be ưϡܥ֥Ǥ¿夲Ƥ Lass θűѸ˴ؤȤơȤ櫓 b- η֤˴ؤ뻨ŪƶҲ𤷤
ޤbe ưνεˤʬLass (170) Ѥ롥
(a) an s-root (eom, eart, is, sindom = L s-um, e-s, e-s-t, s-unt);
(b) a b-root (bēo, bist, biþ, bēoþ, cognate to Skr bhu- 'remain', Latin perfect of 'be' fū-ī, OCS byti 'be', Gr phú- 'become';
(c) a w-root, in the inifinitive wesan, pres part wesende, preterite wæs, wǣron; this is cognate to OIr feiss/foss 'remain', Skr vásati 'he dwells'. Wesan is a defective cl V verb (as wesan/wæs/wǣron suggest), whose PRET1/PRET2 serve as the only past for the other stems.
Τʤ b- ˻Ѥޥ췲ǤȯãǤꡤŪˤä٤ηǤȤ (Lass 171)
The incorporation of the b-root into this group seems to be a WGmc innovation.
ޤʲ˸ڤűѸθʬʬ b- °뤬űѸˤƤϤٺ餭Ȥ (Lass 171)
. . . until the eleventh century the only present participle is wesende, and there is no past participle. After this pres part bēonde and pp be-bēon (> ModE been) appear.
űѸ b- ޤ̿ˤĤƤϡʬۤʤɤʣǡΤ褦ˤ (Lass 171)
The imperative is usually in b- in earlier texts: sg bēo, pl bēoþ; later wes, wesaþ appear (wes remains buried in wassail < wes hāl 'be healthy'). There is some regional differentiation, with b- imperatives in WS and Merc, and wes Northumbrian, though wes also occurs in WS and Mercian.
Ҥ뤬äƸɸѸˤ b- ϤϤɤȤȡŪˤϿषƤȤߤ뤳ȤǤ (Lass 171)
The standard ModE system suggests more radical loss of the b-forms than was actually the case; as late as the 1950s some conservative rural varieties in old West Mercian and West Saxon territory (e.g. the W Midlands and West Country) preserve paradigms like I bin, thee bist, Her is (Cheshire and Shropshire), I be, you be, her is, they be (Warwickshire, Somerset), or be for all persons and numbers (Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Somerset).
b- η֤˾ƤˤƤߤΤ⤪⤷
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
űѸ be ưˤĤƤϡ#2600. űѸ be ưζޡ ([2016-06-09-1]) Ϥᡤ¿ε夲ƤűѸ be ưΥѥϡ佼ˡ (suppletion) ŵǤꡤ͡ʸ캬˴ŤŪѤƤȤ𤬤롥Ȥ櫓ȤľˡôäƤ eom bēo ȤˡǤɤΤ褦˰ۤʤΤȤʤ롥 (aspect) 㤬ȸ뤳Ȥ¿ Campbell (§768; p. 350--51) εҤɤǤߤ뤳Ȥˤ롥
The distinction of the pres. indic. tenses eom and bēo is fairly well preserved in OE: bēo expresses what is (a) an invariable fact, e.g. ne bið swylċ cwenliċ þeaw 'such is not a queenly custom', or (b) the future, e.g. ne bið þe wilna gad 'you will have no lack of pleasure', or (c) iterative extension into the future, e.g. biþ storma ȝehwylċ aswefed 'every storm is always allayed' (i.e. on all occasions of the flight of the Phoenix, past and to come); eom expresses a present state provided its continuance is not especially regarded, e.g.wlitiġ is se wong 'the plain is beautiful'.
ŪˡȤƤϡeom ϡä˷³ռªƤ븽ߤξ֡פɽ魯ΤФbēo ϡѤλ¡ס̤סȿפɽ魯ʸ̮塤κΤ˽Фʤ⤢뤳ȤϳΤ2Ĥηˡ̤ƤªƤ褤
ۤ̿ˡη֤ˤĤƤ⡤bēon ¾η¤ǹԤʤƤʲ Campbell (§768; p. 51) ̤ꡤˡΰ㤤Ȥκۤª٤ΤȤ
The distinction of the imperatives bēo and wes is one of dialect, not of meaning. Broadly bēo is W-S and Merc., wes (woes, wæs) North.; but while bēo is never North., wes is found in W-S and Merc. . . .
Similarly inf. bēon (bīon, bīan) is W-S and Merc., wosa North.; but Ru.1 has once wesa, Li. once bīan.
The subj. forms bēo and sīe (sēo) are also dialectally distinguished: sīe is eW-S, Kt., VP, North., bēo is Ru.1 But already in eW-S bēo appears, and in lW-S it is the prevailing form (it does not appear, however, in KG). In North, it only appears in Li. (twice).
Campbell, A. Old English Grammar. Oxford: OUP, 1959.
ɸϡǤˡ#1307. most mest ([2012-11-24-1]) Ǥ⡤OED most (ADJECTIVE, PRONOUN, NOUN, & ADVERB)ȤĤĿ줿Ȥ뤬 OED βäɤǤ
Old English māst, the normal Old English development of the Germanic form, is attested only in Northumbrian, but it is not certain whether it existed only in that region. The vowel quality of the usual Old English form (West Saxon mǣst, Kentish mēst) is unusual. It may have been formed by analogy with lǣst least adj. (or perhaps by i-mutation from an earlier form in ā, although this presents phonological difficulties). The reflex of this form survived in the south until the 15th cent. The establishment of the (originally northern) form most as the only form in the midlands and south was probably due to the influence of the related mo adv.1 and more adj.
űѸ West Saxon ʤɤǼ첻ȿиǤ lǣst 䤫⤷ʤȽҤ٤ĤġѸʤɤǤ첻̲Ƥطʤˤϡ٤ mo, more 䤬äΤǤϤʤȽҤ٤ƤʤɡӤ褦Ǥ롥
OED ˤϡ첻̤˴ؤڤ⤢ΤǡͤޤǤ˰ѤƤ
Some forms show early shortening of the vowel before the consonant cluster -st (e.g. masst in the β forms, must in the γ forms). Some early Middle English examples of mast from southern texts probably also show a shortening of Old English ǣ (compare α forms). Occasional forms (e.g. Older Scots mest, messt in the β forms) probably show the influence of early Scandinavian.
Ǿ -est ϡ#6170. ƻӵ -er ȺǾ -est εơ ([2026-03-19-1]) Ǹ褦ˡȤʤ륲ޥĸˤ2ĤΥפΤ첻ķ̲ΤȤäƤ褤Ǿ most ϡष첻ķ̲ˤζȤϻפ뤬űѸǤ -est -ost κߤ䡤ѸǤȤƤ -mest -most κƱʤɤλ¤ǰƬˤȡ̣
Ϣơʲε⻲Ȥ줿
#1320. LAEME Ǹ most ΰ۷֤ʬۡ ([2012-12-07-1])
#2346. more, most ѤӤȯã ([2015-09-29-1])
ΤȤŪĴ٤Ƥƻ졦ӵ顦ǾεȯãˤĤơűѸʸˡ路 Campbell ꡤϢ뵭Ҥ˺ϿŪ˻ĤƤ
1. ƻκǾΰ۷ȤȯãʲѲ (§331.6; p. 139)
superlatives in -ōst- had -ūst- before u, as d.p. -ūstumiz, and hence OE has -ost < -ūst, beside -ast < -ōst (§355.4) . . . .
2. ƻκǾΰ۷ʬ (§657; pp. 272--73)
The superlative normally ends in -ost < -ust (§355.4), more rarely in -ast (§331.6), and may be declined both strong and weak. The formative element is often changed to -est by vowel harmony, especially in cases with -ost- (§385). In eW-S -ost-, -ast-, and the more archaic -ust- are used occasionally, but in all texts -est- prevails heavily. In lw-S and lNorth. -ost prevails (lNorth. also -ust-). In VP and Ru.1 it is not possible to determine if -ost- or -ast- originally prevailed in the dialects, in VP because all the forms have est- by harmony, in Ru.1 owing to entire absence of material. eKt. has -ast. KG has extended -est- to the uninflected form.
3. ƻӵ顦Ǿε (§660; p. 277)
§660. Origin of forms. The comparative and superlative suffixes which caused mutation were Gmc. -izan-, -ista-, and these were regularly developed in OE, apart from the W-S syncopation in superlatives. The non-mutating suffixes were Gmc. -ōzan-, -ōsta-. The latter develops regularly to OE -ust, -ost, -ast (§331.6). The development of -ōzan- in OE is very difficult, as the invariable syncope of an originally long medial syllable has no parallel. It is a peculiarly OE development, even OFris. having -er-, a normal development of -ōz-, corresponding to OS, OHG -or-, ON -ar-, Goth. -ōz-. The OE form is presumably due to the influence of the comparatives in -iz-, in which syncope is normal. This suffix -iz- may have been used in Prim. OE, as in OHG, not only with the few a-, ō-stems with mutated comparatives, but with most i;̯a-, i;̯ō-stems, e.g. OE swētra is not from *su;̯ōtiōz- but *su;̯ōtiz-, cf. OHG suozziro. It would also probably be used with i-stem adjs. so far as these survived. Hence -r- < -iz- would be a very frequent comparative suffix, and might replace the form derived from -ōz- in the other adjectival classes.
4. ӵ顦Ǿε (§670; p. 277)
§670. Comparison of adverbs. Adjectival advs. have normally compar. -or, superl. -ost, e.g.:
hearde, severely heardor heardost
ġearwe, readily ġearwor ġearwost
-or also appears as -ur and -ar; -ost can appear as -ust, -ast (as in the superl. adj.). In origin -ost is merely the acc. sg. neut. of the superl. adjectival suffix. Compar. -or, -ur, -ar points to Gmc. -ōz, corresponding to Goth. -os. The final r (< z) should be lost in West Gmc., but is restored by analogy of the compar. adj.
Campbell, A. Old English Grammar. Oxford: OUP, 1959.
Ѹ -ing ˤ͡䤬ꡤۤʤ뵯ΤΤ¿ˤĤƤϡ#4398. -ing αѸˡ ([2021-05-12-1]) ǤƤ̤
ϡΤʤǤư̾ (gerund) θȤƤ -ing ܤϡűѸ̾ -ing뤤ϴŪ -ung ̤뤳ȤΤƤ롥Ȥ-ing -ung ξθűѸǤʬۤѻꡤ̤äȯãθȡֲŪˤϤʤʤʣʤ褦Ȥ櫓űѸ줫Ѹˤ -ung ष-ing ݤˤʤäƤäˤĤơ椬ĤäƤ롥
Lass (201--02) ꡤξ˴ؤ뵭ҤɤǤߤ褦
(v) -ing/-ung. These originate in an IE /n/-formative + */-ko-/ . . . . Thus -ing < */-en-ko-/, -ung < */-n̥-ko-/. There is also evidence for an o-grade */-on-ko-/, as in L hom-un-cu-lus 'little man, homunculus'. The original sense is not certain, but the general model is X-ing = '(something) associated with, deriving from X'. The oldest Germanic uses seem to be in names, especially tribal: Marouíngi 'Merovingians' appears in second-century Greek sources. In the textual tradition both -ing and -ung occur as a kind of patronymic: OE Scyld-ing-as/-ung-as 'Scyldings, children of Scyld', L Lotharingi, OHG Lutar-inga, OE Hloðer-ingan 'Lotharingians, people of Lothar'.
OE seems to have two semantically differentiated suffixes from this one source, one always -ing (m), the other -ing/-ung (f). The first appears mainly in deadjectival formations like ierm-ing 'pauper' (earm 'poor'), æþel-ing 'nobleman' (æþel 'noble'), and in denominals like hōr-ing 'adulterer, fornicator' (hōre) 'whore'). The second appears as a formative in deverbal nouns, e.g. wun-ung 'dwelling' (wunian), gaderung 'gathering' (gæderian). The -ung form, curiously, seems restricted almost exclusively to class II weak verbs as bases, as in the examples above.
-ung νѸޤǤοϡ餫ͳդΤ깥ߤƤꡤŬϰϤäʤΤ
³ơCampbell (158) ˤϡűѸ֤ˤξʬۤˤĤƳ⤬ΤǡɤǤߤ褦
§383. The suffixes -ung, -ing, in abstract fem. nouns interchange fairly systematically. In all dialects -ing prevails in derivatives of weak verbs of Class I (e.g. grēting, ȝemēting, ȝewemming, ielding, fylȝing, forċirring), and -ung in derivatives of weak verbs of Class II (e.g. costnung, leornung).
Derivatives of strong verbs have -ing in lNorth. practically always (e.g. Li., Ru.2 flōwing, lesing, onwrīging), lW-S sources vary, elsewhere the instances are too few for any conclusions to be drawn . . . . In W-S there is a tendency to prefer -ing to -ung in compounds, e.g. leorningcniht, bletsingbōc. VP changes -ung- to -ing- before back vowels (d.p. -ingum, g.p. not recorded, but cf. advs. fēringa, nīowinga, wōēninga).
űѸȤ˷äȤϤǤξ֤ξ줬äȤ⼨Ƥ롥ѸˤǤϡư̾θʬθη֤ˤƶͿȤФлŦƤδ⡤-ing -ung ˤޤĤϱѸ˾太⤤Τۤ礭Ȼפ
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
Campbell, A. Old English Grammar. Oxford: OUP, 1959.
űѸ Mercia ǽ줿ʸϤޤĤäƤʤ¾٤Ƥ⸽¸ʸ̤ʤľܤˤʬʤȤ¿Ȥ¤Ϥ䤿ؤǤ븽ɸѸΥ롼ĤȤʤäƤΤ
Ϣ⤷ɤǤ Lucas and Mulvey 3 "HAMMERWICH --- Mercian English, our ancestor dialect (c. 700)" Ѥ (21)
And it is Mercian English, not West Saxon nor Northumbrian English, from which Standard Modern English has descended. Mercian is the ancestor of the prose that you are reading at this moment.
Mercia was greatest in the eight century, and its scholars were sufficiently learned for King Alfred of Wessex to recruit them to embellish his court in the ninth century. It seems that Danish raids destroyed Mercian records as they destroyed the kingdom. When Alfred reached his compromise with the Danes in 880, Mercia was divided in two.
Two forms of Mercian English evolved, described by the great Victorian scholar, Walter W. Skeat, in this way: 'The West Midland does not greatly differ from the East Midland, but it approaches more nearly, in some respects, to the Northumbrian.' The East Midland dialect became the speech of London, Oxford and Cambridge, and for that reason became the dialect of privilege. The West Midland dialect, says Skeat, was superseded by the East Midland dialect.
űѸΥޡѸʹߤȸƤФ뤳Ȥˤʤ뤬줬2ʬ줿ΤĤޤʹߤ˰ҿɸѼؤȯŸƤ椯ȤˤʤɥѸؤϢʤäΤǤ롥Υ롼ĤȤ⤤űѸΥޡǤޤƤȤϤ鷺Ȥ⡤ܤȤޤ¿ΤƤʤȤΤϡȤɤ롥

Lucas, Bill and Christopher Mulvey. A History of the English Language in 100 Places. London: Robert Hale, 2013.
597ǯKent ˥ꥹȶ⤿餵줿аޤˤĤƤϡ#5444. űѸθʸɤ --- 597ǯɤǥꥹȶ۶Ϥޤ ([2024-03-23-1]) εǼ夲Ƥɻ˾塤ƱѸ˾塤ƽʽäȤäƤ褤
͡ʥѥȤäΤ1ĤϥꥹȶȤȤ˥ (Roman alphabet) Ƴ줿Ȥ衤ޥ̱²ϥȿ̴طˤä롼ʸ (runic script) äƤ˻ʸؤȾ괹ƤȤˤʤä
ΥμƤξħŪǯȤơ602ǯ뤳ȤǤ롥Lucas and Mulvey (19) "CANTERBURY --- The adoption of the Roman alphabet (602)" ꤹᤫ顤Ƭ3Ѥ롥
The Jutish kingdom of Kent is the first region of post-Roman Britannia to leave evidence of an organized realm. That is because Kent was the first area to be reconverted to Christianity. Sent by Pope Gregory, Augustine and fellow monks arrived in Canterbury in 597, bringing not only Christianity but also writing in the form of Roman script. In 602, King Ethelbert of Kent had the monks write down the laws of his people in that script.
Those laws, called 'dooms', had been brought to Kent from Continental Europe 150 years before. They are the first surviving example, in any Germanic language, of a legal document. They are the starting point of the Anglo-American common law and tradition. They are also of great importance in the history of the English language.
First, they show that within five years of the arrival of the Roman script, it had been adopted in place of the runic alphabet . . . . Second, they provide evidence of Kentish, a dialect of English that was to disappear altogether. Third, they are the beginning of regular and widespread written records in English, as the script of the dooms spread rapidly west and north.
Ȳ Ethelbert 602ǯˡΧǽȤΤθαѸΥѤˤȤäƷŪʽäȤˤʤ롥ˡˤδ˽פǯäȤʬ롥
ˤƤιᤤ®597ǯΤ5ǯΤȤǤ롥ϴְ㤤ʤꥹȶȤȤˤ⤿餵줿ΤʤΤ

Lucas, Bill and Christopher Mulvey. A History of the English Language in 100 Places. London: Robert Hale, 2013.
1860ǯ˽Ǥ줿 Marsh ˤѸ˹ֵϿѥѥäƤ롥Marsh ˤС졤ʤűѸϡΦ֥ƥ˻ޤ줿κΤǤꡤΰ̣ˤƥ֥ƥ "aboriginal" ʸȤϸʤΤ "indigenous" ʸǤϤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥ȤƤϺΤʤǤϤ "diversity" "obscure", "confused", "imperfect", "anomalous", "irregular" ǤȤʲϢսѤ롥
§15. It has been already shown that the Anglo-Saxon conquerors consisted of several tribes. The border land of the Scandinavian and Teutonic races, whence the Anglo-Saxon invaders emigrated, has always been remarkable for the number of its local dialects. The Friesian, which bears a closer resemblance than any other linguistic group to the English, differs so much in different localities, that the dialects of Friesian parishes, separated only by a narrow arm of the sea, are often quite unintelligible to the inhabitants of each other. Moreover, the Anglo-Saxon language itself supplies internal evidence that there was a great commingling of nations in the invaders of our island. This language, in its obscure etymology, its confused and imperfect inflexions, and its anomalous and irregular syntax, appears to me to furnish abundant proof of a diversity, not of a unity, of origin. It has not what is considered the distinctive character of a modern, so much as of a mixed and ill-assimilated speech, and its relations to the various ingredients of which it is composed are just those of the present English to its own heterogeneous sources. It borrowed roots, and dropped endings, appropriated syntactical combinations without the inflexions which made them logical, and had not yet acquired a consistent and harmonious structure when the Norman conquest arrested its development, and imposed upon it, or, perhaps we should say, gave a new stimulus to, the tendencies which have resulted in the formation of modern English. There is no proof that Anglo-Saxon was ever spoken anywhere but on the soil of Great Britain; for the 'Heliand,' and other remains of old Saxon, are not Anglo-Saxon, and I think it must be regarded, not as a language which the colonists, or any of them, brought with them from the Continent, but as a new speech resulting from the fusion of many separate elements. It is, therefore, indigenous, if not aboriginal, and as exclusively local and national in its character as English itself.
űѸ˴ؤ Marsh ΤƶͥƤȻפɾˤꡤιֵϿꥹĺ˽Ǥ줿ȤطʤǰƬ֤Ƥ٤ѤκǸˤ "exclusively local and national in its character as English itself" ⡤ʸ̮Dz᤹ɬפ褦˻פ롥
űѸˤĤƤϡ#389. Angles, Saxons, and Jutes θϤȰܽ ([2010-05-21-1])#2868. ˤƸűѸޤ줿 ([2017-03-04-1])#4439. űѸϺȤƻϤޤä ([2021-06-22-1]) ε⻲ȡ
Marsh, George Perkins. Lectures on the English Language: Edited with Additional Lectures and Notes. Ed. William Smith. 4th ed. London: John Murray, 1866. Rpt. HardPress, 2012.
űѸɸ줬äɤȤˤĤƤϡǤˡ#3260. űѸˤɸಽ ([2018-03-31-1]) #4013. ָűѸɸפβ ([2020-04-22-1]) ǹͻƤŪˤϡָűѸɸ ("Standard Old English") ϡGneuss αƶϤΤʸ˴ŤȤǧƤаޤ롥ǯθǤϸűѸˤŪɸϵǤȲᤵ褦ˤʤäƤ롥
Ѽ郎ɸǤȸȤɤΤ褦ʴǤΤ褦˸ΤȤΤ Haugen ɸಽǥǤ롥ܥ֥Ǥ#2742. Haugen θɸಽ4ʳ ([2016-10-29-1]) #2745. Haugen θɸಽ4ʳ (2) ([2016-11-01-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥʤ Selection, Codification, Elaboration of function, Acceptance 4Ѽ盧äɸȤ櫓Ǥ롥
Haugen δ˽¤ꡤŪˡָűѸɸפȸƤȥ뤤 Ælfric θĿ (idiolect) ϡɸȤǧǤʤɸݤΤȤϲǽ⤷ʤɸ줽ΤΤǤϤʤHogg (401) ⤳ŦƤ롥
No matter how much we modify Haugen's criteria to accommodate a different age, it is difficult to see how we can describe Ælfrician Old English as a standard language. This is not to deny the validity of Gneuss's remarks in general, but it does seem as if he misunderstood their import. There is a viable alternative. This is to claim, following Smith (1996: 65--7), that we are dealing, in the case of Ælfric, with a focused language, rather than a standard language. the mark of a focused language is that rather than having fixed, codified forms, it contains a small amount of internal variation and as such it attract other varieties which have further variations of their own. But these other varieties then tend to adopt at least some of the forms of the focused and more prestigious language.
űѸˡɸפϤʤääΤϡ־줿 (focused) ѼˤʤȤȤǤ롥
Ϣơ#4014. ȥȸȥδط ([2020-04-23-1]) ⻲ȡɸಽε̤ˤĤƤϤ standardisation ɤ
Gneuss, H. "The Origin of Standard Old English and Æthelwold's School at Winchester." Anglo-Saxon England 1 (1972): 453--58.
Hogg, Richard. "Old English Dialectology." Chapter 16 of The Handbook of the History of English. Ed. Ans van Kemenade and Bettelou Los. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006. 395--416.
Smith, Jeremy J. An Historical Study of English: Function, Form and Change. London: Routledge, 1996.
ŪʱѸ˵ҤˤȡűѸϡ5ȾФ˥͡͡塼ȿͤʤޥζƽ̱²ߤ˾ۤʤäȤƥ֥ƥϤäƤȤϤޤ롥ΡֱѸפϡ̱²ȤνҤäΤΤƤ褤θ塤űѸ˳Ϥ줾Ϥ˺դĤȯỴ̈Ǥϸˤޤ³ɽۤ
嵭θϡ5Ⱦа衤ߤˡʤޤäȤϤ鷺ȤˤۤɸäƤʤäȤȤƤ롥#2868. ˤƸűѸޤ줿 ([2017-03-04-1]) ǾҲ𤷤褦ˡűѸϤ⤽ܿ (dialect_contact) (dialect_mixture) λʪǤϤʤȤ⤢롥8θűѸˤϤޤʤθŪ¿ѻ뤬ϸŤ̤ܿƿؤޤѤݤŵŪˤߤ븽ݤȤΤǤϤʤ
Trudgill (2045--46) Nielsen ȤĤġ˵ȤߤűѸθŪ¿ζ3Ƥ롥
1) Old English had a remarkable number of different, alternative forms corresponding to Modern English 'first', and, crucially, more than any other continental Germanic language. This variability, moreover, would appear to be linked, although in some way that is not entirely clear, to variability and differentiation on the European mainland: ærest (cf. Old High German eristo); forma (cf. Old Frisian forma); formest (cf. Gothic frumists); and fyrst (cf. Old Norse fyrst).
2) Similarly, OE had two different paradigms for the present tense of the verb to be, one derived from Indo-European *-es- and apparently related to Old Norse and Gothic; and the other deriving from Indo-European *bheu and relating to Old Saxon and Old High German. The relevant singular forms in Table 130.1
Table 130.1: Singular forms of the present tense of the verb to be (Nielsen 1998: 80)
Gothic Old Norse Old English I Old English II Old Saxon Old High German 1SG im em eom beom bium bim 2SG is es eart bist bist bist 3SG ist es is bið is(t) ist
3) Old English also exhibited variability, in all regions, in the form of the interrogative pronoun meaning 'which of two'. This alternated between hwæðer which relates to Gothic hvaóar and W. Norse hvaðarr, on the other hand, and hweder which corresponds to O. Saxon hweðar, on the other.
嵭 1) "first" ηŪ¿ˤĤƤϡѸǤϤ뤬#1307. most mest ([2012-11-24-1]) ط롥2) be ư줬Ū佼ˡ (suppletion) ˤĤƤϡεˤ뤫⤷ʤȤƶϱԤ̤佼ˡλͻݤΥҥȤˤʤ
űѸˤϡʸŪˤʾ̤ʤȤͳѶŪˤΤͿΤΤȤƼƤޤȤ¿ʸΩĻˡפΤۤ¿ܿ礬äǽꤷƤߤȡʻƤ褦˻פ롥
ܿΰŪʲϡ#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1]) ɤ
Trudgill, Peter. "Varieties of English: Dialect Contact." Chapter 130 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 2044--59.
Nielsen, Hans Frede. The Continental Backgrounds of English and its Insular Development until 1154. Odense: Odense UP, 1998.
Fertig (7) "Change vs. diachronic correspondence" ꤹߤĤ2Ĥ˸ؤˤƶ̤٤פʳǰǤ롥ζ̤ռƤʤȡפ̸˴٤뤳Ȥ롥
Linguists often use 'change' to refer to correspondences among forms that may be separated by centuries or millennia, e.g. Old English stān and Modern English stone or Middle English holp and Modern English helped. For purposes of comparative reconstruction, diachronic correspondences that relate forms separated by hundreds of years may be just what one needs, but such correspondences often mask a complex sequence of smaller developments that may have taken a very circuitous route. Linguists who are serious about understanding how change actually happens often point to the fallacies that arise from treating diachronic correspondences as if they directly reflected individual changes. Where plentiful data allows us to examine the course of a change in fine-grained detail, the picture that emerges is often very different from what we would posit if we only had evidence of the 'before' and 'after' states . . . .
ۤʤ2ĤλˤơʼȤƷˤĤơбطǧ1ȤθबȤ2Ĥθϲ餫̻ŪǷӤĤ٤Ǥ롥̻Ūθब뤲Ѳμ֤Ǥ롥֤˱äƤۤɺ٤ʾڵʤ¤ꡤľʤΤʤΤǤФɤʷζʤΤʬʤȤ¿βŤ˿¬ǤĤʤ뤳ȤǤеǤꡤ̩˼ȤʾϵΤ褦˻פ롥ݡŪ䤤Ȥơǽбطǧ2ĤθबбطΤȤߤʤƤ褤ΤȤȤʤФʤʤ⤷ʤΤǤ롥
1ĵ褦ɸѸˤϡָŤפ̣ old Ȥ줬롥űѸˤƱ eald Ȥ줬ǧ롥ǯλ֤γ֤ϤΤΡ̣ˡϤۤܰפƤꡤŪˤ⽽ʬ˶Ƥ뤿ᡤ2Ĥθδ֤̻ŪбطǧȤϸ̻ŪбطǧȤƤ⡤Ѳ̤ľŪ eald old ؤȯŸȷŤΤפǤ롥ǫ˲Ѳͻʬ뤬eald ϸűѸ쥦ȥˤ֤ǤꡤɸѸ old Ȥ֤ľܤǤϤʤषűѸ쥢ꥢ ald ̤Ȥߤ٤Ǥ롥ȤСeald old δطϡľŪǤľŪǤʤȤˤʤ롥ald old ʤľŪľŪʴطФơeald ʬǼФǤƤ롤ȤΤȤʤ롥
ľˤ˴ؤơפʬ̻ŪбطؤפʬѲؤȹͤƤФ褤
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
¸űѸʸ¿å˴äȥ (West Saxon) ǽƤ롥9ʹߥåɤΩˤꡤäۤǤ롥ϤŪʰҿϰ̤夵ΡɸפͭϸȤʤäƤϡźǷ֤Ƥ8Ⱦˤ̾祢եå粦 (Alfred the Great) Фƥå̾ʡ#4012. եå粦αѸ˾ΰյ ([2020-04-21-1]) ȡˡ1ˤϸűѸκȤȤäƤ褤եå (Ælfric) ФƸűѸ컶ʸΥǥϰۤʤ뤬ȥǽƤꡤϤĤ¾κȤƱ١ȤդǤΤȥϡűѸӤνդΥǥȤ롥ʤָűѸɸפȸƤ֤Ȥˤ꤬롥ˤĤƤϺε#4013. ָűѸɸפβ ([2020-04-22-1]) ȡ
ƱåפȤƤȸΤΡեåɻ Early West Saxon ȥեå Late West Saxon ȤñľǷӤĤ櫓ˤϤʤξѼδطϡľȤϼФζʤ꤯ͤäɽ蘆٤ΤʤΤˤĤ Mengden Kastovsky Ȥʤ鼡Τ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
Kastovsky (1992: 346) points out that the traditional distinction between "Early West Saxon" for the language prototypically represented by the Alfredian translations and "Late West Saxon", prototypically represented by Ælfric's texts, is misleading, as it suggests a mere diachronic distinction between two varieties within only a little more than a hundred years. Rather, it should be assumed that the differences between the two groups of documents are diatopic at least to the same extent as they are diachronic.
Early West Saxon Late West Saxon 1ۤɤδֳ֤ƱȤߤʤΤǤϤʤŪˤŪˤ⤺줿ľŪˤϷӤĤʤѼȤߤʤۤŪΤȤŦξѼθűѸɤ٤Ƥߤȡ1λ֤ηвȤƤ⡤Ʊ "West Saxon" ̾ƤˤϳΤ˰ۤʤäѼΤ褦ˤߤ롥դϡűѸΡɸפդΥǥˤäդƤʤФʤʤ
Mengden, Ferdinand von. "Periods: Old English." Chapter 2 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 19--32.
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Semantics and Vocabulary." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 290--408.
űѸΥȥ˴Ťաʼ˥ڥˤŪͤǤ뤳ȤˡФСָűѸɸ ("Standard Old English") Ȥɽʹ롥"(Late) West-Saxon Standard", "(Late) West-Saxon Schriftsprache" ʤ͡ʸƤ뤬ˤָűѸɸפȸ뤳Ȥ¿
ºݤΤȤָűѸɸפȤ˸䤹Ƥ̾Ǥ롥μҲؤδ餹СϤۤȤɡɸפȸƤ٤Ƥʤcf. #3260. űѸˤɸಽ ([2018-03-31-1])ˡɸ٤͡ꡤ"standard", "standardised", "fixed", "focused", "focusing", "diffuse" ʤɽѸ줬ΩƤ뤬Τ褦ʰϢμ٤ΤʤǡָűѸɸפɤդ˰֤ŤΤȤСͤλ䤿ŵŪ˻פ⤫٤ɸפΰ֤ΥƤ˰㤤ʤ͡ʽѸˤĤƤϡ#3207. ɸѸȸɸಽ˴ؤ뤤ĤνѸ ([2018-02-06-1]) ȡˡ
Mengden (28) ϡָűѸɸפͶ˴ؤơΤ褦մƤ롥
If a standard is understood as an institutionalized variety that, among other things, serves as a means of communication bridging several local and social differences in the usage of a language, the hypothesis of a Late West Saxon standard involves two problems. First, it is not falsifiable, because we have no clues as to how widely a deliberately regulated variety may have made its way outside the scriptoria. And second, the idea is implausible because it is not clear how a variety attested in a number of specialized scholarly texts should have spread into other areas of society given that literacy was limited to a rather small elite. What is plausible, though, and for this we do have evidence, is that there is an influential intellectual elite which has an enormous impact on the literary productivity in late Anglo-Saxon England, and who seem to have used the language of their works in a deliberate and comparatively uniform way.
εŪΤǤ롥ˡ̤βս (27) ǼΤ褦ˤƤ롥
. . . we are dealing with a set of texts covering a limited range of scholarly fields. It would be problematic to deduce the existence of a genuine standard language from the relative homogeneity of the Winchester texts alone. Indeed, the very fact that the documents representing "Standard Old English" all derive from a tight network of authors and instigators in a predominantly monastic context --- all in all a rather small, albeit influential, group of people --- speaks against rather than in favor of the wider use of their linguistic features outside these circles. It is therefore justified to speak of orthographic conventions characteristic of the Winchester school, perhaps of a West Saxon Schriftsprache, but it is difficult, if not impossible to make judgments about the scope and influence of the Winchester conventions.
ָűѸɸפˤĤơΤ褦ˤޤȤƤȥŪѰʽդϡ켫ΤűѸɸಽ˹ȤϤʤϸ¸ʸ˸űѸʸȾȿǤƤȤ¤ʾǤʲǤʤ
Mengden, Ferdinand von. "Periods: Old English." Chapter 2 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 19--32.
űѸʬˤĤƤϡ#1433. 10θűѸƥȤʬۡ ([2013-03-30-1]) ϿޤǤNorthumbrian, Mercian, Kentish, West-Saxon Ȥ줤ʬƤ褦ˤߤ뤬űѸͭιä𤬤ꡤºݤˤ¿ȤդƤɬפ롥Hogg (4) 3Ƥ롥
. . . it is important to recognize that it is open to several major caveats and objections. Firstly, it is well known that these dialects refer only to actual linguistic material, and therefore there are large areas of the country, most obviously East Anglia, about whose dialect status we cannot know directly from OE evidence. Secondly, the nomenclature adopted is derived from political structures whereas most of the writing we have is to be more directly associated with ecclesiastical structures. Thirdly, the type of approach which leads to the above division is a product of the Stammbaum and its associated theories, whereas modern dialectology, either synchronic or diachronic ... demonstrates that such a rigidly demarcated division is ultimately untenable. It would be preferable to consider each text as an 'informant', ... which is more or less closely related to other texts on an individual basis, with the classification of texts into dialect groups being viewed as a process determined by the purposes of the linguistic analysis at hand, rather than as some a priori fact. . . .
ޤȤСűѸξڵ (evidence) ʬۤϰˤäƥХХǤ̤⾯ʤȡϰ¸ߤطʤˤμҲŪʻԾܤǤ뤳ȡ͡٤ܿäϤǤ뤳Ȥ3Ǥ롥ʬ褦ȤݤƬˤǤ뤳Ȥưפ롥ѤκǸƤ褦ˡűѸʬϡ̤θʬϤΤβιʪȤȤ館ƤΤǤ롥Ǥϡʬ (periodisation) ˤᤤȤ롥
Hogg, Richard M. A Grammar of Old English. Vol. 1. 1992. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
#1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1]) #2578. ȸ̤ƱѸؼѤ줿찮Υƥñ ([2016-05-18-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡޥ֥ƥ˥ߤȹͤĮ̾ˤϡƥ castrum ϡˤͳ褹ǤޤΤʤʤΥƥñϡǤΦ˥ޥ˼ѤƤȹͤ롥
ɸΤ褦ˡѸ̾ǤȤƤϤĤΰ۷ꡤΰ۷ʬۤˤϷ롥Ϥ꽻ɤŪϰǤϡ-chester ȤʤΤ¿ (ex. Colchester, Dorchester, Manchester, Rochester, Winchester)
Ϥ꽻˥ǡͤǤ -caster ȤʤȤ¿ (ex. Doncaster, Lancaster, Tadcaster)
ޤϤȥϤͻ礷ȤϰǤ -cester ¿ȯϤĤŤޤä /-stə/ Ȥʤ (ex. Bichester, Gloucester, Leicester, Worcester) رѸ츻ŵ٤ˤȡȯ Anglo-French ȯȿǤƤȤ롥ˡ륺ȤζǤϸƬҲ x ȤʤꡤExeter, Wroxeter ʤɤ㤬롥
嵭ʬۤϡޤǷˤɬ⤭줤ˤϤʤ褦̾ءʲ˳ء˳ؤθƤ褦Ƕ̣Ԥʤʾ塤ǥȥåȤ25--26ڡȤƼɮ
ǥC. S.J. åȡˡ աʴˡʡ ˡرѸˤǤ狼륤ꥹ̾١Ѹҡ2005ǯ
Ѹ첻ˤǤϴȤơűѸ West-Saxon ˤ <æ> ֤Ĺ첻ϡε˱2˶̤롥줾Ū ǣ1 ǣ2 ȤƸڤ뤳Ȥ¿ʤʤȤ˸ԤˤäƤ 1 2 źžڤߤˡ2ϡѸʹߤˤˤƤˤäƤФж̤뤳Ȥ顤ƱѤʤɡѸ˸塤פôäƤ롥
(75--76) ˤСޥӸؾ塤ǣ1 ǣ2 εϰۤʤäƤ롥ǣ1 ޥʳǤ *[aː]- ɡ֤ West-Saxon ˤ岽Τǡnon-West-Saxon ǤϤ˾夲Ф [eː] Ȥʤä (ex. dǣd "deed", lǣtan "let", þǣr "there") ǣ2 ޥ *[aɪ] űѸޤǤ [ɑː] ѲΤ i-mutation ФϤǤ (ex. lǣran "teach", dǣlan "deal") ϡWest-Saxon Τߤʤ餺 Anglian Ǥݤ줿Kentish ǤϾ夲ˤ [eː] Ȥʤääơǣ1 ǣ2 βδطϡWest-Saxon Ǥ [æː] : [æː]Anglian Ǥ [eː] : [æː]Kentish Ǥ [eː] : [eː] Ȥʤ롥ޤȤСʲ̤ꡥ
PGmc aː > OE WS æː NWS æː > eː WGmc aɪ > OE ɑː > (i-mutation) WS, Angl æː K æː > eː
סزˡ١Ѹ11罤۽Ź1985ǯ
űѸˤĤƤϡ#1433. 10θűѸƥȤʬۡ ([2013-03-30-1])#2868. ˤƸűѸޤ줿 ([2017-03-04-1]) ˤƤϡCrowley (102) ΥꥹȤ˽äơ(1) Ωǯ夬ʬäƤꡤ(2) Τ褽ޤä(3) ŪˤӤűѸƥȤΰƸƤ
| Abbreviated Title | Content | Date | Where Written |
|---|---|---|---|
| NORTHUMBRIAN | |||
| RuthCr | Ruthwell Cross inscription: about 320 runes | S. VIII1 | Dumfrieshire, NW |
| HENames | OE Names in Bed's Historica (MSS. Moore, Leningrad, Cott. Tib. A.xiv): 5000-6000 personal or place names | VIII | Moore: Northumbria (Wright 1964); Len & Tib.: Wearmouth-Jarrow (Lowe 1958) |
| Cæd | Cædmon's Hymn (Moore, Leningrad MSS. of Bede's HE) | VIII1 or VIIIm | M: Northumbria; L: Wearmouth-Jarrow |
| Ru2 | Owun's gloss to Luke and most of Mark and John in the Rushworth Gospels | X2 | probably Yorkshire WR |
| Li | Gloss to the gosepels (Lindisfarne Gospels) | X2 | Durhamshire |
| RitGl | Gloss to the Rituale Ecclesiae Dunelmensis | X2 | Durhamshire |
| MERCIAN | |||
| Charters 47, 48 in Sweet's Oldest English Texts | Prose and names (While Chs. are relatively skimpy, they are the best localized witnesses of Mercian.) | 47: c. 836 Mercia; 48: c. 840 | Mercia |
| WEST SAXON (While the first three witnesses below are not so linguistically consistent as the Late West Saxon ones that follow, they are nonetheless the principal witnesses of Early West Saxon.) | |||
| CP (C), CP (H) | The two earliest mss of Alfred's translation of the Cura Pastoralis | 890--7 | Wessex |
| Chron (A) | The OE Chronicle in the Parker MS., folios 1--25v | c. 900; c. 925 | Winchester (Parkes 1976) |
| Or(L) | OE translation of Orosius in the Lauderdale MS. | X1 | Winchester (Ker) |
| BenR(O) | OE Rule of St. Benedict | X2 | probably Winchester (Gretsch 1974: 133) |
| ÆCHom(A) | The Royal MS. of Ælfric's Catholic Homilies | 990 | Cerne Abbas, Dorset. Emended by Ælfric himself. (Eliason & Clemoes 1966) |
| ÆCHom(K) | The Catholic Homilies in MS. Cambr. Univ. Lib. Gg 3.28 | X/XI | unknown, but the text shows marks of Ælfric's supervision (Sisam 1953: 178) |
| ÆCHom(Q) | Homilies in MS. Corp. Chr. Col., Cambr. 188 | XI1 | " |
| Chron(B, C) | Two mass of the OE Chronicle | B: X2; C: XIm, XI2 | Abingdon, Berkshire; Abingdon, Berkshire |
| Or(C) | OE Orosius | XI1 | Abingdon, Berkshire |
| WS(O, A) | West Saxon Gospels | O: c.1000; A: XI2 | Wessex (Bath?); Wessex (Exeter) |
| KENTISH | none | ||
700 800 900 1000 1100
| | | | |
North s sXXX X XX
Merc. s s s XX s s
Kent. s ss s s
W. Sax. s s X X XX X X X XsXsXsXssXsss
˻θűѸʤ700ǯ夫ʸڤűѸνѼϡˤΩΤ5Φޥ̱²֥ƥ˿ƤΤȤ餬ơ¿Ѳ뤲ˤ衤ŪˤϤΤޤݤơ8ʹߤʸ˸Ƥ롤ȤȤʤΤ
űѸηˤĤ Crowley ϡΤ褦ˤϹͤƤʤCrowley ϡष8ʹߤ˳ǧűѸνϡ餬֥ƥذܽν礿װȤΤǤƤ롥5ΰܽˤäơޥν̱²ϳơȤƤȤȤϤä֥ƥϤäƤϡ̱²Ϥ䤬ͻ礷Ūʺۤ⤤äϤ褽ʿ줿ǽ⤤ (cf. dialect levelling) θ塤Ƥӥ֥ƥˤư˻λϤޤޤǤˡ䤿ѻǤűѸνޤƤΤǤϤʤCrowley ϡβη˴ؤװȤơפʽˡϷˡꥹȶ顤ܿƤ롥Crowley (97--98) ľܸäƤ餪
In the genesis of the Old English dialects, post-migration factors appear to have been more important than pre-migration factors. For the most part, the dialects were not brought over from the continent. While there is historical and archaeological evidence to support Bede's statement that the principal peoples in the settlement were the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes . . . , there is even more evidence, archaeological, documentary, and onomastic, to indicate that more tribes than these three took part in the migration and that the settlement groups were heterogeneous --- that there were rarely coherent, homogeneous, separate areas of settlement exclusively for the Angles or Saxons or Jutes. Though it is a fact that certain distinct regional groups in sixth-century Anglo-Saxon jewelry correspond to particular cultures of the continental Angles and Saxons respectively, this proves nothing about the dialect divisions of Old English in that period. The linguistic features which differentiate Old English dialects, except for ǣ1/ē . . . and perhaps breaking/retraction, seem to have developed in England after the migration and primarily because of isolative geographical and political conditions. The invaders probably spoke various dialects of Germanic, but the differences between those dialects were not (ǣ1/ē excepted) those that by c. 750 AD (the time our witness documents begin) distinguished the Old English dialects. Most of the division between the continental tribes were probably lost in the mixing and social reorganisation of the migration and settlement.
The chief factors, then, in shaping the attested Old English dialects seem to have been forces in post-migration England: physiography, military and political history, Christianity and education, and contacts with other languages --- in order of descending importance. . . . Once regional differences in phonology and inflections developed during the proto-Old English period, the spoken dialects were probably not radically modified by later political and educational changes, for such factors directly affected the speech of only a minority of the population.
űѸʬˤĤƤζʽŪʵҤϡ#1433. 10θűѸƥȤʬۡ ([2013-03-30-1]) εȡ
Crowley, Joseph P. "The Study of Old English Dialects." English Studies 67 (1986): 97--104.
ε#1433. 10θűѸƥȤʬۡ ([2013-03-30-1]) ǸűѸˤĤƳѤKentish ɸѸ˱ƶͿƤʲǽΤ2ĤۤɤߤƤߤɸ2˴ޤޤ첻 e Ǥ롥
ǤˤĤƤϡܥ֥Ǥ#562. busy ֻȯ ([2010-11-10-1]) #563. Chaucer merry ([2010-11-11-1]) #570. bury 첻ʬۡ ([2010-11-18-1]) ǸںѤߤǤΤǡ첻ʻˤˤĤƤˤϤȤ줿ĤޤǤСűѸˤ West-Saxon y Anglian Ǥ i ˡKentish Ǥ e бȤ첻㤬äʬۤϤ褽Ѹؤۤ졤Ǥ <u> ֻ /y/ ȯԤʤ졤Ǥ <i> /ɪ/ Ǥ <e> /ɛ/ Ԥʤ줿ѸѸˤƤäȿʤֻɸಽ˺ݤƤϡɤ첻ʻˤ̤ȤФ줿ñˤäưۤʤäƤꡤֻȯδ֤Ǥפʤ⸽ƤޤäǤֻȯδطƤ busy bury ʤɤ㤬
嵭ɸಽβǡűѸ Kentish Ѹͳ褹첻ʻ<e> /ɛ/ Ѥ줿ϾʤΤΡ#570. bury 첻ʬۡ ([2010-11-18-1]) ǵ褦 merry (West-Saxon myrig) knell (West-Saxon cnyllan) 롥Ǥϼ䤷Τǡɸ2äƤߤ
leftʺˤϴܸ졦ٸˤȸ츻 lift ʻ夲ˤƱǤ롥ΤȤ뤳ȤֵʼˡפȤĤʤΤǤϤʤȤWest-Saxon Ǥ lyftʶˤȤƸ뤬ֺפθϤäƤʤνФ1200ѸΤȤǤ롥MED Ǥϡlift (adj.) ȤƸФΩäƤ롥
̤ˤС#329. αȺ ([2010-03-22-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡleftʺˤϰĸǡּ夤פȤ캬̤ꡤleprosyʥϥ¡ˤʤɤƱȤʤ롥West-Saxon lyftādl (paralysis) 1ǤȤƴޤޤƤ뤳ȤФиڤ롥
θ츻Τˤ衤űѸ Kentish ͳ첻ʻˤѤƸɸѸ夷Ǥ뤳Ȥϴְ㤤ʤ
⤦1Ĥϡhemlockʥɥ˥ˤǤ롥ƥ˻餷ȿƤ롥West-Saxon Ǥ hymlic(e) ȤƸѸǤϡMED hemlok(e (n.) ȤƸФΩäƤ뤬ºݤˤϼ첻ʻˤdzǧ롥
Ƥ Kentish ɸѸǴΤƤȤäǤ
ѸʬˤĤƤϡ#130. Ѹʬ ([2009-09-04-1]) ۤme_dialect γƵǰäƤűѸˤĤƤܥ֥ǤϤޤ꿨ƤʤäűѸϿޤˤĤƤϡ#715. Britannica Online ǻȤǤϿޡ ([2011-04-12-1]) ǥĥä Encyclopedia - Britannica Online Encyclopedia The distribution of Old English dialects ؤʤΤǡȤؤΤ˥Ǥʲ˺ƷǤ롥

űѸϡŪˡNorthumbrian, Mercian ʤ2Ĥ碌 Anglian ȤƤ֡, West-Saxon, Kentish 4Ĥ˶ʬ롥4˶ʬȤäƤ⡤űѸºݤ4Ĥʤäȸ櫓ǤϤʤɤȤȤСʸؼԤˤޤǤܤʤɤɽ蘆ƤʬϤȤŪħˤ4٤˶ʬΤŬڤȤȤˤʤäƤ롤ȤȤǤ롥ߤűѸƥȤ3000ƥȤۤɤǡ300ۤɤǤ롥٤εϤǤϡ˹ǤʤСܺ٤ħФȤϤǤʤޤϰŪʺΤߤʤ餺űѸСλŪʺͿƤϤǤꡤºݤˤäǤűѸ¿¿ͤѼ¸ڵˤ꽽ʬȤȤȤʤΤǤ롥
11θűѸˤʤȡWest-Saxon ˤդɸŪȤʤꡤפʸΤۤȤɤѼǽ뤳Ȥˤʤä10ˤϡ¾ˤ줿ƥȤ⾯ʤʤºݡˤäƥƥȤɽ蘆ˤФ꤬롥ϡôϰ褬ŪʸŪͥäȤŪ¤ƤꡤΥƥȤŪ̻ŪʬۤΤޤҲỤ̄ӤӤƤ뤳Ȥɽ路Ƥ롥
Ǥϡ10θűѸƥȤɽ蘆ƤʬۤCrystal (35--36) ͿƤ̤ˡˤɽηǰʲ˼Ƥߤ褦줾ƥȤμ䵬ϤˤĤƤƤʤΤǡޤʬۤλͤޤǤˡ
| probable date | Northumbrian | Mercian | West Saxon | Kentish |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 675 | Franks Casket inscription | |||
| 700 | Ruthwell Cross inscription | Epinal glosses Charters | ||
| 725 | Person and place-names in Bede, Cædmon's Hymn, Bede's Death Song | Person and place-names in Bede, Charters | ||
| 750 | Leiden Riddle | Charters | Charters | |
| 775 | Blickling glosses, Erfurt glosses, Charters | Charters | ||
| 800 | Corpus glosses | |||
| 825 | Vespasian Psalter glosses, Lorica Prayer, Lorica glosses | Charters | ||
| 850 | Charters | Charters, Medicinal recipes | ||
| 875 | Charters, Royal genealogies, Martyrologies | |||
| 900 | Cura pastoralis, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle | |||
| 925 | Orosius, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle | |||
| 950 | Royal glosses | Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Medicinal recipes | Charters, Kentish Hymn, Kentish Psalm, Kentish proverb glosses | |
| 975 | Rushworth Gospel glosses, Lindisfarne Gospel glosses, Durham Ritual glosses | Rushworth Gospel glosses |
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