Ϣ /l/ ˤĤˤƤ롥RP Ǥ /l/ ΰ۲1ġְŤ [ɫ]פϡѸ˾塤Ԥ첻ФƼ˼ŪʱƶͿ³ƤޤΤ褦첻˱ƶͿˡ [ɫ] 첻ƾäƤȤʤäˤϸ RP Estuary English Ǥ¿쾯ʤƤǤ⤢롥Cruttenden (203) ꡤŤ [ɫ] 첻ؤαƶȡ켫Ȥ첻üˤĤƤβսѤ롥
The velarization of [ɫ] often has the effect of retracting and lowering slightly the articulation of a preceding front vowel, e.g. feel, fill, fell, canal; in the case of /iː/+[ɫ], a central glide between the vowel and [ɫ] is often noticeable, and the [ɪ] element of [eɪ, aɪ, ɔɪ] tends to be obscured, e.g. in pail, pile, oil. /uː/ before [ɫ] tends to be more monophthongal and nearer to C[u].
Variations in the quality of the back vowel resonance associated with [ɫ] are, however, to be found among RP
Ϣϡ#2027. ɤdzȤ miuk ȯ ([2014-11-14-1]) Ǥ줿ޤ#3947. Ҳˤ l æ ([2020-02-16-1]) Ȥ碌ơl ϼϤβˤƶͿ뤷ʬȤü䤹ȤħǡѸ˾βѲΥץ졼䡼ȤäƤ褤ΤǤ롥
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson's Pronunciation of English. 6th ed. New York: OUP, 2001.
ε#6191. 뤤 l ȰŤ l ([2026-04-09-1]) ˰³¦ /l/ ˴ؤꡥѸˤˤ /l/ Υ롼ġ뤤ϼʥˤĤơCruttenden (204) Ѥ롥
Chief sources---PresE /l/ derives from OE [l,ll] (land, climb, all, tell, apple), from OE [hl], [xl] or [l̥] (loaf, ladder)---since OE front vowels tended to be diphthongized before /l/, it seems likely that /l/ in such a position was velarized in OE as it is today; from OF [l] (lamp, close, colour, veal, able). In many cases pre-consonantal [ɫ], especially after back or open vowels, was vocalized to [ʊ] (walk, talk, half, folk) in the early fifteenth century, such a pronunciation being commonly shown by the seventeenth-century grammarians; but in some cases (halt, salt, malt), it has been retained; in others, an /l/ has been re-introduced in spelling and pronunciation (fault, falcon, emerald, soldier, realm) or merely in the spelling (calm, palm, balm). The loss of /l/ in could, should, would occurred in eModE.
űѸˡʤȤ⤢ĶǤϰŤ [ɫ] ԤʤƤŪڵȤȤ뤤 [l] ˤĤƤϤɤʤΤŤ RP Τ褦ʬۤǡ뤤 [l] ¸ƤΤ뤤ϱѸˤ椫餢Ѽˤ۲ȤʬۤϤΤե /l/ Ū뤤 [l] Ǥ뤳Ȥͤ碌ȡݥ饤ȤĴȤƤ뤤 [l] ѸƳ줿ȤȤϹͤʤΤ/l/ ĴҤȤĤȤäƤߤƤ⡤⤷ѸˤǤ
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson's Pronunciation of English. 6th ed. New York: OUP, 2001.
RP (= Received Pronunciation) Ǥϡ¦ /l/ ˡ뤤 [l] (clear [l]) ȡְŤ [ɫ] (dark [ɫ]) ̤롥뤤 [l] ϡ̤Ÿ˻夲Ĵǡ첻βȤʤ롥Ť [ɫ] ϸ̤˻夲Ĵǡ첻βȤʤ롥
줾줬ʬۤΤǤ롥첻뤤 /j/ ֤Ǥ뤤 [l] ¸졤ʳΤ٤Ƥΰ֤ǤϰŤ [ɫ]¸롥ʲĤΰ۲ñȤȤ˵Ƥߤ롥
뤤 [l]: leave, let, lock; blow, glad, splice; silly, yellow, alloy; medley, ugly, nobly; feel it, fall out, all over ʺǸΤ褦˸춭ˤ뤤 [l]
̵θ֤Ǥ̵뤤 [l] : play, please, plant, apply, aplomb, clean, close, climb
̵̵θ֤뤤̵θ֤ǤʬŪ̵뤤 [l] : placebo, aptly, butler, antler, ghastly; sloppy, slow, slink, fling, flow, earthly
Ť [ɫ]: feel, fill, fell, help, bulb, salt; alpine, elbow, halter
粻Ū [ɫ̩]: table, middle, cudgel, camel, final
̵Ҳθ֤ǤʬŪ̵粻Ū [ɫ̩] : apple, little, satchel, awful
ڤܤ /l/ ˤĤƤϡξζ̩ˤʤäƤ뤬뤤 [l] ȰŤ [ɫ] κǾФüԤȤΤ褦üԤˤƤϡǤζڤ˱ coupling [ˈkʌplɪŋ] (connecting device) coupling [ˈkʌpɫɪŋ] (joining) ̤Ȥ
뤤 [l] ȰŤ [ɫ] RP Ǥ̤뤬ʳѼǤ϶̤ʤȤ¿㤨С̥ꥫѸ졤ɸॹåȥɱѸ졤ȥꥢѸ졤˥塼ɱѸ졤Ѹ졤̥륺ѸǤϡ٤Ƥΰ֤ǰŤ [ɫ] 롥ɱѸ졤ɽѸ졤륺Ѹ졤Tyneside Ǥϡ٤Ƥΰ֤뤤 [l] 롥
ʾ塤Cruttenden (200--05) ˰͵ƼɮϢơ#1817. Ѹ /l/ /r/ (2) ([2014-04-18-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
Cruttenden, Alan. Gimson's Pronunciation of English. 6th ed. New York: OUP, 2001.
ӵ -er ȺǾ -est εȯãɤäƤȡԤԤ˻ (dental_suffix) դΤǤ뤳Ȥʬ롥
#6170. ƻӵ -er ȺǾ -est εơ ([2026-03-19-1]) ǸȤꡤ⥲ޥĸ2ĤΥסʤ A פ */-iz-, -ist-/ B פ */-o:z-, -o:st-/ ̤ȹͤ롥ӵ˴ޤޤ *z rhotacism ˤäƸűѸޤǤ r Ȥʤä
ӵ˻դƺ줿ΤǾǤ롥OED -est (SUFFIX) ˤȡA פˤĤ "comparative suffix . . . + a dental suffix" ȤꡤB פˤĤƤ A פ˴ŤȤ롥κǾηϡޥˤⶦ̤˳ǧ졤˸奮ꥷ -ίστος ˤߤ롥
Ĵϻդǹ碌ӵɽ路ĺǺǾɽ魯ȤäħŪʸƯƤΤȤ櫓űѸˤϡ-osð, -esð, -usð Τ褦ɽ魯ʸͭ۷ǧ褦
Ѹˤˤ -st ϡ͡褷Ƥ궽̣Ԥʤ-st γƵȡ

354Ѹ (hel_ogiri) XdzŤޤϡž (metathesis) ƤȤǤ¤Ӥ2Ĥβְ㤤η̤Ҥä֤äƤޤäΤΡ¤ӤɸŪˤʤäƤޤäȤֱФפΤ褦ʻǤְ㤤Ȥʹ֤ˤäƿʸޤƤޤȤΤϡͶΤΤѲΤʤǤ͵ΤȥԥåǤ
Ȥä㡤ꤤ㤬äƤ뤫ȤСñʤǤ⤢ޤŵŪǶʽŪϤĤäƤޤθ夬³ʤΤǤ˻äΤǤ³ޤ¿λüԤ⤬ʤõץ饤ѥݥȤ̤ƤƤäǡ⤷Τ³ȴƤޤʲˡޤȤƤȻפޤ
aks/ask
beorht bright
brand/burn
brid bird
cocodrile crocodile
fersc fresh
forst frost (cf. freeze)
gærs grass
hros horse
iern(an), yrn(an) run
mansk Manx
nutrition, nutriment/nurture
patron pattern
purpose/propose
tax/task
three/third
thirl thrill
þurh through
wæps wasp
wal (whale) + ros (horse)
worht(e) wrought (cf. work)
crocodile ˴ؤƤϡ#5999. crocodile αѸ --- إåץѸ츻ŵ٤ΰճƶ ([2025-09-29-1]) ȤƤ
ʤǽ˴줿Ƥϡ~ߤˤʲʣʻǤ
lamella (ƥ)
la lemelle (ե)
ʬ
l'alemelle
(ؾ)θ
l'alemette
ž
l'amelette
첻Ѳ
l'omelette
omelette (Ѹ)
ܵƱݤǡ314 heldio ˤ#1749. ž --- ޤäƤޤϤޤΤǡҤ⤪İС
رѸ츻ŵ٤δˤְ캬ɽפįƤȡs ǻϤޤ캬ˤơƬ s ̤ɽƤΤʤʤ(s)ker-, (s)mer-, (s)pen-, (s)preg-, (s)teg- ʤɤΥȥդ (s)- ϰĸκƷˤ褷Ƥ롥*(s)teg- "cover" ˡLass (118--19) ˲⤷Ƥ餪
As we saw in teg-ō vs. stég-os, etc. . . . , certain roots appear to have 'optional' initial /s/; or perhaps better, to occur in two forms, one with and one without */s/, hence the conventional description of this phenomenon as 'mobile s'. The root 'cover' then might be represented as */(s)teg-/, or */steg-, teg/. . . .
. . . .
Awareness of s-mobile suggests an interesting perambulation through the lexicon of a language like English, given its enormous propensity for borrowing. The root */(s)teg-/ (in its various ablaut grades) appears in English in at least nine lexemes, both native and borrowed. Thatch of course we have already seen, and tile < tīgele < L tēg-ula. We also have borrowed L toga, and from this via French togs, a clipping of tog(e)mans 'cloak'. Still on the s-less alternant, there are various derivatives of L teg-ō and its forms, like in-teg-ument, pr-tec-t 'provide shelter for', de-tec-t 'un-cover'. The s-root is not well represented in English, but from (neo-)Greek we have the dinosaur steg-o-saurus 'roofed or covered lizard', and the rare sixteenth-century coinage steg-ano-graphy 'secret or cryptic writing'.
s-mobile ϡĸ첻 (gradation or ablaut) λҲǤȤߤ뤳ȤǤ뤫⤷ʤ첻ǤۤηŪǤʤȯŪǤ롥
߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵٿǡҡ2024ǯ
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
űѸ sc ɽ蘆벻ŵŪˤ /ʃ/ Ȥ롥ʳ /sk/ (palatalisation) ȻΤΤŪǤ롥ñˤäƤϤβѲФ/sk/ ˤȤɤޤäƤΤ⤢СξΤɤΤ⤢롥/sk/ ˤȤɤޤäΤϡž (metathesis) ˤ /ks/ Τ⤢ꡤñˤäƤʣʰ۷֤Ȥˤʤ롥ˤĤơʲε濴˵Ƥ
#60. ž ( metathesis ) ([2009-06-27-1])
#1511. űѸ sc θ ([2013-06-16-1])
#5626. űѸ sc θ (2) ([2024-09-21-1])
ϡˤĤ Lass (58--59) θ˲äƤߤ
A different sort of palatalization contributes further to the new series: a change of */sk/ > /ʃ/. The mechanics are not clear, but one reasonable suggestion would be something like [sk] > [sc] > [sç], with a later 'compromise' articulation /ʃ/ emerging from the back-to-back alveolar and palatal. Or, the [k] may have weakened first to [x], as in modern Dutch, without palatalizing; in this case we could see at least three of the stages mirrored in modern Germanic, in the verbs meaning 'to write': Swedish skriva /skri:va/ representing the original, Dutch schrijven /sxrɛivə(n)/ a further development, and German schreiben /ʃraebən/ the final stage (cf. English shrive).
The reason for this palatalization is obscure; it occurs in both front and back environments, and before consonants, so it is not obviously assimilatory like the ones discussed above. The OE spelling <sh> for instance appears to represent /ʃ/ not only in scīnan 'shine' (cf. OIc skína), sc(i)eran 'shear' (OIc skera), but also in scofl 'shovel' (OSw skofl), scanca 'shank' (Dutch skank), scūr 'shower' (Go skūra).
There is however occasional failure in back environments, as shown by the spelling <x> = /ks/, which is due to metathesis (/sk/ > /ks/), in places where <sc> would be expected. This must have occurred while the cluster was still /sk/. Palatalized and nonpalatalized variants of one lexeme may even occur in the same text: the poem Andreas has for 'fish' (Go fisks) both gen sg fisces and dat pl fixum. Failures of palatalization (or dialectal variants: see below) also lead to doublets in later periods, even including ModE: hence ask (OE āscian, ācsian), now frequently with the nonstandard doublet ax (which was the norm in many pre-modern standard varieties). Another example is tusk (OE tūsc, pl tūscas, tūcas), where the nonpalatalized form has come down in most standard varieties, but there are so many dialects with tush.
žȤŪڵˤꡤäƤʤ֤뤳ȤǤȤΤ⤷۷ (variants) ϡ¿ʸŪˤĤƵŤʻǤ롥
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
(article) 괧괧ˤμ¸ϡѸѼˤäƤ⡤üԸĿͤˤäƤ⡤ˤäƤ͡Ǥ롥ŵŪʵǽȤƶȼ variants äƤȤ⤢ꡤϤޤޤʣȤʤcf. #3713. ǽζȼ岻 ([2019-06-27-1])ˡˡ³줬ҲǻϤޤ뤫첻ǻϤޤ뤫ˤäƤѰۤΤǡ
Ȥ櫓괧μ¸ˤĤƤϡ#906. the ΰۤʤȯ ([2011-10-20-1])#907. 첻 the εŪȯ ([2011-10-21-1])#2236. 첻 the ȯˤĤƺƹ͡ ([2015-06-11-1]) ʤɤȤ줿
ơϰѼˤäƤ¸ϤޤޤΤ褦New Zealand English ξƤߤ褦Bauer (391) ˤȡ³ˤ餺괧 /ðə/ 괧 /ə/ ȯ뷹Ȥ첻³ˤϤƤĺĤʤȤ롥
As in South African English . . . , the and a do not always have the same range of allomorphs in New Zealand English that they have in standard English. Rather, they are realised as /ðə/ and /ə/ independent of the following sound. Where the following sound is a vowel, a [ʔ] is usually inserted.
ܲ˥塼ں NZE ˤƤ뤬⤽ⴧϼ夯ȯ뤳Ȥ¿ɤѼǤ variants ¿뤳ȤȤƤäƤΤǡۤɥޡƤʤäϰռʹΩƤƤ
LPD the ƤߤȡΤ褦ˤ롥
the strong form ðiː, weak forms ði, ðə --- The English as a foreign language learner is advised to use ðə before a consonant sound (the boy, the house), ði before a vowel sound (the egg, the hour). Native speakers, however, sometimes ignore this distribution, in particular by using ðə before a vowel (which in turn is usually reinforced by a preceding [ʔ]), or by using ðiː in any environment, though especially before a hesitation pause. Furthermore, some speakers use stressed ðə as a strong form, rather than the usual ðiː.
NZE ˸¤餺¾ѼˤƤ¸¿ͤȹͤƤ褤ޤĤʤĺ⡤ٰŪȤäƤ褵
Bauer L. "English in New Zealand." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 5. Ed. Burchfield R. Cambridge: CUP, 1994. 382--429.
Wells, J C. ed. Longman Pronunciation Dictionary. 3rd ed. Harlow: Pearson Education, 2008.
New Zealand Christchurch 夤2ּ夬вᤷäˤʤäƤ뤤ĤΥѡޡåȤ1Ĥ"NZ's Lowest Food Prices" NZΥѡ PAK'n'SAVE Ҹ˷ε祹ѡǡ·į⤯Ǥ֤˺롥NZŪڡϤܿޤᥢΤΤ롥ŪʥΤۤɱѸǤɽФƤʤΤʤΤǡŹ⤭Τñ˱Ѹؽˤ褤
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ѡαѸֻˤ뤳Τ褦ʾάϡե٥åʸǤϹΤ٤ߤгƸβṽ¤ֻηϤ˰¸ΤȻפ뤬ҲĤΤܤǤ롥
ηϡʸȤ櫓ɽʸȯŸηаޤϢưƤ̣ĹʸȯŸɽʸϡʤʸʸˤơɽʸؤȯŸɽʸϡޤʸϤޤΤ̤㤨 /ka/ Ȥ֤פȲ̾1ʸǽ褦ȯۤΤ褦ʲʸϡФ첻̵뤷ƻҲΤߤɸˡȯã֤פȽƤʤ顤 /k/ ȤñȤλҲȤɤޤ첻ΡɤΤơפǤ롥
ʤߤˡե٥åȯãˤįƤ⡤ҲŻ뤹ӤƤ롥ˤϡե٥åȤȤñʸҲŻβṽ¤ĥե²ˤȯȯã¤طƤŪ첻Ϸڻ뤵ƤΤǤ롥ե٥åȻˤǤ褯ΤƤ褦ˡ첻ѶŪˡֽߤưФΤϡե˥ʸ饮ꥷʸȤäʹߡŸФơʸǤ⡤§Ȥ첻ɽֻդ
ץ륷åפΤ褦ˡɽڡʤȤȤʤ𤬤ˡҲĤ첻ΤƤȤΤϡ̣ʸˤ̤äƤ뤫Τ褦ʸݤʤΤǤ롥֤äץ륷åפêǡ鷺ˡ˥ե٥åȻ3700ǯ֤ä补
ε#5863. ֤פˡ ([2025-05-16-1]) ǡפŪʵҤǧƱܸظŵ٤ꡤܸ˴ؤ̸ؤδΡפε (p. 103--04) ɤǤߤ
ڲ۲̾ʸΡ֥פ˳벻ǤꡤϤͤ벻Ȥ⤤˳벻ȽиĶˤĤƤϡ̩ɸȴάɸˤ⤢뤬ά[ɴ]첻Ⱦ첻ڤ [s][ʃ]ľ[ŋ][ŋ][ɡ][k]ľ[ɳ]Ÿ[ɳ]ľ[n]Բ[n][d][dz][dʒ][t][ts][tʃ][ɾ]ľ[m]ξ[m][b][p]ľ˰֤ʬۤʤƤȤ롥Ƥβϡ̣ŪΩ˴ͿɡȤǶ̤ƤꡤľλҲˤĶƱʤ[ɴ]ʳƤľλҲδĶƱˤĴۤˤƤȲǤ뤳Ȥ顤ƱβǤ˳۲ǤȤߤ뤳ȤǤ롥βϡľ첻ȼ˥⡼硤ߤΩ̲ǡ㤨С[ŋ[n][m]ϳ/ŋ//n//m/ˤ˳롥βҲľȤĶΩȤ顤Ǥϡ²ǤǤȤȤǤ롥²ǤϡȤơɽŪ۲ˤ벻Υե٥åȾʸʸ̥ޥޡͤ礭ǵȤˤʤäƤ뤳Ȥ顤ξϡĶƱαƶʤ[ɴ]ɽȤơ/N/ɸΤŪǤ롥ʤ⡼Ȳλߤȡ̥ޥޡ͡ϡ¥ƱͤˡñȤΩ⡼ʤ⡤ñȤǤϲǤʤǤ뤳Ȥ顤ñȤDzǤ뼫Ω⡼ʼΩˤФơü⡼üˤȸƤФ졤/N/ϡü첻ǤȸƤФ롥
²ǡפȤƲ᤹ϰ츫ΤܸüԤȤǧƤ֤פΤŪ˸ʤΤȹͤȡȤԻĤʵ롥̵ռƤ뤳ȤŪ褦ȤȡʤˤɬפʤΤȻפǤ롥ؤ⥷Τϡդ˥ݥȤΤ
ܸظŵ١ ʸۤ ԡ2007ǯ
ܸΡ֤פɽϡܸˤǤȯβǤ롥ܸظŵ٤Ρפι (p. 355) ꡤӲؤδ֤פüƤߤ褦
ڲ֤ۡϤͤ벻פȤ⤤Ť˿ȯܸ첻ΰġ¥ȤȤ˻ҲǤΤߤǥ⡼Ȥܸ첻ˤϤʤäդä⡼ɽˤ /N/ Ѥ롥ɥʥɥ[doki]/doki/ˤФɥʥɥ[doŋki]/doNki/ˤΤ褦ˡ⡼ /N/ 뤫ʤˤꡤΰ̣μ̡ŪħˤʤȤΩġ̤Ǥϡִʸ [kambuN]סִ [kan(d)zi]סִ [kaŋŋo]פΤ褦˸³λҲˤۤʤ벻Ȥʤ뤬ʬۤʤƱ첻Ȳơ⡼ /N/ ΩġͤפȤϡ봶ˤȤ⡤λҲ̾ˤѷȤȤˤ˴ŤȤ롥ˤϡؤȴλΤ [m][n][ŋ] 첻֤줿ˤȤ롥ʸɻȡɽ͡Ǥꡤä˴ˤƸǤ롥m ˤϡ̵ɽõסɽִסɽӸűפʤɤn ˤϡ̵ɽסɽðסɽۥסɽִסüɽפʤɤѤƤ롥ں٤ˤ⡤ŷפ֤Ƥסޤ֤ƤפȵƤ㤬롥Ūˤϡm ϥࡤn ̵ɽȤʤ뤳Ȥ¿ m n ȤκƱϰȸ졤ΥɽȾˤϸ褦ˤʤ롥
ˡθβ꤬Ƥ롥
ڲ۴ʸɻ˸褦ˡɽä˴ˤʣ̯ʻѤ褷ɽظˤ롤μ¼뤳ȤʤΤȤƤ롥ܸ첻Ȥ夷ƤˤĤƤ⡤ʬ餫ˤʤäȤϸؤι͵椬ɬפǤ롥
֤פ뤳Ȥʤ졥ʤǤ롥
ܸظŵ١ ʸۤ ԡ2007ǯ
ε#5860. ֤פȯμ¸ ([2025-05-13-1]) ³ܸ֤פˤޤĤꡥ碌¥֤áפˤĤƤͤ롥
ܸɴŵ٤ˡܸ첻פꤹ (pp. 251--52) ǡ¥˴ؤ붽̣ͻ롥ɽǤϻҲɽΤǻҲŪȲ뤳Ȥ¿ष첻ŪʤΤǤϤʤȤƶ252ǤѤ롥
ʤ¥ϰ츫ҲβȤԼΤ褦ˤפ뤬ϡ̣첻1ȸ뤳ȤǤ롥ʤȤ¥ϡ³ĺ䶹λ³ˤǤmnŋ ptk ǡֲִ뤤Ϥ˽ऺΡˤȰۤʤꡤष첻ʳλ³ˤ˻Ƥ롥ֻʥ١ʥáöפʤɸ治¥ϡ³ȼ褦¥°Ǥʤ³Ҳʥɤ d 䥿 tˤ°ȸ롥
ФѸ "bat" ʤɤ t ϡĺξԤޤ椨ܿͤˤϡ֥Хåȡפǡʹ롥̣¥ϡҲ nt ʤɤȶ̤줾 NTʤ뤤 QˤǡɽΤǤ̡ġ͡
ϲؤǤ⤢ꡤǤ⤢롥Ѹޤ¿θλ٤ȡܸΡü첻ǡפϳΤüǤϤ롥
ܸɴŵ١İ ɧۤ ԡ罤ۡ1988ǯ
ܸǡ֤פɽ벻μ¸¿ͤǤ뤳Ȥϡ褯ΤƤ롥ĶǡŪˤɬƤʤ͡ʲ֤פμ¸ΤѤƤΤüԤˤĿͺ⤢ΤΡ̤ˤϼΤ褦˸Ƥ롥ܸɴŵ٤Ρפι (pp. 246--47) ꡥ
֤פϸ֤ˤäƲۤʤꡤɡҲˤʤɡ첻ˤʤȤʰʲ˼ɽϤʤάʤΤǤˡ
i) ɡĺή
[m] 3 [sammai]
3ա [sambai]
[n] ֽ [onna]
ֲ١ [ondo]
[honrai]
[ŋ] ֶ [kiŋŋjo]
ii) ԻҲ첻Ⱦ첻
[i᷈] ñ̡ [tai᷈i][᷈] [i] 꾯ɡ
ż֡ [de᷈ʃa]
[ɯ᷈] ֺǡ [koɯ᷈wakɯ]
[roɯ᷈soː]
iii) ڤ
ȤС֥ѥפñȤȯˤ [paɴ] ɽ롥[ɴ] ϸɡǤ뤬ѶŪɡҲǤȤϡꡤ㴳Ĥ뤳Ȥˤä벻ǤʤʤɽǤ /ɴ/ ɽ魯 /ɴ/ Ȳɽ /ɴ/ Ȥϰ̣ۤʤˡ
֤ϲδܸˤδ⤪⤷ޤ֤פϥɽȤɤʤΤȤˤĤơѸֻΥȥԥå˴ϢŤƤߤΤ⤪⤷Ϣơʲεȡ
#3852. ʤֿסʤФˤΥɽ Shimbashi ˤ n ǤϤʤ m ѤΤǤ (1) ([2019-11-13-1])
#3853. ʤֿסʤФˤΥɽ Shimbashi ˤ n ǤϤʤ m ѤΤǤ (2) ([2019-11-14-1])
#3854. ʤֿסʤФˤΥɽ Shimbashi ˤ n ǤϤʤ m ѤΤǤ (3) ([2019-11-15-1])
#3855. ʤֿסʤˤΥɽ *Shingkoiwa Ȥʤ餺 Shinkoiwa ȤʤΤǤ ([2019-11-16-1])
ܸɴŵ١İ ɧۤ ԡ罤ۡ1988ǯ
528ˡkhelfʷѸ˥եˤζΤȡheldio ˤϽؤʾءX @scunogawaˤȤȤˡֱѸ˴ؤѤʵ䡡ܥΥåפ饤ǤϤޤͻҤȤƤǤ YouTube ǤǸƤ뤳Ȥϡε#5851. ֱѸ˴ؤѤʵ ܥΥå --- GW with ϽؤפΥ YouTube ۿޤ ([2025-05-04-1]) Ǥ̤Ǥ٤ heldio ΥȤƤۿޤǽʬȤʤİȤϡ#1439. Ѹ˴ؤѤʵ䡡ܥΥå --- GW with Ͻؤꤴİ褯Ԥ65ʬۤɤĹǤ
ܥΥåǼ夲Ѥʵ15濫ޤ5ܡԤ26ʬ18դ꤫ˤܤޤμݤȤƤϡ괧 an/a λȤʬan apple vs. a penˤθݤϡꥷͳƬ an-/a- θݤƱǤפȤΤǤԤΤι٤ʻŦˤषٶˤʤäݡϤȥ饤Ǥ줿̤Ǥ
Ĵ٤ƤߤȡΤξԤˤơan- ŪˤηǤǤ첻ʤ뤤 hˤǻϤޤǤ³ˤϡؤˤǤ n æa- Ȥ۷֤ѤƤޤ줤ʿŪȤޤ
Webster μ3Ǥ˽ A Dictionary of Prefixes, Suffixes, and Combining Forms ˤȡꥷͳƬ a-, an- ˤĤƼΤ褦˵Ҥޤ
2a- or an- prefix [L & Gk; L a-, an-, fr. Gk --- more at UN-]: not: without <achromatic> <asexual> --- used chiefly with words of Gk or L origin; a- before consonants other than h and sometimes even before h, an- before vowels and usu. before h <ahistorical> <anesthesia> <anhydrous>
ΤʤǼƤ̤ꡤΥꥷͳƬϡѸƬ un- ȤƱǤ롥ĤǤƱŵ un- ιܤƤ
1un- prefix [ME, fr. OE; akin to OHG un- un-, ON ō, ū-, Goth un-, L in-, Gk a-, an-, Skt a-, an- un-, OE ne not]
űѸ꼭 ne ⤳ƱǤ뤫顤ĤޤȤ not, never, no ʤɤȤ̤뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
ƤѤʵ䤫ŸǤؤٶˤʤޤ
<ch>/k/ ɽ魯ϡ̤˥ꥷ줫μѸˤߤȤ롥Ѹʤɤ <c> ʤɤǼޤ줿ΤѸˤ츻Ūֻ (etymological_respelling) θˤäơꥷ <ch> ֤ľ줿⾯ʤʤΤȻפ롥Carney (219--20) ˼褦
Distribution of <ch>
The <ch> spelling of /k/ is restricted almost entirely to §Greek words: archaeology, archaism, archangel, architect, archive, bronchial, catechism, chaos, character, charisma, chasm, chemist, chiropody, chlorine, choir, cholesterol, chord, chorus, christian, chromium, chronic, cochlea, echo, epoch, eunuch, hierarchy, lichen, malachite, matriarch, mechanic, monarch, ochre, oligarch, orchestra, orchid, pachyderm, patriarch, psyche, schematic, stochastic, stomach, strychnite, technical, trachea, triptych, etc. This is by no means a compete list, but it serves to show the problems of using subsystems in deterministic procedures. Some words with <ch>/k/ have been in common use in English for centuries (anchor, school) and came by way of Latin rather than directly from Greek. Lachrymose and sepulchre are strictly Latin in origin, but were mistakenly thought in antiquity to have a Greek connection. Many words with <ch>/k/ are highly technical complex words used by scientists for whom the constituent §Greek morphemes, such as {pachy} or {derm}, have a separate semantic identity. In some cases the Greek meanings are irrelevant to the technical use of the words since they involve obscure metaphors. One does not normally need to know that orchids have anything to do with testicles --- it's actually the shape of the roots. There appear to be no explicit phonological markers of §Greek-ness in the words listed above. The morphological criterion of word-formation potential is the best marker, but this works best with the technical end of the range. We can hardly cue the <ch> in school by calling up scholastic.
̣Τ lachrymose sepulchre ʤɤϥƥͳʤΤäƥꥷͳȴ㤤 <ch> ֤Ƥ롤ȤƥˤƤ顤ꥷ˴Ť츻Ūֻä餷ȤȤˤʤ롥ֻˤƤ餤ϰҿˤ䤫ꤿȤפϡ¿θʸˤƶ̤ƤΤ
Carney, Edward. A Survey of English Spelling. Abingdon: Routledge, 1994.

*
1223Ҥηؤդ2025ǯ1Ԥޤǯ١ƱϢֱܵѸˤįեפƤƤޤ10ֱѸֻˤեαƶפǤ
ʤȺϡؤդ٤100ǯȤǰ٤Ǥ"Revue France, 100 ans!" ɽˤꡤý֤դ100ǯפǺܤƤޤΤ褦ʵǰΰˡեˤʤ̱ѸˤϢܵܤƤΤ϶̤Ǥ⤢ꡤӤǤ⤢ޤʽִ֤Ω碌ƤҤˤⴶդޤ
1. Ѹֻϰճȥե
ΥޥαƶǡθαѸֻˤϥեֻ¿ʬȿǤƤޤñֻ¤ϥեŪǤ뤳ȤϤޤΤƤޤ
2. ɹפ īs ice
ѸֻϡեαƶΤѸˤ礭Ƥޤֲ꽤פη̡㤨иѸ ice ˤߤ褦 -ce ֻѤޤ
3. ԻҲֻ c ch
եαƶˤꡤűѸǤ c ɽ줿ԻҲѸ ch ؤִޤˤñ child church ʤɤֻΩޤ
4. äűѸʸ
űѸǾѤ줿ʸ (æ, ƿ, þ, ðˤϡե¸ߤʤäȤ⤢ꡤѸʹߤ˿षƤǽŪˤϾǤޤ
5. ʤѸֻϥե줫֤줷Τ
ѸֻϡDzܻؤΤǤϤʤषҿեֻ뤳Ȥˤꡤ㴳ʣޤեϸϤȶܤθäΤǤ
ѸֻˤեαƶϡѸֻѲűѸʸѤ˸˸ޤˤűѸŪֻϱƤᡤäƸŪʸɤֻȤ뤳Ȥˤʤޤ
˾ܤϡľܡؤդ1˼äƤɤߤС9Ϣܵ hellog furansu_rensai ǾҲ𤷤ƤޤΤǡ⤴Ȥ
ȴϢơheldio Ǥ#1305. Ѹֻˤեαƶ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ10ơꤷƤäƤޤΤǡ⤪İ
δ졡ֱѸˤįե졡10Ѹֻˤեαƶסؤդ2025ǯ1桤ҡ2024ǯ122352--53ǡ
ε#5707. 2Ż <gh> ε ([2024-12-11-1]) ³<gh> ˤƽиˤĤơѸֻˤθŵ路 Scragg (46--47) ˡΤ꤬롥
The use of <h> as a diacritic in <ch> and <sh>, indicating that <c> and <s> have a pronunciation different from that normally expected of those consonantsa, was not new to English when <ch> was introduced from French, for <th> had earlier been used alongside <þ> (cf. footnotes to pp. 2b and 17). Both <ch> in French and <th> in English derive from Latin orthography, use of <h> as a diacritic in Latin being made possible by the disappearance of the sounds represented by <h> from the language in the late classical period. As a result of the establishment in English of diacritic <h> in <ch> and <th>, other consonant groups were formed on the same pattern. The grapheme <gh> has already been discussed (p. 23c). <wh> has a rather different history, for it began in Old English as an initial consonantal combination <hw> corresponding to /xw/. Assimilation of the group to a single voiceless consonant /ʍ/ had taken place by the late Old English period, and Middle English scribes, associating the sequence <hw> for the single phoneme with the use of <h> as a fricative marker in other graphemes, reversed the graphs to <wh>.
English scribes' incorporation into their spelling system of the grapheme <ch>, and the 'consequential' changes which resulted in the creation of <sh> and <wh>, were made possible by their knowledge of Anglo-Norman conventions.
ΰʸΤʤƱؤλȤ꤬뤬ȤȽפʵҤߤĤäΤǡѼԤˤб뤫ǰʲ˻βʸǺܤ롥
a I.e. <h> as a fricative marker, allowing for the fact that <sh> is historically a simplification of <sch>. (fn. 2 to p. 46)
b Latin <th> had always been recognised as an alternative to thorn by English writers; even before the Norman Conquest, foreign names were spelt with either: Elizabeth or Elizabeþ, Thomas or þomas. (fn. 2 to p. 2)
c <ȝ> was also used in Middle English for the two allophones of /j/ which occurred after a vowel: [ç] and [x]. These two sounds gave scribes considerable difficulty in Middle English; among the many graphemes representing them are the Anglo-Norman <s>, the Old English <h>, the new grapheme <ȝ>, and the last two combined as <ȝh>. In the fifteenth century, when the distinction between <ȝ> and <g> became blurred, this combination was written <gh>, and this is the sequence which has survived in a great many words in which [ç] and [x] were once heard, or still are in northern dialects, e.g. high, ought, night, bough. (fn. 2 to p. 23)
ʾꡤ˴Ϣפվȡ̤ꡥ
(1) <th> ϸűѸˤѤ뤳Ȥä
(2) 2Ż <ch> <th> ϤȤϥƥˡͳ褹
(3) <h> ȯʹ (diacritical_mark) ȤѤ褦ˤʤäΤϡŵΥƥ h ̵<h> 줿
(4) 2ʸܤ <h> Ĵ¸2ŻΥѥΥޥֻΤäƤѸ̻μˤꡤ¾ؤ礷
(5) 2ʸܤ <h> 2Żϡh ŪʤΤǡ
<gh> ޤ2Żεȯã˸Ƥ
Scragg, D. G. A History of English Spelling. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1974.
2Ż (digraph) <gh> ˤĤƤϡܥ֥Ǥ gh γƵˤƤ2Ż <gh> ˤĤƤϡ줬ɽ魯ȤȤˡѸ˾Ǥ⤤롥ΤʤǤܤ1Ĥ˵꤬롥űѸǤϡѸʹߤŵŪ <gh> Ѥ¿Υǡ<h> 1ʸȤƤѸˤʤȡδĶˤ <h> λѤϽ˿षƤä <gh> <ȝ> (= yogh) ƬƤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥<gh> Ϥäɤ褿Τ
Upward and Davidson (182) ˤȡ2Ÿ <gh> ϥΥޥ̻ˤäƤ⤿餵줿ǤȤ
. . . ANorm scribes frequently replaced the OE H with GH: OE niht, ME night; OE brohte, ME broughte 'brought'. (The letter ȝ was also used: niȝt, brouȝte.) The GH represented /x/, which was pronounced [ç] after a front vowel and [x] after a back vowel, as in ME night and broughte respectively (and as also in Modern German). Although, under the influence of Chancery and the printers, this digraph has continued to be written from the ME period to the present day, the sound it represented/represents has undergone many changes.
Υޥֻˤ <ch>, <sh>, <th>, <wh> ʤ2ʸܤ <h> 2ŻλѤǧ롥餹٤ƤѸǸƤۤ¿ѤƤ櫓ǤϤʤΤΡ2Ż <gh> ⤳֤ä (cfAnglo-Norman Dictionary) Υޥ줿̻䡤αƶѸμ̻Ѹݤˤ <gh> ȤȤˤʤ롥
Upward, Christopher and George Davidson. The History of English Spelling. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
̾ˡ§ (grimms_law) ˤϡƤ줿ꡤ͡㳰뤳ȤŤƤǤͭ̾ʤΤͥˡ§ (verners_law) ˴ؤ㳰⤦1饹ޥˡ§ (grassmanns_law) ȤΤ롥ؿѸؼŵ '(209--300) ꡤβ
ȯ줿㳰ϡ̾殺饹ޥˡ§ (Grassmann's law) ȸƤФΤǤ롥ΰб Grimm ꤷ˹פǤäHerman Grassmann (1809--77) ϥꥷ䥵åȤΥǡĴ١θǤ㳰ŪԵ§бȯãȤ餫ˤ㤨
Goth. Skt -biudan 'offer' bódhāmi 'notice' dauhtar 'daughter' duhitā' gagg 'street' jánghā 'leg'
бˤơˡ§ˤХޥ b, d, g б륵åȤθƬӵ (bh, dh, gh) ǤʤФʤʤΤӵǤ롥Grassmann ϡꥷ줪ӥåȤˤơĤܤ벻ӵ³Ȥɤ餫Ĥϰ۲ (DISSIMILATION) ˤäӵˤʤ븽ݤΤǤ뤳ȤȯˤƸؼԤϡñħ䲻ĶǤʤܤ벻ȤδطˤդʤФʤʤȤΤäΤǤ롥
Bussmann Ѹ켭ŵƤ (198--99)
Grassmann's law (also dissimilation of aspirates)
Discovered by Grassmann (1863), sound change occurring independently in Sanskrit and Greek which consistently results in a dissimilation of aspirated stops. If at least two aspirated stops occur in a single word, then only the last stop retains its aspiration, all preceding aspirates are deaspirated; cf. IE *bhebhoṷdhe > Skt bubodha 'had awakened,' IE *dhidhēhmi > Grk títhēmi 'I set, I put.' This law, which was discovered through internal reconstruction, turned a putative 'exception' to the Germanic sound shift (⇒ 'Grimm's law). . . into a law.
ʸͺʴƽˡؿѸؼŵ١ҡ1982ǯ
Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics''. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.
ˡ#1511. űѸ sc θ ([2013-06-16-1]) Ǽ夲ꡥűѸ2Ż (digraph) Ǥ <sc> ˤĤơ͵ʸ Prins ѤDzҤ٤Ƥ뤫ǧPrins (203--04) Ѥ롥
7.16 PG sk
PG sk was palatalized:
1. In initial position before all vowels and consonants:
OE Du sčēap 'sheep' schaap WS sčield A scčeld 'shield' schild sčēawian 'to show' schouwen G schauen sčendan 'to damage' schenden sčrud 'shroud'
2. Medially between palatal vowels and especially when followed originally by i(:) or j:
þrysče 'thrush'
wysčean 'to wish'
3. Finally after palatal vowels:
æsč 'ash'
disč 'dish'
Englisč 'English'
űѸ츦Ǥ̾ <sc> β [ʃ] ȤƤ뤬Prins (204) ˤȡ [ʃ] äɤϤ狼ʤȤष [sx] äΤǤϤʤȵƤ롥
Note 2. In reading OE we generally read sc(e) as [ʃ], but there is no definite proof that this was the pronunciation before the ME period (when the French spelling s, ss is found, and the spelling sh is introduced).
In Ælfric sc alliterates with sp, and st. So s must have been the first element. The second element cannot have been k, since Scandinavian loanwords (which must have been adopted in lOE) still have sk: skin, skill.
The pronunciation in OE was probably [sx]. Cf. Dutch schoon [sxo:n], schip [sxip], which in the transition period to eME or in eME itself, must have become [ʃ].
Prins, A. A. A History of English Phonemes. 2nd ed. Leiden: Leiden UP, 1974.
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