ϢȤƤ Bauer ˡ˥塼ɱѸεᤰ4Ĥγ⤬Ҳ𤵤Ƥ (420--28) ⥪ȥꥢѸܤˤߤʤ顤оȤʤƤǤ롥ʤξѼؤصŪѸȤ Australasian ѤƤ뤳Ȥա
1. Australasian as Cockney
ȥꥢѸ18ΥɥѸCockney ȡˤ˥롼ĤΤƱͤˡ˥塼ɱѸ19ΥɥѸ˥롼Ĥ롥ξѼ˺ۤߤȤС1819ΥɥѸκۤ˵롥ʤ˥塼ɰ̱ Cockney ǤϤʤष Cockney ΤƤȤͤƤꡤο Bauer ɾƤ롥
2. Australasian as East Anglian
Trudgill ȤˤСȥꥢѸȥ˥塼ɱѸȯħϡɥѸǤϤʤ East Anglian ˶ᤤȤTrudgill ϡľ East Anglian ȹͤƤ櫓ǤϤʤɥѸǤȤĤġEast Anglian ޤ।νѸ줬礷ƤǤ "a mixed dialect" ȤոBauer ϡΩƤ East Anglian ̤˽Ф˵褷Ƥ롥¾ȤʤΤǤϤʤ
3. The mixing bowl theory
ȥꥢѸ˥塼ɱѸϡ蘆äƤǤ (dialect_mixture) Ǥ롤Ȥ⡥Bauer ϡäȤ餷ǤϤ뤬ʺȤξѼ郎ƤΤϤʤ䤬ĤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥Trudgill koineisation ѸǡξѼ褦ȤƤ롥
4. New Zealand English as Australian
˥塼ɱѸϡȥꥢѸ줫ѼǤ롥ʬ䤹ǡBauer "The influence of Australia in all walks of life is ubiquitous in New Zealand" (427) ȽҤ٤Ĥġ䤷Ƥ롥˥塼ɿͤδͤȿŤˤʤ餶ʤ褦ǡ"it is politically not a very welcome message in New Zealand. I shall thus try to present this material in a suitably tentative manner" (425) ȤҤ٤Ƥ롥Ǥ⡤ǤϼΤ褦äƤ (428)
I do not believe that the arguments are cut and dried, but it does seem to me that, in the current state of our knowledge, the hypothesis that New Zealand English is derived from Australian English is the one which explains most about the linguistic situation in New Zealand.
heldio Ǥ#1632. ˥塼ɱѸϤɤ褿ΤȤۿΤǡҤİСޤϢơhellog #5974. New Zealand English Υᥤ ([2025-09-04-1]) ȡ#1799. New Zealand ˤѸˡ ([2014-03-31-1]) ȡ
Bauer L. "English in New Zealand." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 5. Ed. Burchfield R. Cambridge: CUP, 1994. 382--429.
8Ⱦ11ˤƥαѸϸťΥɸǻܿθܿ (contact) ϸαѸη˿ʱƶڤܤѸ˾ΰյ礭ˡ¿θ椬ʤ졤ѤƤܥ֥Ǥ⡤ťΥɸ˴ؤ old_norse ¿εǼ夲Ƥ
θܿħϡñʤüѤˤȤɤޤ餺٥ˤƶڤǤˤ롥˶ñ㲽 (simplification) ʿ (levelling) ˴ؤơܿιäȤŦƤ롥θܿܿΥݥΤʤǤɤΤ褦ʰ֤ŤˤΤ͡ʵ롥
ʬ˱ƶϤΤ Thomason and Kaufman (97, 281) θΩƤǤϡθܿοϡ (borrowing) 뤤ϸ (language_shift) ˤƶȤäˤȤϡξθüԤǤϤʤθüԤǤȤ
ξüԤȤ˼餸Ƥ륿פθܿǤȤ롥2ʤ뤤2ˤüԤߤŶĤ֤ʿƤ͡ (koineisation) βǤϤʤȤΩˤĤƤϡǤˡ#3972. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation ([2020-03-12-1]) ȡ#3980. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation (2) ([2020-03-20-1]) ǤҲ𤷤Ƥ Winford (82--83) Dawson ˰͵ĤIJ⤷ƤʬѤ
Hope Dawson (2001) suggests that the variety of Northern English that emerged from the contact between Viking Norse and Northern Old English was in fact a koiné --- a blend of elements from the two languages. The formation of this compromise variety involved selections from both varieties, with gradual elimination of competition between variants through leveling (selection of one option). This suggestion is attractive, since it explains the retention of Norse grammatical features more satisfactorily than a borrowing scenario does. We saw . . . that the direct borrowing of structural features (under RL [= recipient language] agentivity) is rather rare. The massive diffusion of Norse grammatical features into Northern Old English is therefore not what we would expect if the agents of change were speakers of Old English importing Norse features into their speech. A more feasible explanation is that both Norse and English speakers continued to use their own varieties to each other, and that later generations of bilingual or bidialectal speakers (especially children) forged a compromise language, as tends to happen in so many situations of contact.
ܿؤγǤϡ͡ΩԤƤƤ褦˻פ롥
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Dawson, Hope. "The Linguistic Effects of the Norse Invasion of England." Unpublished ms, Dept of Linguistics, Ohio State U, 2001.
Winford, Donald. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003.
űѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤơܥ֥ǤϤطʤħӤӵƤ1ĤƶȤơθܿ koineisation ǤϤʤȤ롥koine koineisation ϤȤơϢܿɽ魯Ѹ졦ǰγˤϰƤꡤϲä koineisation ȸƤ֤ȤȤϤʤФʤʤʲδϢ뵭ͤޤǤ˵ƤΤΡϤΤ䤳ˤĤƤϿꤷʤǤ
#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1])
#3150. ܿϸñˤ뤫ʣˤ뤫 ([2017-12-11-1])
#3178. ȳ̿ԻѼء ([2018-01-08-1])
#3499. "Standard English" "General English" ([2018-11-25-1])
#1391. lingua franca (4) ([2013-02-16-1])
#1690. pidgin ȤδϢ ([2013-12-12-1])
#3207. ɸѸȸɸಽ˴ؤ뤤ĤνѸ ([2018-02-06-1])
Fischer et al. (67--68) koineisation ˤĤƤ Kerswill Ȥά˲⤷ƤȤޤȤƤݥȤ4Ĥ롥
(1) 23Τ˴λΤŵǤꡤȤ1Ǥⴰλ뤳Ȥ
(2) (mixing)ʿ (levelling)ñ㲽 (simplification) 3ʤ
(3) ܿ2ѼŵŪ˷³ʤ pidgin creole Ȱۤʤ
(4) 줫Ѽ郎ŪȤȤʤҿ櫓Ǥʤ
űѸȸťΥɸܿǰƬˡ(2) ˵Ƥ3ĤβˤĤƤ1βǤ뺮 (mixing) ͡ʥ٥Ǥߤ뤬űѸο;̾ΥѥΤʤ they, their, them ʤɤθťΥɸǤƤʤɤŵǤ롥dream Τ褦˷֤ϱѸỤ̄ϸťΥɸŪȤ̣ (semantic_borrowing) λʤɤ롥Ѹäδؤ¿θťΥɸñ줬ǤȤΤ⺮Ȥ롥
2βǤʿ (levelling) ϡʣä۷֤μबꡤ1Ĥη֤˼̤ƤѲؤűѸǤϷ se sēo, þæt ʤɳƼη֤˶ޤѸˤ þe ؿʿƤäǵäƤ뤳Ȥϡkoineisation 1ȤƤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥
3βǤñ㲽 (simplification) ϡƻޤζ̤줿ꡤưѲ2饹̤ʤɡʸˡƥζ̤ʤʤ褦ʥؤʸˡ (gender) ξü⤳ˤ롥
Τ褦ˤߤƤȡΤ˸űѸȸťΥɸܿˤϡ̣ħĤ롥 koineisation ȸƤ֤٤ɤѸȤȤʤ뤬ŦƤħˤǼǤȤ¿
Ϣơ#3969. ƥ졤ťΥɸ졤ȸ졤ե줬Ѹ˵ڤܤƶӤ ([2020-03-09-1]) ⻲ȡ
Kerswill, P. "Koineization and Accommodation." The Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Ed. J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill, and N. Schilling-Estes. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004. 668--702.
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
ܿ (contact) ϸñˤΤ뤤ʣˤΤźθܿλȤȡΥ⤢ΤƤ롥Trudgill ˤĤƤΤǡҲ𤷤褦ޤܿϸʣ˴ͿȤˤĤơ
. . . there is considerable evidence that language contact can lead to an increase in linguistic complexity. This appears to occur as a result of the addition of features transferred from one language to another . . . . This is then additive change in which new features derived from neighboring languages do not replace existing features but are acquired in addition to them. A sociolinguistic-typological consequence of language contact is therefore that languages which have experienced relatively high degrees of contact are more likely to demonstrate relatively higher degrees of this type of additive complexity than languages which have not. (301)
ȴϢơϰؤΩ줫顤बޤ䤹Ū¿äŪñʸ칽¤䤹 "spread zones" Ȥư²ιԤʤƤϰʤɡˤȡȿФ˸Ū¿ʣħŤ "residual zones" Ȥƥ˥塼˥ʤɡˤȤǰˤĤƤƤ롥Ĥޤꡤ"contact among languages fosters complexity, or, put differently, diversity among neighbouring languages fosters complexity in each of the languages" (303) ǤȤĤιͻФȤǾ嵭ŤΤβսǤ롥
We can thus take seriously the sociolinguistic-typological hypothesis that languages spoken in high-contact societies are relatively more likely to have relatively more complexity, not just in terms of having more features such as grammatical categories and articulation types, but also in terms of possessing features which are inherently more complex. (305--06)
ǡŪʤ⡤ܿñ㲽⤿餹ϹǧƤʤۤˡ#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1])) ⻲Ȥ줿ˡ
. . . the paradox here is that contact can also, and just as clearly, lead to simplification. This is very well known, and is a point which has been made by many writers. Pidgins, creoles, and creoloids . . . are all widely agreed to owe their relative structural simplicity to language contact; and koines to dialect contact . . . . (306)
ǤϡܿΤʤ¦̤ʣñ㲽ꤹΤTrudgill ϡܿζ١֡콬˴ؤ׳ȤװŦƤ롥׳ȤϡפˡܿиƤο͡ҶͤȤ㤤Ǥ롥Trudgill ηϰʲ̤ꡥ
1 high-contact, long-term pre-critical threshold contact situations are more likely to lead to additive (and only additive) complexification;
2 high-contact, short-term post-critical threshold contact situations are more likely to lead to simplification;
3 low contact situations are likely to lead to preservation of existing complexity.
ӺΤ褦ˤ⸫뤬̣Ǥ롥
Trudgill, Peter. "Contact and Sociolinguistic Typology." The Handbook of Language Contact. Ed. Raymond Hickey. 2010. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013. 299--319.
#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1]) ȡ#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1]) Ǥ줾츫褦ˡ̤ܿ1ĤȤ contact-induced language change 롥Ϥ˼ (borrowing) ܿˤ봳 (shift-induced interference) ʬ롥Ԥ L2 θŪ L1 ذư븽ݡԤ L1 θŪ L2 ذư븽ݤǤ롥shift-induced interference ϡ2콬World Englishesظƶ (substratum_theory) ʤɤ˴طܿβȤ䤹⤷ʤ
2ĤۤʤΤdzǰ̤뤳Ȥưפ¤θܿλˤƤꤹΤ¿뤳ȤΤäƤɬפ롥Meeuwis and Östman (41) ꡤվǵ
(1) code-switching Ǥϡɤθ줫ɤθظबưƤȤߤʤФ褤ΤȽȤʤȤ¿#1661. Ѥ code-switching ζ֡ ([2013-11-13-1]) 褦ˡborrowing shift-induced interference ʬˡδ֤ˤϥ졼ȤäƤ롥
(2) (mixed language) ˤƤϡͿξθ줬褽Ʊ٤Ϳ¦Ǥ⤢ꡤ¦Ǥ⤢롥ŵŪˤϡ#1717. dual-source κ ([2014-01-08-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 Russenorsk Michif ʤɤ pidgin creole/creoloid 롥Thomason ϡμθܿ contact-induced language change ȤܤǤϤʤextreme language mixture ȤܤΤȤǰäƤꡤüʤΤȤƶ̤Ƥ (cf. [2014-03-13-1])
(3) ߤ礨ۤɤѼ郎ܿȤˤ⡤ΰưꤹ뤳ȤŵŪΤϡɤκʤ koineization Ǥ롥#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1]) ȡ#1690. pidgin ȤδϢ ([2013-12-12-1]) ȡ
(4) "false friends" (Fr. "faux amis") ꡥL2 dzؤħL1 ˤǤϤʤ̤˽褦ȤƤ L3 ˱ѤƤޤȤ롥㤨СܸüԤ L2 ȤƤαѸ magazine ʻˤˡL3 ȤƤΥե magasin ʾŹˤֻפΰ̣dzФƤޤ褦3Ȥ٤ǤꡤʬˡǤϰȤǤʤ
(5) ⤽⡤ĿͤˤȤäƲ L1 Dz L2 ȽȤʤ롥ХθĿͤˤäƤϡ2Ĥθ줬ۤƱ1ǤȤߤʤ礬롥Ϣơ#1537. פˤޤĤ3Ĥ ([2013-07-12-1]) ⻲ȡ
borrowing shift-induced interference ʬˡϡζʬǤ뤳ȡƤޤǤθ¤ˤͭǤ뤳ȤƤ
Meeuwis, Michael and Jan-Ola Östman. "Contact Linguistics." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 36--45.
ߤ̤뤬ۤʤäԤɤܿˤϡФиߤ˼ħ¤ܤߴ餻 accommodation κѤѻ롥Τ褦ʸήĿͥ٥ǤϤʤ礭ʽĥ٥褦ˤʤȡdialect contact ܿ) ȸƤ֤٤ݤȤʤ롥dialect contact ϡŵŪˤϡǤθήˤơޤԻԲ̱ϲ̱Ȥäˤ롥
dialect contact η̡ܤϤѤ̤θܤϤѤȤä˸ʤ dialect mixture Фơ͡δ֤κΤޤ롥
κΤ1--2ФȡƸܤμѰ۷졤ΡŵŪˤ1ĤΡ˷֤ؤ夯ꥨƤ椯οʿϡdialect levelling ȸƤФ롥
dialect levelling ʤʿԤ뤳Ȥ¿ά (simplification) βˤФơο koiné ȤȯŸ뤫⤷ʤ (koinéization) ˡ koiné ϡɸδפˤʤ뤳Ȥ⤢롥
ơdialect contact koinéization ޤǤΰϢήTrudgill (157) ˤ꺣ɤäƤߤ褦
The dialect mixture situation would not have lasted more than a generation or possibly two, and in the end everybody in a given location would have ended up levelling out the original dialect difference brought from across the Atlantic and speaking the same dialect. This new dialect would have been 'mixed' with respect to its origins, but uniform in its current characteristics throughout the community. Where dialect levelling occurs in a colonial situation of this type --- or in the growth of a new town, for instance --- and that leads to the development of a whole new dialect, the process is known as koinéization (from the Ancient Greek word koiné meaning 'general, common').
Ū˳ǧ koinéization ƤѸεȤʤäƤ뤬奮ꥷ Attic ŵŪ koiné Ǥ롥ƥ¯ƥ⡤koinéization ˤޤ17˥ꥹ饢ꥫغǽο̱ʤ줿塤δ֤˿̱ϤΤ⡤koinéization Ǥ롥Ʊ͡ʱѸüԤˤ륪ȥꥢ̱˥塼ɿ̱ΤȤˤˡԻԲη̤ȤԻ⡤¿ koiné Ǥ롥
Ѹ˾ dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koinéization βꤵΤϡ14ȾΥɥѸˤƤ͡üԤԻԥɥ˽ޤꡤdialect mixture dialect levelling äη̤ȤơɸؤȯŸѼθΩΤǤϤʤѸ busy, bury, merry ֻȯδط𤷤Ƥطʤˤ⡤嵭ΰϢβͿƤΤ
busy, bury, merry ˤĤƤϡ#562. busy ֻȯ ([2010-11-10-1])#563. Chaucer merry ([2010-11-11-1])#570. bury 첻ʬۡ ([2010-11-18-1])#1245. ʣŪβȤƤνȤɸѸȯŸ ([2012-09-23-1])#1434. left hemlock Kentish ([2013-03-31-1])#1561. 14Norfolk ̱μҲŪ ([2013-08-05-1]) ȡ
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. 4th ed. London: Penguin, 2000.
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