ϢȤƤ Bauer ˡ˥塼ɱѸεᤰ4Ĥγ⤬Ҳ𤵤Ƥ (420--28) ⥪ȥꥢѸܤˤߤʤ顤оȤʤƤǤ롥ʤξѼؤصŪѸȤ Australasian ѤƤ뤳Ȥա
1. Australasian as Cockney
ȥꥢѸ18ΥɥѸCockney ȡˤ˥롼ĤΤƱͤˡ˥塼ɱѸ19ΥɥѸ˥롼Ĥ롥ξѼ˺ۤߤȤС1819ΥɥѸκۤ˵롥ʤ˥塼ɰ̱ Cockney ǤϤʤष Cockney ΤƤȤͤƤꡤο Bauer ɾƤ롥
2. Australasian as East Anglian
Trudgill ȤˤСȥꥢѸȥ˥塼ɱѸȯħϡɥѸǤϤʤ East Anglian ˶ᤤȤTrudgill ϡľ East Anglian ȹͤƤ櫓ǤϤʤɥѸǤȤĤġEast Anglian ޤ।νѸ줬礷ƤǤ "a mixed dialect" ȤոBauer ϡΩƤ East Anglian ̤˽Ф˵褷Ƥ롥¾ȤʤΤǤϤʤ
3. The mixing bowl theory
ȥꥢѸ˥塼ɱѸϡ蘆äƤǤ (dialect_mixture) Ǥ롤Ȥ⡥Bauer ϡäȤ餷ǤϤ뤬ʺȤξѼ郎ƤΤϤʤ䤬ĤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥Trudgill koineisation ѸǡξѼ褦ȤƤ롥
4. New Zealand English as Australian
˥塼ɱѸϡȥꥢѸ줫ѼǤ롥ʬ䤹ǡBauer "The influence of Australia in all walks of life is ubiquitous in New Zealand" (427) ȽҤ٤Ĥġ䤷Ƥ롥˥塼ɿͤδͤȿŤˤʤ餶ʤ褦ǡ"it is politically not a very welcome message in New Zealand. I shall thus try to present this material in a suitably tentative manner" (425) ȤҤ٤Ƥ롥Ǥ⡤ǤϼΤ褦äƤ (428)
I do not believe that the arguments are cut and dried, but it does seem to me that, in the current state of our knowledge, the hypothesis that New Zealand English is derived from Australian English is the one which explains most about the linguistic situation in New Zealand.
heldio Ǥ#1632. ˥塼ɱѸϤɤ褿ΤȤۿΤǡҤİСޤϢơhellog #5974. New Zealand English Υᥤ ([2025-09-04-1]) ȡ#1799. New Zealand ˤѸˡ ([2014-03-31-1]) ȡ
Bauer L. "English in New Zealand." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 5. Ed. Burchfield R. Cambridge: CUP, 1994. 382--429.
˥塼ɱѸˤĤƤϡ#1799. New Zealand ˤѸˡ ([2014-03-31-1])#402. Southern Hemisphere Shift ([2010-06-03-1])#278. ˥塼ɤˤޥγ ([2010-01-30-1]) ޤ new_zealand_english εǼ夲ƤϺǶᤪ A History of the English Language in 100 Places 52 "WAITANGI --- the English Language in New Zealand (1840)" ꡤNew Zealand English ΥᥤˤĤƤβɤߤ (129--31)
On 6 February 1840, at Waitangi, Aoteoroa, Maori chiefs signed a treaty with the representatives of the British government. The Maori were agreeing to permanent white settlement in their islands. The treaty of Waitangi signalled the moment when the British, not the French, asserted possession of what was renamed New Zealand; it was also the moment when English was destined to become the dominant European language of Aotearoa.
After 1840, European migration to New Zealand came almost exclusively from the British Isles. A census in 1871 showed that of these various migrants, 51 per cent came from England, 27 per cent from Scotland, 22 per cent from Ireland. The majority spoke regional dialects unlike the upper-class English of the colony's administrators. That division shaped linguistic attitudes and accents until the 1960s at least. At the same time, the Maori language provided many terms for local animals, plants and landscape features.
The proportions of the 1871 census suggest the founding elements of New Zealand English, but they do not take account of the fact that there was a continuous movement back and forth between New Zealand and Australia. Some 6 per cent of the 1871 white population was born in Australia, and very large numbers of those who came from the British Isles first landed in Australia before deciding to move to New Zealand. Australian English had then --- and continues to have --- a strong influence. . . .
As in Australia, school inspectors, administrators and leaders of opinion complained from the beginning about the kind of English that they found widespread in New Zealand. A major complaint was that many New Zealanders said 'in', not 'ing', a the ends of words; they added and dropped 'h's improperly; and generally sounded Cockney.
New Zealand linguists challenged the idea that there were large numbers of Londoners among the immigrants to New Zealand. Moreover, within England and the Empire, Cockney was the accent most disliked by upper-class English speakers, and there was a tendency to label any disliked accent as Cockney. Arguing for a levelling of the nineteenth-century English, Irish and Scottish immigrant dialects, New Zealand linguists claim that a distinctive voice appeared about 1900 and spread rapidly through the country. It was initially noted in derogatory terms as a colonial drawl or twang. However, modern-day New Zealanders have homogenized their speech, eroding the once unacceptable drawl as well as the once superior vowels.
˥塼ɱѸϡѸüԤΥꥹͳν١ȤĤĤ⡤ϤηȤƤΥȥꥢѸαƶꡤΥޥθä¿Ѥʤ麮ƤȥꥢѸƱͤˡ̤ Cockney αƶζѼȤߤ뤳Ȥ¿ϡCockney ɸŪʽѼפȤ绨Ĥ˴ŤǤǽ⤤˥塼ɤǤϡ20ˤޤǤ˹ԤʤƤ͡Ѽ郎ʿˤĤʤ˥塼ɤ餷ѸѼ郎ޤƤȹͤ롥

Lucas, Bill and Christopher Mulvey. A History of the English Language in 100 Places. London: Robert Hale, 2013.
1860ǯ˽Ǥ줿 Marsh ˤѸ˹ֵϿѥѥäƤ롥Marsh ˤС졤ʤűѸϡΦ֥ƥ˻ޤ줿κΤǤꡤΰ̣ˤƥ֥ƥ "aboriginal" ʸȤϸʤΤ "indigenous" ʸǤϤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥ȤƤϺΤʤǤϤ "diversity" "obscure", "confused", "imperfect", "anomalous", "irregular" ǤȤʲϢսѤ롥
§15. It has been already shown that the Anglo-Saxon conquerors consisted of several tribes. The border land of the Scandinavian and Teutonic races, whence the Anglo-Saxon invaders emigrated, has always been remarkable for the number of its local dialects. The Friesian, which bears a closer resemblance than any other linguistic group to the English, differs so much in different localities, that the dialects of Friesian parishes, separated only by a narrow arm of the sea, are often quite unintelligible to the inhabitants of each other. Moreover, the Anglo-Saxon language itself supplies internal evidence that there was a great commingling of nations in the invaders of our island. This language, in its obscure etymology, its confused and imperfect inflexions, and its anomalous and irregular syntax, appears to me to furnish abundant proof of a diversity, not of a unity, of origin. It has not what is considered the distinctive character of a modern, so much as of a mixed and ill-assimilated speech, and its relations to the various ingredients of which it is composed are just those of the present English to its own heterogeneous sources. It borrowed roots, and dropped endings, appropriated syntactical combinations without the inflexions which made them logical, and had not yet acquired a consistent and harmonious structure when the Norman conquest arrested its development, and imposed upon it, or, perhaps we should say, gave a new stimulus to, the tendencies which have resulted in the formation of modern English. There is no proof that Anglo-Saxon was ever spoken anywhere but on the soil of Great Britain; for the 'Heliand,' and other remains of old Saxon, are not Anglo-Saxon, and I think it must be regarded, not as a language which the colonists, or any of them, brought with them from the Continent, but as a new speech resulting from the fusion of many separate elements. It is, therefore, indigenous, if not aboriginal, and as exclusively local and national in its character as English itself.
űѸ˴ؤ Marsh ΤƶͥƤȻפɾˤꡤιֵϿꥹĺ˽Ǥ줿ȤطʤǰƬ֤Ƥ٤ѤκǸˤ "exclusively local and national in its character as English itself" ⡤ʸ̮Dz᤹ɬפ褦˻פ롥
űѸˤĤƤϡ#389. Angles, Saxons, and Jutes θϤȰܽ ([2010-05-21-1])#2868. ˤƸűѸޤ줿 ([2017-03-04-1])#4439. űѸϺȤƻϤޤä ([2021-06-22-1]) ε⻲ȡ
Marsh, George Perkins. Lectures on the English Language: Edited with Additional Lectures and Notes. Ed. William Smith. 4th ed. London: John Murray, 1866. Rpt. HardPress, 2012.
ѸˤǤϡѸɸಽĹ֤ˤ錄äȿʹԤȤΤƤ롥ĹɸಽβλϤޤȽɤ֤ԥݥȤǻŦ뤳Ȥ14Ⱦ Chaucer λ˨꤬ߤ졤18εϼλˤ褽뤲줿ȤƤ
ɸಽȤϡδ餤С¿ȤȤǤ롥ֻǤСƱñФʣ֤֤ͣۤɸŪȤȤ14Ⱦ18ޤDZѸ줬ɸಽӾˤäȤȤϡʤλˤ¿쾯ʤ¿äȤȤǤ롥
Trudgill (2047--48) ѸɸಽӾˤߤ줿Ū¿ˤĤơ̾̾ʸԤ꼡Τ褦ȯȰѤƤ롥
"the precise regional dialect constituents of London English were not finally fixed in their present proportion and distribution during the 15th century, nor indeed for some time after the beginning of the following century" (Wyld)
"in London circles during the 16 c and 17 c many different usages [...] were jostled together" (Strang)
"the modern standard has a heterogeneous dialect base" (Lass)
"coexisting subsystems" (Samuels)
"rival pronunciations" (Wells)
"it is tempting to ask what dialects were not present in this Londonish-East Midlandish-Northernish-Southernish 'single ancestor' of Standard English" (Hope)
Ǥϡ¿ϲͳ褹Τ͡Trudgill ˤС (dialect_mixture) ȤΤȤǤ롥Ĺ֡ڤɥ¿οܽ͡³ƤɥޤäͤϤषɤǤꡤˤĤƸХɥϤޤΤĤܤäΤǤ롥Τ褦ʾǤϡκ礬֤Ǥꡤʿ (dialect_levelling) ˤ֤פȤȤ
ĹɸಽϡḽѸˤŪԵ§ȵ§ΤޤͤƤ褦˻פ롥ѸΤʬ§Ūǡ̤ʬԵ§ŪʤΤϡ¿嵭λ˵ȤäƤ褤
Trudgill, Peter. "Varieties of English: Dialect Contact." Chapter 130 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 2044--59.
ŪʱѸ˵ҤˤȡűѸϡ5ȾФ˥͡͡塼ȿͤʤޥζƽ̱²ߤ˾ۤʤäȤƥ֥ƥϤäƤȤϤޤ롥ΡֱѸפϡ̱²ȤνҤäΤΤƤ褤θ塤űѸ˳Ϥ줾Ϥ˺դĤȯỴ̈Ǥϸˤޤ³ɽۤ
嵭θϡ5Ⱦа衤ߤˡʤޤäȤϤ鷺ȤˤۤɸäƤʤäȤȤƤ롥#2868. ˤƸűѸޤ줿 ([2017-03-04-1]) ǾҲ𤷤褦ˡűѸϤ⤽ܿ (dialect_contact) (dialect_mixture) λʪǤϤʤȤ⤢롥8θűѸˤϤޤʤθŪ¿ѻ뤬ϸŤ̤ܿƿؤޤѤݤŵŪˤߤ븽ݤȤΤǤϤʤ
Trudgill (2045--46) Nielsen ȤĤġ˵ȤߤűѸθŪ¿ζ3Ƥ롥
1) Old English had a remarkable number of different, alternative forms corresponding to Modern English 'first', and, crucially, more than any other continental Germanic language. This variability, moreover, would appear to be linked, although in some way that is not entirely clear, to variability and differentiation on the European mainland: ærest (cf. Old High German eristo); forma (cf. Old Frisian forma); formest (cf. Gothic frumists); and fyrst (cf. Old Norse fyrst).
2) Similarly, OE had two different paradigms for the present tense of the verb to be, one derived from Indo-European *-es- and apparently related to Old Norse and Gothic; and the other deriving from Indo-European *bheu and relating to Old Saxon and Old High German. The relevant singular forms in Table 130.1
Table 130.1: Singular forms of the present tense of the verb to be (Nielsen 1998: 80)
Gothic Old Norse Old English I Old English II Old Saxon Old High German 1SG im em eom beom bium bim 2SG is es eart bist bist bist 3SG ist es is bið is(t) ist
3) Old English also exhibited variability, in all regions, in the form of the interrogative pronoun meaning 'which of two'. This alternated between hwæðer which relates to Gothic hvaóar and W. Norse hvaðarr, on the other hand, and hweder which corresponds to O. Saxon hweðar, on the other.
嵭 1) "first" ηŪ¿ˤĤƤϡѸǤϤ뤬#1307. most mest ([2012-11-24-1]) ط롥2) be ư줬Ū佼ˡ (suppletion) ˤĤƤϡεˤ뤫⤷ʤȤƶϱԤ̤佼ˡλͻݤΥҥȤˤʤ
űѸˤϡʸŪˤʾ̤ʤȤͳѶŪˤΤͿΤΤȤƼƤޤȤ¿ʸΩĻˡפΤۤ¿ܿ礬äǽꤷƤߤȡʻƤ褦˻פ롥
ܿΰŪʲϡ#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1]) ɤ
Trudgill, Peter. "Varieties of English: Dialect Contact." Chapter 130 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 2044--59.
Nielsen, Hans Frede. The Continental Backgrounds of English and its Insular Development until 1154. Odense: Odense UP, 1998.
ߤ̤뤬ۤʤäԤɤܿˤϡФиߤ˼ħ¤ܤߴ餻 accommodation κѤѻ롥Τ褦ʸήĿͥ٥ǤϤʤ礭ʽĥ٥褦ˤʤȡdialect contact ܿ) ȸƤ֤٤ݤȤʤ롥dialect contact ϡŵŪˤϡǤθήˤơޤԻԲ̱ϲ̱Ȥäˤ롥
dialect contact η̡ܤϤѤ̤θܤϤѤȤä˸ʤ dialect mixture Фơ͡δ֤κΤޤ롥
κΤ1--2ФȡƸܤμѰ۷졤ΡŵŪˤ1ĤΡ˷֤ؤ夯ꥨƤ椯οʿϡdialect levelling ȸƤФ롥
dialect levelling ʤʿԤ뤳Ȥ¿ά (simplification) βˤФơο koiné ȤȯŸ뤫⤷ʤ (koinéization) ˡ koiné ϡɸδפˤʤ뤳Ȥ⤢롥
ơdialect contact koinéization ޤǤΰϢήTrudgill (157) ˤ꺣ɤäƤߤ褦
The dialect mixture situation would not have lasted more than a generation or possibly two, and in the end everybody in a given location would have ended up levelling out the original dialect difference brought from across the Atlantic and speaking the same dialect. This new dialect would have been 'mixed' with respect to its origins, but uniform in its current characteristics throughout the community. Where dialect levelling occurs in a colonial situation of this type --- or in the growth of a new town, for instance --- and that leads to the development of a whole new dialect, the process is known as koinéization (from the Ancient Greek word koiné meaning 'general, common').
Ū˳ǧ koinéization ƤѸεȤʤäƤ뤬奮ꥷ Attic ŵŪ koiné Ǥ롥ƥ¯ƥ⡤koinéization ˤޤ17˥ꥹ饢ꥫغǽο̱ʤ줿塤δ֤˿̱ϤΤ⡤koinéization Ǥ롥Ʊ͡ʱѸüԤˤ륪ȥꥢ̱˥塼ɿ̱ΤȤˤˡԻԲη̤ȤԻ⡤¿ koiné Ǥ롥
Ѹ˾ dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koinéization βꤵΤϡ14ȾΥɥѸˤƤ͡üԤԻԥɥ˽ޤꡤdialect mixture dialect levelling äη̤ȤơɸؤȯŸѼθΩΤǤϤʤѸ busy, bury, merry ֻȯδط𤷤Ƥطʤˤ⡤嵭ΰϢβͿƤΤ
busy, bury, merry ˤĤƤϡ#562. busy ֻȯ ([2010-11-10-1])#563. Chaucer merry ([2010-11-11-1])#570. bury 첻ʬۡ ([2010-11-18-1])#1245. ʣŪβȤƤνȤɸѸȯŸ ([2012-09-23-1])#1434. left hemlock Kentish ([2013-03-31-1])#1561. 14Norfolk ̱μҲŪ ([2013-08-05-1]) ȡ
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. 4th ed. London: Penguin, 2000.
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