ѸˤեѸϡfrench loan_word ʤɤ¿εǰäƤäѸ˥եѸ줬̤˼Ѥ줿аޤȤμѤ®٤ˤĤơ#117. եѸǯʬۡ ([2009-08-22-1]) ڤӡ#1205. Ѹ˥եѸ줬ȯΤϤʤ ([2012-08-14-1]) ǵҤѤ®٤Ǥߤȡ13Ӥեѻˤ1ĤžȤʤäƤ뤬ǤϥեѤˤĤƲɤۤʤäƤΤBaugh and Cable (168--69) ˤꡤ줾λħ⤷褦
ΥޥȤ1250ǯޤǤΥեѸϡ(1) 褽900ȿʤ(2) Anglo-Norman βħ(3) ήο͡²Ȥ̤ܿΤ褦ˤʤäáȤ櫓̳ʸء˴Ϣä¿ȤƤϡbaron, noble, dame, servant, messenger, feast, minstrel, juggler, largess; story, rime, lay, douzepers ʤɡ
1250ǯʹߤΥեѸħϼ̤ꡥ(1) 1250--1400ǯȯޤ1ȾΤ˱ѸˤˤեѸ4䤬ήʤѸ˸¤1Ķ줬ѸήߡΤ75%ߤˤޤǻĤ (Baugh and Cable 178) (2) ե¿ʤȤⴷƤή餬Ѹڤؤ (language shift) ݤ˻Ȥܤθä¿ϡѸθäǤɽǤʤǰФƥեѤȤ⤢äѸν٤㤤˥եѤȤȤ⤢äƤեˤѸȤ³ȤȤ⤢ä(3) ŪˤˡΧήԡʪҲ衤ݽѡ䡤ؤʬθä¿Τ褦ʶʬޤʤۤɤ˰Ūܶʸä¿ѤƤ롥
С1250ǯȤλϡïɤΤ褦ưǥեѤȤˤоŪǤȤȤBaugh and Cable (169) ϡ䤫Ƥ롥
In general we may say that in the earlier Middle English period the French words introduced into English were such as people speaking one language often learn from those speaking another; in the century and a half following 1250, when all classes were speaking or learning to speak English, they were also such words as people who had been accustomed to speak French would carry over with them into the language of their adoption. Only in this way can we understand the nature and extent of the French importations in this period.
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 5th ed. London: Routledge, 2002.
[2009-08-22-1]ε#117. եѸǯʬۡפǡJespersen Koszal ˤ롤եѸήΨ̻ŪѲեѸ1314ȯޤ뤬λϤ礦ɱѸ줬ե줫뤲Ƥ椯Ǥ[2009-09-05-1]ε#131. Ѹפȡˡ츫ȡ̷⤹褦˻פ롥ˤĤơεǤϡ֥եȤƤ²Ѹ˾괹ݤˡ줫̤θäĤľ괹ȹͤйפȽҤ٤
⤦ܤҤ٤뤿ˡSchmitt and Marsden (84) Ѥ褦
Our records for the 11th and early 12th centuries are sparse, but it appears that the words entered quite slowly at first, came at a greater rate later in the 12th century, and then flooded in during the 13th and 14th centuries. One reason for this is that it was not until the 13th century that English was finally becoming established again as the language of administration and creative literature (replacing French), and many specialist terms and words to express new social structures and new ideas, unavailable in the native language, were now needed.
³ơBaugh and Cable (135) ꡥ
Instead of being a mother tongue inherited from Norman ancestors, French became, as the century wore on, a cultivated tongue supported by social custom and by business and administrative convention. Meanwhile English made steady advances. A number of considerations make it clear that by the middle of the century, when the separation of the English nobles from their interests in France had been about completed, English was becoming a matter of general use among the upper classes. It is at this time . . . that the adoption of French words into the English language assumes large proportions. The transference of words occurs when those who know French and have been accustomed to use it try to express themselves in English. It is at this time also that the literature intended for polite circles begins to be made over from French into English . . . .
Ѹե줫Ѹ˾괹 (language shift) äơ͡ϡƤǤ¿ΥեñȤƾ괹ȤȤǤ롥
Schmitt, Norbert, and Richard Marsden. Why Is English Like That? Ann Arbor, Mich.: U of Michigan P, 2006.
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 5th ed. London: Routledge, 2002.
ΥޥȰʸ塤ɤˤʩ2 (bilingualism) ȤʤäȤϡѸˤˤƼפǤʺϥƥѤˤĤƤϿʤˡѸΤߤñ (monolingualism) äȤˡǡȤƥեѤδȤȤϤɤȤ¿ѤȤˤޤߤΤʤԤˤȤäƤϡΤ⤷ʤѸˤμȤǤդФȡҲ𤷤ΤǤϤʤȤȿʹ롥θ̱²۸ˤΤ顤Τ褦˻פΤ
伫ȡ2Ѥ˴ؤϤ˳ΤǡΥɤθŪ˻פ⤫٤Τ˺롥̱²Ȥδؤ⡤ҲδؤˤƸȤ館ȡɤˤʩδط褯Ǥ褦˻פ롥
ΥޥȤλȤľλˤϡԤΥޥ͡ե vs Ԥ륤ɿ͡ѸפȤΩιޤäȤϴְ㤤ʤǤϡ̱²ȸ줬ʬӤĤƤ롥Фξ̱²κήʤˤĤ졤ʩѤ̤뼴̱²пϤȤ顤ҲؤȤؤȰܤäƤ12̤ơɤθϡˡ־ήե vs ֲήѸפȤΩιޤؤȰܹԤƤäΤǤ롥ܹԤͻҤʶ٤ˡñ㲽ƿСΤ褦ˤʤ֤եѤɽ魯ˡ

ήȤϤ12Ǥ֥Υޥϡήס֥ɷϡήפȤ褽ƤϤޤΤϻ¤Ǥ롥ʩλȤʬμ̱²пϤַϡפ顤ؤȤƤΡ־岼פ˰ܤä뤤ϡּҲפȹͤȡ䤹ˤĤơBaugh and Cable (114--15) Ѥ褦
For 200 years after the Norman Conquest, French remained the language of ordinary intercourse among the upper classes in England. At first those who spoke French were those of Norman origin, but soon through intermarriage and association with the ruling class numerous people of English extraction must have found it to their advantage to learn the new language, and before long the distinction between those who spoke French and those who spoke English was not ethnic but largely social. The language of the masses remained English, and it is reasonable to assume that a French soldier settled on a manor with a few hundred English peasants would soon learn the language of the people among whom his lot was cast.
Baugh and Cable ϳ̻ˤɾΤѸˤȤ櫓ΥޥȰʸѸμҲŪ˴ؤơҤϤäƤ롥
Ϣơ[2011-02-17-1]ε#661. 12ɿͤäդȽաפ⻲ȡ
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 5th ed. London: Routledge, 2002.
ΥޥˤꥤɤθѸ줬 Old English Norman French ڤؤäǸԤ Anglo-French ȤȯãLatin ȤȤ˥ɤμפʽդȤʤäΥޥ2ۤɡѸϽդȤƳ̵Ȥ櫓ǤϤʤäۤȤɤűѸäʸμ̤ǤꡤѸ줬ʸȤɽ蘆Ƥ櫓ǤϤʤѸäդǤФդȤƤѸ줬ܳŪ˸Ƥˤϡ12ȾԤʤФʤʤäޤǤϡɤ1νդȤбѸǤϤʤAnglo-French Latin äΤǤ롥
ΥޥΥɤäդȤСѤ餺ѸäեͤǤ벦²䤽δطԤ夷Ф餯ϥեȤݻƤȹͤ뤷ɿͤǤήܤ뵡Τ͡Ͼʤ餺ե2ȤƽƤɤ1äդȤбѸ˰㤤ʤä ( see [2010-11-25-1] )
Τ褦ˡΥޥ夷Ф餯δ֤ϡɤˤפäդȽդȤϿäƤ12ˤơɿͤνʤϱѸäƤʤ顤Ȥˤ Anglo-French ѤȤڤؤѤȤˤĤƤȤˤʤ롥դ˸С12ޤǤˤϡAnglo-French νǤäƤפäդϱѸä礭Lass and Laing (3) Ѥ롥
By the early Middle English period, four generations after the Conquest, the high prestige languages in the written/spoken diglossia (though distantly cognate) were 'foreign': normally second and third languages, formally taught and learned. By the late 12th century it is virtually certain --- except in the case of scribes from continuingly bilingual families (and we do not have the information that would allow us to identify them) --- that none of the English scribes writing French were native speakers of French (though some may of course have been coordinate bilinguals). It is certain that none were native speakers of Latin, since after the genesis of the Romance vernaculars in the early centuries of this era it is most unlikely that there were any.
ΥɤξܤβͶξȤƤߤСʤܸäƤʤ顤ȤˤϴʸѤʤǤβäɬդǤϤʤ⤷ʤˤȤ褦ʾ
12ɤˤäդȽդ diglossia 2ѼȤʬפ뤤 bilingualism ˤĤƤϡLass and Laing (p.3, fn. 3) ¿λʸƤ롥
Lass, Roger and Margaret Laing. "Interpreting Middle English." Chapter 2 of "A Linguistic Atlas of Early Middle English: Introduction.'' Available online at http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/ihd/laeme1/pdf/Introchap2.pdf .
1066ǯ Norman Conquest θ塤ɤϥեȤԤλ۲äȤϤäƤ⡤ɤεサԤ¿Ѥ餺ϤǤꡤեϤäƤԤȤв²ΤŤμԤԤäο¿ʤäѸޤ Norman Conquest ͥ300ǯϤäѸ줬ϲʤ⤿ޤӤΰĤϡѸüԤпŪ¿äȤǤ롥ǤϡΥޥ²ȥ̱ο϶ŪˤϤɤ줯餤äΤ
˿׳ؤäƤƤ11ȾˤΤΤ뤳ȤϤǤʤBlake ˤ뤪褽θѤϻͤˤʤ뤫⤷ʤ
It would be reasonable to suggest that the number of native French speakers can never have been greater than 10 per cent of the total population of England, and a more realistic estimate is probably less than 5 per cent. The greatest part of the population in England at this time consisted of the peasants who tilled the land. They probably formed anything between 85 and 90 per cent of all people here, . . . . (107)
פ˥եͤϿ5%˲ʤȤθѤǤ롥 Blake ϡԳեͤοȤäƤϤ㤤ȸѤäƤ롥
. . . the number of native French speakers in the clergy at any one time cannot have been very large. Perhaps it amounted to no more than 2 per cent of the total clergy. (108)
嵭οפޤᡤμҲͻ̤ȤƳФΤϡɤϿΰ̣ bilingual ǤϤʤäȤĥǤ롥
Although two languages, English and French, were spoken in England, it is doubtful whether it ever became a truly bilingual country. The majority of the population was monolingual and only used English. (109--10)
"truly bilingual" ɤΤ褦ʾؤΤǤϤ뤬ñ˿Ⱦ줾θȤƤꡤ¾θ⤢٤ǽǤȤΤȤꤹȡɤ bilingual society ȤߤʤŪʤȤ館ŬڤȤȤˤʤ롥Blake ŪʴФǤС"barely bilingual" 餤ɽŬڤʤΤ⤷ʤ
Blake, N. F. A History of the English Language. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1996.
⤤ƤƸưι

ȯʤ߿͵ιޤ׳ԿпȤοʹ֤ȤƤ϶äФǤ롥ϡΩʤä
ơι𤬶̣Τϡ֥ƥ˭פȡ֥ƥͭפΡ֥פ̵ͭǤ롥ԤϥĥӥǡԤϰĤΥӥΤ褦Ǥ롥ϡʣΡ֥פǤܸ쥷ƥΤʤˤɤޤƤ뤫뤤ϼޤǽ뤫ȤǤ롥
֥ƥ˭פ̾դܸͤüԤǤꤷȤοͤϱѸ city towers ȤȤȤϴְ㤤ʤ̾Ѥطʤˤϡ(1) оݤ̤ܸܿ͡üԡˤʣȤƤΰ̣ƤȤꡤ(2) ѸοΰռˤȤ졤ʣηʪʤС֥פȤʤŪǤʤȤȯۡξޤϤ줫ä˰㤤ʤ
(1)(2)Τˤ衤ʤ餯ܸüԤǤˤ̾դƤϡѸʸˡΤäƤȤ̣ bilingual Ǥ롥ʤǤ bilingual Ϲ̣Ǥꡤºݤ˱ѸŪ˻Ȥʤ뤫ɤʤ
ʾդޤĤġʤ֥ƥפ̾դɤäƹͤƤߤ褦ޤ֥ƥפ֥פܸ夷ƤѸǤꡤʣ礵֥ƥפ̾ȤƻȤȽǤ롥ˡĥǤ뤳ȤĴ뤿ˡǤѸǤ city towers Ȥ櫓顤ʸˡˤʤ褦ܸȤƤ֥ƥפȤۤ褤ΤǤϤʤäȡΤ褦ʲäȻפ롥
ֱѸȤפȤ³ƤȤǡʣΡ֥פϤޤܸΥƥˤϼޤƤʤȹͤ롥äƤ뤳Ȥϡޤ bilingual ˤ븵ʸˡȤǤ롥
Τ褦ʡ֥פޤ̾դ¿ʤꡤֱѸȤ³ά褿ɤʤξ硤֥פʣǤȤܸ쥷ƥ˼ޤ졤ܸñ˼ͳղä褦ˤʤΤ¸ˡ֥פղäϲʹˤΤʤܸθä˼ޤ줿Ѹ١μѸˡ֥פղäϤ롥㤨С֥쥹ȥפʤɤϡѸ restaurants ͳƤȤϻפܸɽȤߤʤ٤ޤХ̾䥰롼̾ʤɤΡ֥פϡΤ¸餯ղäƤ⤪ʤΤǤϤʤ
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