#5965. Ѹȯȡ첻ܡ --- 928ˤθ塤ܲزβإߥʡˤƤäޤ ([2025-08-26-1]) ǤΤ餻Ȥꡤ928ˤĻرؤˤơܲزڰѰŤ35إߥʡˤ첻 (gvs) ˤĤƤäƤޤߥʡԤ³Υå碌3ֶĹǤ̤뤤ϥ饤ˤ¿ˤäˤȤäƤ⤿ؤ¤ȤʤޤüԤγ꤬ȤޤޤزĹκƣڰѰɻȤ櫓Ƶ٤Ǥäˤʤäλɧˤϴտ夲ޤ
ߥʡγפˤĤƤ markmap ˤޥɥޥåײޤʲåƳˡ

åǤ¿μޤ֤¤ˤꡤ٤Ƥˤ뤳ȤǤޤǤ塤ܥ֥ Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio) ʤɤ̤Ƽ夲ƤȻפޤҺ첻ܡפˤܤ
ܲزڰѰꤪ1ۤɸ92814:00--17:00 ˡ35إߥʡˤɸǤäƤȤˤʤޤѸˤˤƺǤ褯Τ벻Ѳ1ġ첻 (Great Vowel Shift; gvs) ڤȤơѸȯᤰ¿ѲˤĤƵͽǤ
ʤñ name ϡ֥ʥפǤϤʤ /neɪm/ ȯΤroom Ϥʤ֥פǤϤʤ /ruːm/ ʤΤѸؽʤï⤬٤ѤʵǤ礦ѸֻȯδطϰǤϤԵ§ϳؽԡʤӶԡˤǺޤ礭װȤʤäƤޤΡֻȯЪΥ (spelling_pronunciation_gap) طʤˤϡ͡ŪװäƤޤΤʤǤϤʱƶڤܤΤѸѸˤȤ첻ܡפǤβѲϢܥ֥Ǥ#205. 첻ܡ ([2009-11-18-1]) Ϥᡤ¿εǼ夲Ƥޤ
첻ܤϡǤСαѸΤ٤ƤĹ첻βϢưƶͤΤ褦ѲݤǤҤ name ˤȤСĤ /naːmə/ ȯƤ첻 /aː/ 徺 /ɛː/ /e;ː/ ȤʤꡤǽŪ2첻 /eɪ/ Ȥʤޤ
βѲϹϤηŪޤ٤Ƥñˡ뤤Ϥ٤ƤϰǰΧŬѤ줿櫓ǤϤޤǤοƩԶѰӤθ̤βѲŪʸ̤ˤꡤѸˤߤȯ¿߽Ф˻ޤߤɸѸɸѸΰ㤤䡤Ѹ֤κۤˡ礭ʱƶڤܤƤΤǤ
ΥߥʡǤϡŪѲγפ⤹ȤȤˡ줬¿ͤʱѸȯˤɤΤ褦ʥѥȤͿƤΤˤƤȹͤƤޤ
ܥơޤϡؤѸˤȤϤΤȡѸܤѸޤؤǤ¿ˤȤäƤⶽ̣ơޤȤʤϤǤȤ櫓γعDZѸƤѸ춵ܻؤγˤȤäơ֤ʤѸ֤ȯϤۤɤޤǤ˿äƤΤפȤ̤κŪ䤤ˡŪʻ1ĤͿҥȤ뵡ˤʤȻפޤ
ܥߥʡϡĻرؤǤ̤ȥ饤 (Zoom) ǤΥϥ֥åɳŤȤʤޤؿΤϡҤäйǤʲˡزȤߥʡΤޤ
ڡ35إߥʡѸȯȡ첻ܡס
: ܲز ڰѰĻرضʹֲʳֶʹֲʳظ
2025ǯ92814:00--17:00
ơޡ Ѹȯȡ첻ܡ
ֻա δʷʸ
ס ʤ name /neɪm/ ȡroom /ruːm/ ȯΤѸ֤ȯδ֤˴פϡŪʲѲ˵ޤäˡ첻ܡפϡѸȯ礭ʱƶͿޤֱܹǤϡŪѲ⤷ʤѸ줬Τ褦ȯˤʤäΤޤˡѲԶѰѸȯ¿ˤɤҤΤܤɸѸʳ¿ͤȯˤܤޤ
졧 ʣ̤ȡʣ˥饤 (Zoom) Ʊϥ֥åɳ
ʣ̡Ļر Ļѥ1717410
150-8366 Խëë4-4-25
ޥå
ѥޥå
ʣ˥饤ZoomϡϿ줿륢ɥ쥹˳ޤǤˤΤ餻ޤ
100̾饤400̾
ˡ ڻϿ 鷺ե (Peatix) 餪߲
ե
եΡ֥åȤפåƲ
Ͽˤ Peatix ȤɬפǤȺˤϥ륢ɥ쥹 Google ȤʤɤȤޤ
Ͽ¡ 926ʶ
ӳ̵
1,500
¿γΤäԤƤޤ
Ϣ crocodile θֻˤĤĴ٤Ƥ뤬βɽ˴ؿäꥷ κροκόδειλος 3ˤߤ ει 2Ż (digraph) ƥ˼ޤݤˤ crocodīlus Τ褦1Ĥ첻ݻƤ롥ѸֻǤ⡤Τ crocodile i 1ʸΤߤɽ
Ĵ٤Ƥߤȡꥷñ줬Ū뤤ľŪ˱Ѹ˼ޤݤˤϡĤΥѥȤǤϤ뤬Upward and Davidson (220--21) ˤСѸֻ˴ؤƴˤʤŪʿˤߤ롥
Gr EI transliterated as E or I
Although a digraph, Gr EI perhaps represented a simple vowel sound rather than a diphthong, and was liable to misspelling in classical Gr as just iota or eta.
Latin transliterated Gr EI as either E or I, not as EI. Direct transliteration from Gr to Eng giving EI, as in eirenic, kaleidoscope, pleistocene, seismic, protein, Pleiades typically date from the 19th or 20th centuries, and have therefore not come via Lat. The contrast between such modern transliterations and the older Lat-derived ones is seen in pairs such as apodeictic/apodictic 'demonstrably true' (< Latin apodicticus < Gr apodeiktikos), cheiropractic/chiropractic, Eirene/Irene.
Lat gave Eng an arbitrary spelling variation by tending to transliterate Gr EI as E before a vowel and as I before a consonant: thus panacea, truchea (< Gr panakeia, tracheia) but icon, idol, lichen (< Gr eikōn, eidōlon, leichēn), and similarly with crocodile, dinosaur, empirical, idyll, pirate. Note, however, angiosperm (< Gr aggeion) with I before O, and hygiene (< Gr hugieinē) with E before N preventing a repetition of I in *hygiine.
Underlying the Y of therapy, idolatry is Gr -EIA (Gr latreia 'worship', therapeia) whereas Gr -IA underlies the Y of theory, history (< Gr theōria, historia).
ۤñʷǤʤʬ뤬Ⱦˤäơꥷ줫ľܼѤʤΤƥͳƤδܼѤʤΤ뤳ȤȤΤ϶̣#3373. ּáס ([2018-07-22-1]) ۵롥
Upward, Christopher and George Davidson. The History of English Spelling. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
ε#5808. ʤ wind û첻Τ ([2025-03-22-1]) Ǽ夲³ԡ
Ѹ첻ˤ Minkova (168--69) ϡƱĹ (homorganic_lengthening) ˤĤƲ⤹ʸ̮ǡ wind /wɪnd/ ˿Ƥꡤû첻¸üŦƤ롥
The third cluster associated with Homorganic Cluster Lengthening is [-nd]. The long-term effect of this cluster is limited. It applies systematically only to the high vowels [i] and [u].
(7) OE <-ind> and <und> lengthening:
Early OE ME blind [blind] blind [bliːnd] 'blind' grindan [grindən] grind(en) [griːndən] 'grind' (be)hindan [-hindən] bihinde [-hiːnd(ə)] 'behind' grund [grund] ground [gruːnd] 'ground' hund [hund] hound [huːnd] 'hound' pund [pund] pound [puːnd] 'pound'
The pair wind, n. - wind, v. is a special case, probably best explained on the grounds of homophony avoidance. Rhyme evidence suggests that the forms were actually homophonous into the late seventeenth century. The restriction of the lengthening effect to the high vowels leaves a whole set of common OE lexemes such as band, hand, land, sand, bend, blend, end, rend, send, spend, tender, wend with short vowels in PDE.
Minkova ϡƱ۵ (homonymic_clash) ˤƤΤΡĥƤ櫓ǤϤʤ첻ˤĤηŪ˺ѤƱĹλ¿ˤĤνĤæƤ뤫Τ褦 wind /wɪnd/ ü⤭ĦˤʤꡤβͭյƳǧ롥
첻Ȥ i Τߤʤ餺 u ʿŪ˹ͤȤȡ㤨С֤ʤ fund û첻ΤפƱͤƤ褤ȤˤʤĴٻϤȻäƤ롥
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
إᥤȤ ari note #227ڿ-ind -ing ȯΰ㤤뤤 wind ȯˤĤơꤹ뵭ƤĤ꤬夲Ƥ뤬Ȥ櫓 wind ˤ /wɪnd/ û첻ȯΤϤʤȤ䤤̣äΤŪͽۤ2첻 */waɪnd/ ȤʤꤽʤΤºݤƱְ۵ wind ʶʤ꤯ͤˤ /waɪnd/ ȯʤΤǡԻĤǤ롥
ari ʬŪ˰ѤƤ뤬OED wind (n1) ȯˤ˴ؤեǰѤ褦
Pronunciation
The phonological development of this word differs from that of nouns with a similar phonological shape in Middle English, such as hind n.1 and rind n.1, and similarly the verb wind v.1 These show the result of lengthening of the vowel before the homorganic consonant cluster -nd in Old English. The evidence of the early modern orthoepists shows that there was considerable variation in early modern English between pronunciations with a short vowel or a long vowel (or its diphthongal reflex after the operation of the Great Vowel Shift); this variation appears to have been unusually persistent in the case of the present word (compare discussion in E. J. Dobson Eng. Pronunc. 1500--1700 (ed. 2, 1968) vol. II. §12), for which the pronunciation with a short vowel is the one that became usual in later standard English. Until the 18th cent. the diphthongal pronunciation appears to have been more usual, but by the end of the century had been largely supplanted in ordinary speech by the short-vowel pronunciation. Walker (1791), while listing both, puts the pronunciation with short vowel first, and notes: 'These two modes of pronunciation have been long contending for superiority, till at last the former seems to have gained a compleat victory, except in the territories of rhyme.' The poetic convention allowing rhyming use of the diphthongal pronunciation continued well into the 19th cent. (compare e.g. quot. 1811 at Phrases P.1n.ii, quot. 1820 at spring n.1 III.17a).
The preservation of the short vowel in this particular word is difficult to account for; it may have been aided by the large number of occurrences in compounds and derivatives, in which failure of vowel lengthening would have been more likely; it may also partly reflect a functional pressure to distinguish this word from wind v.1, which would otherwise have been homophonous. Frequent collocation with winter n.1 (with short vowel) could also have played a part.
Pronunciation with a diphthong (reflecting a Middle English long vowel) survives in some regional varieties and is occasionally reflected in forms such as wine and weind at α forms.
ˤϡ嵭 OED βΤɤ߲ɬפꡤΤˤϱѸβˤûˤγפΤäƤʤФʤʤȤ櫓ƱĹ (Homorganic Lengthening; homorganic_lengthening)첻 (Great Vowel Shift: gvs)Ʊ۵ (homonymic_clash) ˴ؤ礫ʤ
OED ǤΤϽФƤʤΤǡΥ֥Ǥ⤦Ĵ٤Ƥari ꤬Ȥޤ
ӤӤäˤʤäƤ͵ YouTube ֤ͥإ饸κǶβǡưᡩ ʤŵɤ٤ʤΤڤ#394ۿޤ
İԤμƿٸȡ깭Ǥ14:39դ꤫顤ʤˤˤˤ䤬Ϫޤpronounce pronunciation Υڥǡʤ2ʬֻ <ou> <u> ǰۤʤΤȤѤʵǤ
ϡܥ֥Ρ#2046. <pronunciation> vs <pronounciation> ([2014-12-03-1]) Ĥɤޤ줿褦ʤΤǤʬʤäȤȤǡƤߺդȤȤʤäƤޤ顤βˤĤƤϢޤơ䤬ФäޤʾСˡ
εƤˤĤƤϡä꤫ߺդƤޤϢơ#2043. Ѹֻɽַǡ ([2014-11-30-1]) ˤڤƤޤ̤ȤƤ pronounce/pronunciation ֻ㳰ŪʸݤʤΤȤݤβǤ
ޤǤϻåʤİƤ뤳ȤǤޤȤ20:36դ꤫2ͤΤȤʹˤޤ
- ٸʤ㳰ޤ줿Ǥ
- ƤΤβϤˤϽƤʤ
- ٸʤߤʡ
ޤˤʬʤ餳Ǥ̵ä櫓Ǥ֤إ饸פˤȤͤƤޤ
10ǯ֤ˡ˺ƤƬǺޤȤˤʤޤݰȹͤᤰ餻塤ɬ⼫ä櫓ǤϤʤΤǤ1ĤβΩƤƤߤޤ Voicy heldio ۿΤ#1370. ֤إ饸פǼ夲줿 pronounce vs. pronunciation ֻǤ26ʬۤɤۿǤ֤ΤϤҤʹʤȤѲʣʬΤǤϤʤȻפޤ
heldio ۿ塤顤İޤȤΥȤޤɤƤäȤʤäƤޤˤϤʤ⤷ʤΤǤޤˤߺդƲ⤷ƤФȡʾСˡ
#5438. μ̥ --- ǤΡإ饤ȥϥ¼ŵ7ǡ٤ ([2024-03-17-1]) ǾҲ𤷤Ǥ줿Ϸޱ¼ŵοǤˤĤƺƤӼ夲ޤ
ƱδϿ¤ƤޤϿƥĤΥȥåפΤ֤ĤŤȯ (pp. 1666--77) ǤѸֻȯЪΥ (spelling_pronunciation_gap) ˴ؿΤϡҽɤƤߤȯ¿Ȼפޤ
Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)פˤ#1025. blow - blew ֥֥롼 - blownꤷơblew /bluː/ ֻȯδطˤĤƤäޤ֥֥塼פȯdzФƤ⤤뤫⤷ޤϡyod-dropping ƤΤǡ blue Ʊ֥֥롼פȯǤdrew, flew, grew, slew, threw Ʊͤǡ/juː/ ǤϤʤ /uː/ 첻ޤ
Ǥϡإ饤ȥϥ¼ŵ7ǡ٤Ρ֤ĤŤȯפꡤblew ȯˤϢ uː ι (p. 1668) Ƥߤޤ礦
15uː
ܸΡ֥פ꿰ݤͤФ褦ˤơ֥פĹȯ롥
§ŪʤĤŤ
(ōō): boot /búːt/ Ĺfood /fúːd/ ʪ
s, ch, j, l, r θ
(ü): super /súːpɚ | -pə/ Ф餷June /ʤúːn/ 6blue /blúː/ Ĥrule /rúːl/ §
ew (=ü): chew /ʧúː/ 褯ࡤJew /ʤúː/ ͡blew /blúː/ blow βcrew /krúː/ Ȱ
դ٤ĤŤ
(ui): suit /súːt/ ʰΡˤҤȤjuice /ʤúːs/ fruit /frúːt/ ʪ
ou (=ōō): group /grúːp/ 졤soup /súːp/
ä <ew> /uː/ δطСƤΤǤ͡

ֿ ԡˡإ饤ȥϥ¼ŵ7ǡ١ҡ2023ǯ
#5203. ָ̱̾츻 ([2023-07-26-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡ̾ˤָ̱츻 (folk_etymology) ؤ䤹餯ϡ̾ޤͭ̾ˤϡؼоݤְ̣ϤʤפʤˤĤƤεȡˡ̾θ츻ŪˤȤäƤƬˤȤʤ롥
Clark (28--29) ˡYork Ȥ̾˴ؤָ̱츻⤬Ҳ𤵤Ƥ롥
. . . 'folk-etymology' --- that is, replacement of alien elements by similar-sounding and more or less apt familiar ones --- can be a trap. The RB [= Romano-British] name for the city now called York was Ebŏrācum/Ebŭrācum, probably, but not certainly, meaning 'yew-grove' . . . . To an early English ear, the spoken Celtic equivalent apparently suggested two terms: OE eofor 'boar' --- apt enough either as symbolic patron for a settlement or as nickname for its founder or overlord --- and the loan-element -wīc [= "harbour"] . . ., hence OE Eoforwīc . . . . (The later shift from Eoforwīc > York involved further cross-cultural influence . . . .) Had no record survived of the RB form, OE Eoforwīc could have been taken as the settlers' own coinage; doubt therefore sometimes hangs over OE place-names for which no corresponding RB forms are known. The widespread, seemingly transparent form Churchill, for instance, applies to some sites never settled and thus unlikely ever to have boasted a church; because some show a tumulus, others an unusual 'tumulus-like' outline, Church- might here, it is suggested, have replaced British *crǖg 'mound' . . . .
⤷ York ̾ˤĤƥޥ֥ƥʸξڵʤäȤ顤줬ָ̱츻ǤǽȴȤǤʤäȤȡ̾츻ʸ̵ͭȤɤ֤ۤʤȤȤˤʤ롥
ʤߤ˸űѸ Eoforwīc York ؤθѲˤĤƤϡClark (483) ɲŪʲ⤬ΤǡѤƤ
OE Eoforwīc was reshaped, with a Scand. rising diphthong replacing the OE falling one, assibilation of the final consonant inhibited, and medial [v] elided before the rounded vowel: thus, Iorvik > York . . . .
Clark, Cecily. "Onomastics." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 452--89.
#5268. ԡˡWorld Englishes ١ʾƲ2023ǯˡ ([2023-09-29-1]) ǾҲ𤷤νϤˤơɸѸѤҲ첻βǤѸνѼǤ줫αƶưۤʤȯѤ㤬Ƥ롥
ޤֻҲ줫αƶפƤߤ褦 (12)
| Ҳ | ѸѼ |
|---|---|
| [θ] [ð] [t] [d] ѡʻĺˤʤ | ɱѸ [th]ʱѸ졤եԥѸ졤ݡѸ졤ޥ졼Ѹ졤ܤαѸ졤αѸ졤ߥޡαѸ |
| [θ] [ð] [s] [z] ѡʻˤʤ | ɥĤαѸ졤٥˥αѸ졤ڹαѸ [s]ܤαѸ졤αѸ |
| [f] [p] ѡʿξĺˤʤ | եԥѸ졤ڹαѸ [ph]αѸ졤ߥޡαѸ |
| [v] [w] ζ̤ʤ | ɥĤαѸ졤եɤαѸ졤ɱѸ졤üԤαѸ졤αѸ |
| 첻ơź | ѸѼ |
|---|---|
| 첻Ĺ첻ˤʤ | ޥѸ졤ɱѸ |
| 첻ûñ첻ˤʤ | ʱѸ졤եԥѸ졤ݡѸ졤ޥ졼Ѹ |
| Ҳθ첻 | ڹαѸ졤ܤαѸ졤Ρ̱ѡ |
| Ĺ첻û첻ζ̤ʤ | եԥѸ졤ݡѸ졤ޥ졼Ѹ졤ڹαѸ졤٥˥αѸ |

ԡˡWorld Englishes ١Ʋ2023ǯ
ư -ize/-ise ˤĤơΥڥѤ뤫Ȥ顤#305. -ise -ize ([2010-02-26-1])#314. -ise -ize (2) ([2010-03-07-1]) ˤƤ OED εҤʤ顤ˤ⤹롥
-ize/-ise ϥꥷư -ƦŦɦ ̤롥̱ͤ²ɽ魯̾ˤĤơ~̱͡²ˤȤơʤΤ褦ˡ˿פΰ̣ư뤳Ȥ¿äѸбǤ barbarianize, tyrannize, Atticize, Hellenize Τ褦
34ˤϥƥ -izāre ȤƼޤ졤Ϥ夷ƤäꥹȶůؤѸȤ baptizāre, euangelizāre, catechiizāre, canōnizāre, daemonizāre ʤɤ߽Ф줿䤬ơꥷưѤꡤ路ư¤줹ݤΰŪʷȤ夷
ϡƥʥ顼ˤơ䤬ưŪ˥ƥηƻ̾줫ư뵡ǽȯãεǽΰ̲Ϥ餯եˤƺǽǤ -iser ֤褦ˤʤäciviliser, cicatriser, humaniser ʤɤǤ롥
ѸѸե줫 -iser ưѤݤˡե켰˴Ť -ise ֤뤳Ȥ¿äϡ˱ѸǤȼκݤ˥ƥեǤΤȤưˤ -ise ꥷǤ˴Ťˤϥꥷ츻ºŤ -ize Ѥʤɤη⸽줿ηϤޤȾüʤΤäˡ-ize -ise Τ䤳꤬˻롥OED ˤȤƤϡ츻ŪǤꡤ /z/ ʸ̤ɽ魯ڥȤ -ize 줷ƤȤ
ʤѸΤ2첻뤳ȤˤĤơOED ϼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
In the Greek -ιζ-, the i was short, so originally in Latin, but the double consonant z (= dz, ts) made the syllable long; when the z became a simple consonant, /-idz/ became īz, whence English /-aɪz/.
Ѹ2첻 (diphthong) 3첻 (triphthong) ϡˤΤʤǼࡦȤѲ³Ƥ͡Ѳ뤲Ƥ̡ѸɸѼˤǤϷ13郎ǧƤ롥ŪʴȡʲΤ褦ηŪʿޤȤʤ롥οޤ Crystal (251) οޤѤΤǤSVG⤢ˡ

2첻ϡ2⡼첻 (1) ۣ첻 /ə/ ǽ뤫(2) 첻 /ɪ/, /ʊ/ ǽ뤫η3˸¤Ȥħ롥
3첻ϡ嵭ι첻ǽ2첻θˡ3⡼Ȥۣ첻 /ə/ դ5˸¤롥
Ūˤߤȡ2첻3첻Τߤʤ餺ñ첻 (monophthong) ⤪ѲƤѸΤȤ첻㤷ƤȤаޤ롥ɤΤ褦ѲƤΤʤۤѲƤΤˤĤƤϡʲεȡ
#1402. Ѹ줬ǯ֡첻Ҳ岽Ƥͳ ([2013-02-27-1])
#2052. Ѹˤˤ첻μפʼŪŪѲ ([2014-12-09-1])
#2181. űѸ첻ηϡ ([2015-04-17-1])
#3387. ʤѸ첻ˤˤ첻Ѳ¿Τ ([2018-08-05-1])
#4108. boy, join, loiter --- 2첻μŪʡ ([2020-07-26-1])
#4521. Ѹ˾μפ첻Ѳ ([2021-09-12-1])
Crystal, D. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. 3rd ed. CUP, 2018.
ѸĹ (meosl) ϡ첻 (gvs) ϤȤʤ벻ϤѲȤƱѸ˾פôäƤ롥βѲˤĤƤ͡ꡤߤǤ³Ƥ뤬Ūˤäƹ첻ˤĤƤϤФŬѤʤȤΤƤ롥㤨С/i/ ǤгĹĶˤ /eː/ Ȥʤ뤳Ȥͽۤ뤬ºݤˤΥ롼ȤФñϾʤ
ʤǤ⤳βѲФƸɸѸäȹͤΤ Prins (108) ꤤĤ褦
| OE i | eME i | ME e: | MoE i: |
|---|---|---|---|
| wicu | wik gen. wikes > wēkes // wēk | week | |
| ifel | ivel | ēvel | evil |
| clipian | clipen | clēpen | |
| bitel | bitel | bētel | beetle |
| wifel | wivel | wēvel | weevil |
#3386. Ѹ˾μפʻҲѲ ([2018-08-04-1]) 첻ǤƤʤäΤǡϱѸˤˤ첻βѲˤĤơפʤΤޤȤ
ȤϤäƤ⡤Ѹ˾βѲϡ#1402. Ѹ줬ǯ֡첻Ҳ岽Ƥͳ ([2013-02-27-1]) ⼨褦ˡ첻ѲΤۤäȼ䵬ϤäơμѲˤޤȤ夲ΤǡCruttenden (72) ˽äơűѸȸѸ첻ηϤоȤȤ˺ΩĥݥȤ6뤳Ȥǡ̤βȤ
(1) OE rounded front vowels [yː, ʏ] were lost by ME (following even earlier loss of [øː, œ]).
(2) Vowels in weakly accented final syllables (particularly in suffixes) were elided or obscured to [ə] or [ɪ] in ME or eModE.
(3) All OE long vowels closed or diphthongised in eModE or soon after.
(4) Short vowels have remained relatively stable. The principal exception is the splitting of ME [ʊ] into [ʌ] and [ʊ], the latter remaining only in some labial and velar contexts.
(5) ME [a] was lengthened and retracted before [f,θ,s] in the eighteenth century.
(6) The loss of post-vocalic [r] in the eighteenth century gave rise to the centring diphthongs /iə,eə,ɔə,ʊə/ (later /ɔə/ had merged with /ɔː/ by 1950 and /eə/ became /ɛː/ by 2000). The pure vowel /ɜː/ arose in the same way and the same disappearance of post-vocalic [r] introduced /ɑː,ɔː/ into new categories of words, e.g. cart, port
(3) 첻ܡ (gvs) ˴ϢѲǤ롤
Ѹ˾¿첻ѲΤʤDzŻ뤷ͭյȤ뤫ȤΤϤʤʤʤΤƾιܤ˹ʤä̯Ǽ롥˻ͤˤʤꥹȤǤ뤳Ȥϴְ㤤ʤ
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson's Pronunciation of English. 8th ed. Abingdon: Routledge, 2014.
űѸ첻ʣηϤʤƤû첻Ĺ첻û2첻Ĺ2첻ηꡤűѸȾλˤäƤˤäƤ첻μȿϰۤʤäƤᡤűѸ첻ʲǡ˰ȤǤ롥ޤĹ2첻ηˤäɤäơ#3955. űѸ "digraph controversy" ([2020-02-24-1])#3964. űѸ "digraph controversy" (2) ([2020-03-04-1]) Ǥߤ褦ʷ㤷⤢ꡤǤϤʤ
Ǥ Prins (51--52) ˰͵ơűѸθȥ첻ηϤȤˤ롥
| Short Vowels | ||||||
| i | ü | u | ||||
| e | ö ( e ) | o | ||||
| æ, a | ||||||
| Long Vowels | ||||||
| i: | ü: | u: | ||||
| e: | ö: ( e: ) | o: | ||||
| æ: | ||||||
| ɑ: | ||||||
| Short Diphthongs | ||||||
| ie | ( i ) | |||||
| eo | ||||||
| ea | ||||||
| Long Diphthongs | ||||||
| i:e | ( ü ) | |||||
| e:o | ||||||
| e:a | ||||||
ε#4355. friend ֻȯ ([2021-03-30-1]) ǡ<friend> /frɛnd/ Ե§ˤĤŪܤäƻȤŵƤޤ Jespersen (4.312) 顥
The short [e] now found in friend OE frēond must be due to the analogy of friendship, friendly, in which /e/ is the usual shortening; in friend we have early /iˑ/ (< /eˑ/) in B 1633, while D 1640, J 1764, W 1775, 1791 etc.. have short /e/, and G 1621 and others a short /i/ due to a shortening subsequent on the transition of /eˑ/ > /iˑ/. Cf. fiend OE fēond, which kept its vowel because no derived words were found to influence it.
ϢơJespersen (3.241) give, live ʤɤ⤫ĤƤĹ첻äƤȤ˿Ƥ롥
Upward and Davidson (178) ꡥ
In late Old English, short vowels were lengthened before consonant sequences such as /mb/, /nd/, /ld/ and /rd/. This lengthening was lost again in many cases by the end of the Middle English period. With the action of the GVS, one sees modern reflexes of the remaining long vowels in words such as climb, bind, mild, yield, old, etc. However, in some words there was a subsequent shortening of the vowel, leading to pairs of words similar or identical in spelling in Modern English but with different pronunciations: wind (verb, with /aɪ/) but wind (noun, with /ɪ/), fiend and friend, etc.
ˡDobson (Vol. 2, 9) ⻲Ȥ
Shortening of OE ē to ĕ occurs in a number of words beside forms that preserve the long vowel. The shortening is normal in bless and brethren, but for both of these Hart shows [i:] < ME ę̄. The comparative liefer (OE lēofra) has ĕ four times beside ę̄ once in Bullokar. In friend the shortening is probably due to derivatives (friendly, friendship) in which the vowel occurs before a group of three consonants in words which (in the case of friendly in oblique forms) were trisyllabic and had a secondary stress; but it might also tend to occur in oblique cases of the simplex in which the n and d were separated by the syllable-division. ME ĕ is recorded by Levins and eleven later sources (including Robinson, Hodges, and Cooper); but ę̄ is retained by Salesbury, Cheke, Laneham, Bullokar, Wharton (followed by J. Smith), and Price (followed by Lye and The Protestant Tutor). Fiend is not recorded with ME ĕ.
Dobson (Vol. 2, 11) ⤦1ġ
Friend has ĭ in the Welsh Hymn, Mulcaster, Gil, Wallis, Lloyd, Poole, Coles, Lye (beside ę̄), WSC (beside ĕ), Price's 'homophone' list (though elsewhere he records [i:]), the rhymes of Poole and Coles, and perhaps in Ray . . . . Fiends has ĭ in the Welsh Hymn and the 'homophone' lists of Hodges ('near alike'), Price, Coles (Eng.-Lat. Dict.), and WSC (the pairing is with fins); it has [i:] in Wallis. Bullokar rhymes field on ĭ (cf., probably, Chaucer's hild 'held' and fil 'fell' < earlier hę̄ld, fę̄ll).
friend ȯֻ˴ؤѤʵΤ褦ˤߤ뤫⤷ʤŪѲѰۤεϸ¤ʤ̤Ǥ롥
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles. Part 1. Sounds and Spellings. London: Allen and Unwin, 1909.
Upward, Christopher and George Davidson. The History of English Spelling. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
Dobson, E. J. English Pronunciation 1500--1700. 1st ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1957. 2 vols.
ܸʤ⡤ֻȯбȤ餹ȡȤƤĤʤԵ§Ǥ롥<friend> Ȥֻ /frɛnd/ ȯȤʤΤϡ̤ǤǤʤۤ <ie> /ɛ/ ȤʤΤϡꥹѸˤ lieutenant /lɛfˈtɛnənt/ 餤 (cf. #4176. ʤ lieutenant ȯ /f/ ФΤ ([2020-10-02-1])ˡ
ˤΤܤäƤߤ褦űѸ frēond ̣ͧˤˤƤϡ첻ֻ̤ /eːo/ äеǤ fēond Ũ> PDE fiend /fiːnd/ˤƱͤǡĹ2첻 /eːo/ ƤǤϡξƱαθȯãⶦ̤ȤʤϤäθ frēond fēond ϰۤʤƻڤɤ뤳Ȥˤʤä
frēond ߤƤߤ褦Ĺ2첻 /ēo/ ѸˤƳ경Ĺ첻 /eː/ ȤʤäĹ첻ϡ frēondscipe (> PDE friendship) ʤɤˤ3û (Trisyllabic Shortening = trish) Ф /e/ Ȥʤäȯ (analogy) δפȤʤꡤΤ friend ΤΤ첻û /e/ Ȥʤä餷줬û첻 /frɛnd/ εǤ롥
Ĺ첻 /eː/ ˤȯޤǻĤä褦ǡ줬첻 (gvs) Ф /iː/ ȤʤäޤûСǤ /i/ ⸽줿Ĥޤ friend 첻ϡѸʹ /eː/, /e/, /iː/, /i/ 4ĤѰۤƤȤȤǤ롥
ǡе fēond (cf. PDE fiend /fiːnd/) ܤƤߤ褦 friend ȥ롼ĤϤۤƱŪʲѲɤäĹ2첻 /eːo/ Ĺ2첻경 /eː/ Ȥʤꡤ줬첻ܤǾ夲Ф /iː/ ȤʤꡤѸȯ /fiːnd/ ˻롥
ȯηаޤϰʾ̤friend, fiend ֻ <ie> ˤĤƤϴñǤϤʤܤϡ#4082. chief, piece, believe ʤɤˤߤ <ie> /i:/ ([2020-06-30-1]) ɤǤ嵭 /iː/ ʳֻ <ie> ȷӤĤ줿ΤޤǻĤäƤȹͤФ褤
Carney, Edward. A Survey of English Spelling. Abingdon: Routledge, 1994.
ư say /seɪ/ Ķ٤θǡؼԤ⤹˳Ф뤳ȤˤʤܸǤưβ said ⤭ƹ٤ʤ櫓ǤֻȤԵ§ǤФ꤫¤ȯˤƤԵ§Ǥͽۤ2첻 /seɪd/ ȤϤʤ餺û첻 /sɛd/ ȤʤΤǤƱ褦Ե§3ñ -s դˤĤƤ⤤ޤֻ says ȵ§Ū˸ޤȯϤϤ2첻 /seɪz/ ȤϤʤ餺û첻 /sɛz/ ȤʤäƤޤޤʤ said, says ϤΤ褦ȯʤΤǤ礦ˤŪʷаޤޤɤ
¤ϡѸüԤȯĴƤߤޤȡ˥ФϤΤΡͽ̤ۤ2첻ȯ /seɪd/, /seɪz/ ԤʤƤΤǤޤɸŪǥޥʡȯȤƤǤΤǡ䤿ȤƤԵ§ʤϤû첻 /sɛd/, /sɛz/ μ¤˽ƤΤ̵Ǥ礦
ŪʲѲηаޤмΤ褦ˤʤޤȤư say ϡѸޤǤϡֻ̤ /saɪ/ Ǥ˽äơ /saɪ(ə)d/3ñ /saɪ(ə)z/ ȵ§ŪȯƤޤȤ17ޤǤ2첻 /aɪ/ Ĺ첻 /ɛː/ ؤѲΤǤ礦ܸΡ֥Хפᤤȯǡ֥١פȤʤΤ˻ɤθˤ褯벻ѲǤ̤Ѳ餺褽ʳˤȤɤޤäޤ˻äƤΤǤСǤ§Ū say /seɪ/, said /seɪd/, says /seɪz/ ȤʤäƤǤ礦ʼ¤ΤȤ2ĤޥʡȯȤƤ뤳ȤϾҤޤˡ
Ȥ3ñˤĤƤϡθ⤦1̤βѲޤĹ첻 /ɛː/ ûû첻 /ɛ/ ȤʤäΤǤ say /seɪ/ ФԵ§ˤߤ /sɛd/, /sɛz/ ƤޤäΤǤƱѲ˴ޤ줿̤ñȤơagain against Ƥޤ礦û첻 /əˈgɛn(st)/ ͥǤ2첻 /əˈgeɪn(st)/ ¹ԤʹȤˤʤäƤޤ
ʤ3ñǤΤ첻ûΤȤΤϡɬƤʤǤsaid ˈhe, says ˈshe Τ褦Ѥ¿̾ФŪư줬夯ȯΤûȤƤƤޤ1Ĥβˤޤ
ϢȵˤĤơ##541,543,2130εå⤪ɤߤ
ε#4108. boy, join, loiter --- 2첻μŪʡ ([2020-07-26-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡ2첻 /ɔɪ/ Ūܤ٤طʤͭƤ롥ˤĤơ⤦겼Ƥߤ
Ѹ /ɔɪ/ ϢʤѸǤμ¸ϡ [oi] 뤤 [ui] ä餬Ū˸ /ɔɪ/ ذܲƤä櫓äѸ [ui] ˤĤƤϥڥȤδطǤⶽ̣Ūطʤ롥Minkova (269--70) Ѥ褦
The original [ui] has an unusual history in that, like the more recent history of /h-/ . . . , it is one of the rare well-documented instances of a sound change in progress inhibited and partially reversed by the influence of spelling. Many of the words with PDE <oi> --- loin, boil, coy, oil, join, point, choice, poison --- had variant pronunciations with [oi] and [ui], the latter commonly from Anglo-Norman. The 'normal' development of [ui], involving lowering and centralisation of the first element of the diphthong . . . , was towards [əi], which in the seventeenth and into the eighteenth century was also a possible realisation of historical [iː]. That the two etymologically distinct entities were treated as identical is shown by rhymes like loin: line, boil: bile, point: pint as late as the second half of the eighteenth century. In spelling the [ui] > [əi] words alternated between <ui> and <oi>. Eventually the centralised pronunciation [əi] for historical [ui] was abandoned in favour of [ɔi], no doubt supported by the spelling and pronunciation of the majority of the loanwords in that group.
Ѹ [ui] ̾βѲΥ롼Ȥ˾äƤСǤ [əi] ȤʤäƤϤǤꡤºݤˤʤäƤΤʹߡֻ <oi> ȤݤƤȡ <oi> [ɔi] ¿ñˤƳΩƤȤ顤οͰŪ [əi] > [ɔi] ȤѲ߽Ф줿Ȥפˡֻȯ (spelling_pronunciation) Ǥ롥
ɸñ˴ޤޤ2첻 /ɔɪ/ ϡѸǤϤʤޥʡ첻Ǥ롥#1022. ѸγƲǤ١ ([2012-02-13-1]) dzǧ뤫ꡤ첻ǤȤƤ /ʊə/ ˤĤ٤βǤǤ롥boy, choice, enjoy, join, poison ʤɤ˸뤿ᡤޤ´Ϥʤ⤷ʤϥޥʡǤ롥
ΥޥʡŪطʤȤƤϡβǤ⤽⳰ΤΤǤŦǤ롥choice, employ, loin, moist, turmoil, soil, join, poison Τ褦˥ե̤ΤŪ¿ۤ˥줫 buoy, foist, loiter ʤɤ⤢롥ꥷ hoi polloi٥ poisha hoisin줫鵼 ahoy, boink, oink ⤢롥εˤޤĤ̤ȤơŪˤϥ롼Ĥɤ뤳ȤΤǤʤǤʤΤǤ롥
ŪˤߤƤ⡤βǤϥޥʡäƤ롥Minkova (270) ϡVachek Lass ˸ڤĤġμΤ褦˾Ҳ𤷤Ƥ롥
The incorporation of the new diphthong in boy, join, coin into the English phonological system is commonly described as incomplete. Vachek (1976: 162--7, 265--8) argued that lack of parallelism with the other diphthongs ([eɪ-oʊ], [aɪ-aʊ], but not *[ɛɪ-ɔɪ]) and lack of morphophonemic alternations involving [ɔɪ] in the PDE system, makes [ɔɪ] a 'peripheral' phoneme in SSBE. He hypothesised that the survival of [ɔɪ] is associated with its pragmatic function of differentiating synchronically foreign words from native words, especially polysyllabic words. Lass (1992a: 53) also emphasises the 'foreignness' of [ɔɪ] and its structural isolation, and concludes that it . . . 'has just sat there for its whole history as a kind of non-integrated "excrescence" on the English vowel system'.
Τ˼ŪϤΤΡѸηϤ˼ޤƤ뤳ȤϳΤȤ⤢롥(1) ¾2첻Ʊͤ˲¸Ѱۤ (ex. [ɔɪ], [oi], [ui])(2) -oid Ϥ2δ֡⤤ؤ롤(3) 20äƤ¤Ȥ oik (1917), oink (1935), boing (1952), boink (1963); droid (1952), roid (1978) ʤɤƤƤ롤ʤɤλ¤
ʴ鶽̣2첻ǤȤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
Vachek, Joseph. Selected Writings in English and General Linguistics. Prague: Academia and the Hague: Mouton, 1976.
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 23--154.
Ū /a(u)NC/ βϢäƤѸϡɸ㼨̤ꡤѸˤ4ȯʤɤˤ롥[ɔː ? ɑː], [ɑː ? æ(ː)], [æ(ː)], [eɪ] Ǥ롥4֤ζ̤ϡĶˤꡤƤ٤ޤǤϼѤΥˤ롥Ū /a(u)NC/ 줬ɤäƤ4ĤΥ롼ȤޤȤ Minkova (241) ˤɽ¿Ѥǰʲ˵褦
| Source | Output | Examples |
|---|---|---|
| /aNC/ (AN <-aunC>) | [ɔː ? ɑː] | gaunt, haunt, laundry, saunter |
| /aNC/ (OFr <-anC>) | [ɑː ? æ(ː)] | aunt, grant, slander, sample, dance |
| /aNC#/ | [æ(ː)] | lamp, champ, blank, flank, bland |
| /aNC (palat. obstr.)/ | [eɪ] | danger, change, range, chamber |
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