡͿʡåʡ (instrumental)̳ʤʤɤǽŪ˵ۼΤ־εˤϵ롥űѸηƻ졤졤̾ʤɤˤ鷺˺פĤʤ⡤ŪˤζʤѤΤǤϤʤȤ (Marsh 14) ¤ˤ䤳Τ
Clackson (114) ϡˤư쥫ƥκ̾ⵯ䤹äȤͳϰʲ̤ꡥ
In the documented history of many IE languages, the verbal system has undergone complex restructuring, while the nominal system remains largely unaltered. . . . It appears, in Indo-European languages at least, that verbal systems undergo greater changes than nouns. If this is the case, it is not difficult to see why. Verbs typically refer to processes, actions and events, whereas nouns typically refer to entities. Representations of events are likely to have more salience in discourse, and speakers seek new ways of emphasising different viewpoints of events in discourse.
It is certainly true that . . . the verbal systems of the earliest IE languages are less congruent to each other than the nominal paradigms. The reconstruction of the PIE verb is correspondingly less straightforward, and there is greater room for disagreement. Indeed, there is no general agreement even about what verbal categories should be reconstructed for PIE, let alone the ways in which these categories were expressed in the verbal morphology. The continuing debate over the PIE verb makes it one of the most exciting and fast-moving topics in comparative philology.
ȤȤϡ̣Ūˤư쥫ƥΤۤʣǰȤȤͽۤ줽Τ˰ŪˤäơŪ̾ưŪưΤۤˤȤΤϹ
Marsh, Jeannette K. "Periods: Pre-Old English." Chapter 1 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1--18.
Clackson, James. Indo-European Linguistics. Cambridge: CUP, 2007.
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