Ray Jackendoff Ƥ복ǰ̣ (conceptual semantics) ˤƤϡ̣ȤϿʹ֤ƬΤʤǥɲ¤Ǥ롥ʲθ "the Mentalist Postulate" ȸƤФƤ롥
Meaning in natural language is an information structure that is mentally encoded by human beings. (qtd. in Saeed 278)
Jackendoff ϡʸΰ̣ϹǤƸΰ̣ʤȹͤƤ뤿ᡤǰ̣Ǥϸΰ̣̤դʧ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥̾ΰ̣ʬϤ̤ơǰ̣ΰüƤߤ褦ʲSaeed (283--84) Ȥ롥
Jackendoff ϡ̾ΰ̣ħȤ [BOUNDED] [INTERNAL STRUCTURE] ƤƤ롥[BOUNDED] ϡŵŪˤϲĻ̾ (count noun) ȼ̾ (mass noun) ̤ΤѤ롥Ļ̾Τʶñ̤ؼ롥㤨Сa car a banana λؼоݤʪŪǤȤǤ줿ơΥΤϤϤ a car a banana ȤϸƤ٤ʤФơwater oxygen Τ褦ʼ̾ϡʣʬʬ䤷ȤƤ⡤ơʬ water oxygen ȸƤ³뤳ȤǤ롥äơĻ̾ [+b] Ȥơ̾ [-b] ȤƵҤ뤳ȤǤ롥
[INTERNAL STRUCTURE] ˤĤƸƤߤ褦Ļ̾ʣ㤨 cars bananas ϡ˹¤Ȥߤʤ[+i] ɽ魯Фơwater oxygen Τ褦ʼ̾¤ʤȤߤʤ[-i] Ȥʤ롥
2Ĥΰ̣ħ [BOUNDED], [INTERNAL STRUCTURE] ݤ碌ȡ4̤Ȥ߹碌Ǥơ4̤γơ̾줬¸ߤ뤳ȤԤ롥ºݡѸˤϤ줬롥Ƥߤ褦
[ Material Entity ]
individuals groups substances aggregates
(count nouns) (collective nouns) (mass nouns) (plural nouns)
[+b, -i] [+b, +i] [-b, -i] [-b, +i]
a banana, a government, water, bananas,
a car a committee oxygen cars
"colloquial" Ȥ쥸 (register) ˤĤƹͤƤ롥ȤƤϡָ(), äդΡäΡΤΡĥʤפۤɤͿ졤ϢȤƤ "conversational", "spoken", "vulgar", "slangy", "informal" ʤɤ롥Ū "literary" ȤѸ줬ꤵƤ뤳Ȥ¿̵ʿͤθոɽƻǤϤʤषΤͤäǻȤդȤްդĤγؽԱѱѼѤ褦
(of words and language) used in conversation but not in formal speech or writing (OALD8)
language or words that are colloquial are used mainly in informal conversations rather than in writing or formal speech (LDOCE5)
(of words and expressions) informal and more suitable for use in speech than in writing (CALD3)
Colloquial words and phrases are informal and are used mainly in conversation (COBUILD)
used in informal conversation rather than in writing or formal language (MED2)
ɽȤƤ a colloquial expression, the colloquial style, a colloquial knowledge of Japanese, colloquial speech ʤɤͤˤʤ롥
嵭顤"colloquial" ŵŪˡ (mode of discourse) ȤƤäաʲˤ° (style (tenor) of discourse) ȤƤϷĥʤΤ°Ȥ (cf. #839. register ([2011-08-14-1])) "colloquial" ϸ§ȤʳŪƻ (gradable adjective) Ǥꡤɽ "colloquial" Ǥ뤫ݤŪ˷ꤹ뤳ȤΤäդդȤΤ°ϥǥǤϤ뤬դؤ "colloquial" ɽ뤳ȤԲǽǤϤʤ (ex. The passage is written in a colloquial way.) ޤˤĤƤϷĥٹ礤ϥʥǤ뤫顤"colloquial" "uncolloquial" ζϤȤ꺤Ǥ롥ɭ"colloquial" ΰ̣ΤΤȥȤ2°Ȥ߹碌ˤäʬʬ (componential_analysis) ŪȤϡץȥ (prototype) ȤΤդ路褦˻פ롥
ץȥפȤƤβǤ뤳Ȥϡ#611. Murray θ ([2010-12-29-1])#1958. Hughes θ ([2014-09-06-1]) Ǽʡ֥쥸פɤؤƤ褵ˤˤäƤ⼨롥˵Ƥ "colloquial" ۤ "dialectal", "literary", "formal" ʤɤΥ쥸Ѹΰ̣⡤٤ƥץȥŪˤȤ館ƤΤ褵
ε#1968. ΰ̣ʬʬϡ ([2014-09-16-1]) Ƴ componential_analysis ˤϡŪطŪŪ¤ޡȤķкŪ˵ҤǤȤ뤬Ūˤ¿ʲȽäƤ Bolinger ˼Ȥư͵ʤ顤롥
(1) ŪʬʬϤǽʰ̣ϸ¤ƤꡤʬθäˤϤޤŬѤǤʤΤǤϤʤȤ䤬롥 bachelor, spinster, woman, wife ʤɤ˴ؤ̣ˤߤγǰŪطɽˤϡ[MALE], [FEMALE], [UNMARRIED], [MARRIED] ʤкŪˤ [MALE], [MARRIED]ˤʤŪʬѤкѤࡥƱͤˡ²̾ (kinship terms) ʤĤ줿̣Ǥϡ̤˸ϤȯƤΰ̣ϤäȳƤ뤷Τʤθôطʬǡݡºݤˤ¿ʬäƤƤŪΤʬϤΤ϶ˤƺǤ롥㤨Сbird ΰ̣ˤơsparrow, penguin, ostrich ϡ줾ɤΤ褦ʬʬϤиߤδطޡȤ˼̸ bird [+CAN FLY] ǧʤС̸ penguin Ϥʬ뤷 [-CAN FLY] ȤʤФʤʤޤ̤β̸ ostrich Τ [CAN RUN FAST] ʤɤȤʬǧ٤ʤɤȤ뤫⤷ʤ
(2) 1Ĥθ¿ɤΤ褦ɽ뤫Ȥ꤬롥bachelor ˤϡȿ˻ҡפΤۤˤ⡤ּ㤤ΡסֳػΡסΤʤåȥפθ⤢롥Ū˵ҤˡϤBolinger (557) ϡKatz and Fodor ʬϤƼƤ롥

Katz and Fodor ϡ(Human), (Animal) ʤɤΤäդǼ̣ʬ "marker" ȸƤӡ[who has never married] ʤɤγѤäդǼ롤θ˸ͭΰ̣ʬ "distinguisher" ȸƤǶ̤distinguisher ϡͭðۤǤȤƤʾʬϤ뤳ȤΤǤʤǤȤƤΤǡɤΤȤʬʬϤDzڤ뤳ȤϤǤʤȤǧƤޤäƤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롪ˡɤΥ٥ޤǤ marker ǡɤΥ٥뤫餬 distinguisher ˤĤƵҴŪ뤳Ȥ㤨Сּ㤤ΡפȡΤʤåȥפϡȤˡּ㤤פȤ̣ʬͭƤȹͤΤǡ(Young) Ȥ marker ФȤǽǤ롥ºݡKatz and Fodor ϼΤ褦ʬʬϤƤȤƽФƤ (Bolinger 559)

ʤȡɤޤǤ marker 䤷Ƥdistinguisher زؤɤ뤳ȤǽȤʤäƤ롥㤨Сּ㤤ΡפȡֳػΡפϤ줾쵳٤ȳذ٤Τʤǡ㤤̡פΰ̣ʬͭƤΤǡ(Hierarchic), (Inferior) ʤɤ marker ꤹ뤳ȤǤȤ⤤롥Ⱦж marker 䤷Ƥȡ㤨 Bolinger (563) Ƚ˼Ƥ褦ˡΤ褦ʤФʬϤǽȤʤäƤ롥

distinguisher ʬʬʬϤμˡΤΤβͤ뤷marker 䤷ƤСΤ褦ˤФ̤ˤʤäƤޤ
(3) "Henry became a bachelor in 1965." Ȥʸ bachelor θϡֳػΡװʳˤϤꤨʤȤüԤΤäƤ롥֡ʰ٤뺧ȤΤʤȿ˻ҡפˤʤʥơѤˤȤϤǤʤ1965ǯˤϵ٤ϤʤäHenry Ͽʹ֤顤¾θϼưŪӽ롥Ȥ櫓1965ǯ˵٤ϤʤäȤɴʻŵŪμϡ̣ʬȤळȤŬΤ褦˻פ롥semantics pragmatics ζܡŪμɴʻŵŪμζܤȤˤʤäƤ뤬Katz and Fodor ʤʬʬϤٻ̣ԤϤ̤ȤǤʤ
(4) ʬʬϤǤϡʬ̵ͭץ饹ޥʥȤΩפˤƤꡤ١Ϣ³Ρ濴ȼաץȥ (prototype) ȤäǰळȤǤʤޤʬʬϤϤޤŪʬϤʤΤǡȤʤɰ̣ưŪʲȤǤʤʤʤΤˡKatz and Fodor ϡװ̣ɸ֤뤳ȤǤΤ
嵭ϡо줷ǧΰ̣ˤäƲλͿƤ椯ȤϤʬʬϤΤĵҤΥޡȤȷкϡ礭̥ϤǤ³Ƥ롥ΰ̣Τ٤Ƥʬ«Ȥɽ뤳ȤϺȤƤ⡤ΰ̣ˤƴϢäȤΰƱطȤŪˤƤϡϤȯʬϤǤ뤳Ȥϴְ㤤ʤ
Bolinger, D. "The Atomization of Meaning." Language 41 (1965): 555--73.
Ūʰ̣Ǥϡΰ̣̣ʬ뤤ϰ̣θ (semantic components or primitives) ؤʬʬʬ (componential_analysis) μˡΤƤϡˤֲǤ«ǤפȤͤΰ̣ˤѤΤǤ롥
̣ʬϡǤˤƱͤˡѳ̤ˤäɽʤФ + - դΩȤɽ蘆뤬ʲǤϤĤƤʤˡȤơȿ˻Ҥɽ魯 bachelor ʬʬϤ
bachelor [MALE] [ADULT] [HUMAN] [UNMARRIED]
Ǥϡbachelor γǰỤ̄4ĤʬȤ߹碌ȤƼƤ롥Ȥ߹碌ʤ bachelor ΤΤǤȲ᤹ΤפǤ롥षȤ߹碌ˤäƴϢ¾θȤθỤ̄ŪطΤˤʤȤǡʬʬϤͭѤʤΤǤ롥㤨СȿȽɽ魯 spinster ϡΤ褦ʬʬϤ
spinster [FEMALE] [ADULT] [HUMAN] [UNMARRIED]
4ĤʬȤ߹碌 spinster ΤΤǤȤϡbachelor ʬʬϤӤȤߴطΤˤʤȤ礭ʤbachelor spinster ϤȤ [ADULT] [HUMAN] [UNMARRIED] ȤǤ϶̤뤬[MALE] [FEMALE] 1ˤ㤤ˤäơΤȤеطȤʤ뤳ȤƤ롥spinster ȴϢơwoman wife ʬʬϤ⼨
woman [FEMALE] [ADULT] [HUMAN]
wife [FEMALE] [ADULT] [HUMAN] [MARRIED]
spinster woman ϡԤ [UNMARRIED] ȤʬͿʤȤ1ˤưۤʤäƤꡤΤȤԤԤξ̸ (hypernym) Ǥ뤳ȤȽ롥ޤspinster wife δطˤĤƤϡ[UNMARRIED] [MARRIED] Ȥ1ˤΩеȤȤˤʤ롥ˡ*The man is a wife. ΰ̣Ū̷⡤줬 [MALE] ʬޤǤΤˡҸƤʤ [FEMALE] ʬޤǤ뤳ȤˤǤ롥ʬʬϤκŦȡäˤȿдط (antonymy)ݴط (hyponymy)̷طʤɳƼδطŪɽǤ褦ˤʤäȤǤ롥ۤˤ⡤ʬʬϤϡŪŪ (selection restriction) εҤˤϤȯʤɡͭǧƤ롥
Katz Fodor ʤɤ̣ԤϡʬʬϤιͤȯŸơ㤨С#1801. homonymy polysemy ζ ([2014-04-02-1]) 褦ʬϤʤɤޤǤ⥢ꥹȥƥ쥹Ūʬˡǰ̣ȤʬʬϤμˡˤϡǰȽƤŪ꤬ŦƤ⤤뤬̣ʬϤͭϤˡ1ĤȤơޤ˱ƶϤäƤʤ
ʾ塤Saeed (259--66) ȤƼɮ
Saeed, John I. Semantics. 3rd ed. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009.
Ρ#1961. ܥ٥ ([2014-09-09-1]) εǡܸä뤤ϴøä夲ȤˡSwadesh Ƥøä˸ڤϡ#1128. glottochronology ([2012-05-29-1]) ǵ100줫ʤ basic vocabulary ΤȤǤꡤ̸ŪŪʴøäǤȾƤ롥Ƚ¿Ӹؤ˸ؤǤ core vocabulary ˴ؤƶϤΤƤ1ĤǧƤ롥
core vocabulary Ʊꤹ⤦1ĤλߤȤơWierzbicka Goddard Ƥ롥Swadesh ƤӸؤפȤƤΤФWierzbicka Ƥϰ̣פȤƤ롥̣ˤϡ礦ɲˤŪꤵΤƱͤˡŪʰ̣θ (semantic primes) ϤȹͤƱꤷ褦Ȥ롥ϡ̣ʬʬ (componential_analysis) αĹˤ롥褷ƤȤϤʤ̣Υץߥƥɵ᤹Ȥ̥ŪʷײˤϡޤǤ¿θԤäƤGoddard ⤳ηײ̥줿1ͤǤꡤ̿äƼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤ƤCliff Goddard ("Lexico-Semantic Universals: A Critical overview." Linguistic Typology 5.1 (2001): 1--65. p. 3) Ѥ Saeed (78) ˡ
Natural Semantic Metalanguage
. . . a 'meaning' of an expression will be regarded as a paraphrase, framed in semantically simpler terms than the original expression, which is substitutable without change of meaning into all contexts in which the original expression can be used . . . The postulate implies the existence, in all languages, of a finite set of indefinable expressions (words, bound morphemes, phrasemes). The meanings of these indefinable expressions, which represent the terminal elements of language-internal semantic analysis, are known as 'semantic primes'.
ŪˤϡWierzbicka Goddard ˤꡤ60줬 "universal semantic primes" ȤƤƤSaeed 79ˡθäĴǤȴ줿ԤθǤȤ롥
| Substantives: | I, you, someone/person, something, body |
| Determiners: | this, the same, other |
| Quantifiers: | one, two, some, all, many/much |
| Evaluators: | good, bad |
| Descriptors: | big, small |
| Mental predicates: | think, know, want, feel, see, hear |
| Speech: | say, word, true |
| Actions, events, movement: | do, happen, move, touch |
| Existence and possession: | is, have |
| Life and death: | live, die |
| Time: | when/time, now, before, after, a long time, a short time, for some time, moment |
| Space: | where/place, here, above, below |
| 'Logical' concepts: | not, maybe, can, because, if |
| Intensifier, augmentor: | very, more |
| Taxonomy: | kind (of), part (of) |
| Similarity: | like |
homonymy Ʊˤ polysemy ¿ˤζ̤ȤˤĤƤϡ#286. homonymy, homophony, homography, polysemy ([2010-02-07-1]) #815. polysemic clash? ([2011-07-21-1]) εˤƱ֤2ĤθǤ2ĤƱǤΤ뤤1Ĥ¿ǤΤϡ̻Ūʰ̣ͤˤơ¾ǤüԤζŪľͤˤȽǤȤΤ̾٤2Ĥλ㤦Ȥ⤢롥
㤨СʥȥפΡȻʰΡ˥ġʾ٤3Ĥθ suit Ȥͤ褦3Ԥϸ츻ŪˤϴϢꡤˤȤʤ̣Ȥ "a following or natural sequence of things or events" ۤɤġȻפȡ֥ġפϰȡ³Ȥ̹Ǥ줽ʾ١פϸ餬æƤ褦˻פ롥ʾ١פϡŪǼήȤˡʤפͳ褷ŪˤϸȤĤʤݤäƤΤŪʴФȤƤϰæȤƤȤäƤ褤Voyles (121--22) ϡ̣Ω줫顤3Ĥθ1ĤθȤƶ¸ʳΰ̣§ (1) Ȥơ2Ĥθʬ줿Ȥ˶ᤤʳΰ̣§ (2) Ȥ꼰

(1) polysemous(2) homonymous ȤȤˤʤ뤬(2) ΤҤȤˤƤȤǤϡɬ2Ĥ̤θȤߤʤƤ櫓ǤϤʤΤ⤷ʤݥȤϡhomonymy polysemy ζ̤٤ȤȤǤ롥Voyles (122) ۩
We are suggesting that for most contemporary speakers the meaning of suit as a set of cards or a set of clothes is an instance of polysemy: these two meanings share certain semantic markers in common. The other meaning of 'legal action' has become completely divorced from the meaning of 'collection' in that it has virtually no features in common with this meaning. This is then an instance of homonymy. The question of whether two or more different sense of a word should be considered the same or separate lexical items is, we believe, a function of the number of semantic features shared by the two (or more) senses. Often such a question does not admit of a simple yes or no; rather, the answer is one of degree.
̣Ǥΰ̣ѲιͤˤĤơҤ٤ƤVoyles ˤС̣«ΰ̣ɽФợäꡤæꤹ뵬§ŬѤ뤳Ȥˤäơθΰ̣Ѳȹͤʸˡ̣ݤ˾˥쥹秤ȤʤΤϡɤΰ̣Ūʰ̣Ȥꤹ뤫ȤǤ롥Voyles (122) ⡤ɡƱˤ֤ĤäƤ褦Williams (462) ˤ Voyles ʸФɾϡŪ
A formal system for representing semantic structure is no less a prerequisite to describing most patterns in change of meaning. Voyles 1973 has attempted to represent change of meaning, building on the formal semantic theory of features and markers first proposed by Katz & Fodor 1963. He tries to demonstrate that semantic change can be systematically explained by changes in rules that generate semantic representations, much as phonological change can be represented as rule change. But a great deal of investigation is still necessary before we understand what should go into a semantic representation, much less what one should look like and how it might change.
̣ŪˤϲΤΤȤäƤ褤homonymy polysemy Τ褦ʸ̤ˤĤƤϡɤⲿ餫ΥҥȤͿƤΤǤ롥
Voyles, Joseph. "Accounting for Semantic Change." Lingua 31 (1973): 95--124.
Williams, Joseph M. "Synaesthetic Adjectives: A Possible Law of Semantic Change." Language 52 (1976): 461--78.
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