#4876. Ω̱²ʪۤǸդŸϤޤäƤޤ ([2022-09-02-1]) ǤΤ餻ŸHomō loquēns ֤٤ҥȡ~ȤФԻĤʳؤ~ˤĤŸνλŤƤޤΤDzƤ⤷ޤ1123ʿˤޤǤγŤȤʤäƤޤ

褦䤯̱ˬ䤹뵡ޤȤƤȤäƤ褤ȥФ˴ؤŸäꡤäפ괮ǽ뤳ȤǤޤˬ䤷ľδưʤ˴ۤϿƤȡǰΥ٥˹ݤ Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)פμϿԤʤޤ#536. ̱Ÿ֤٤ҥȡפˬİ
ŸϰǤСθءʳˡפǤ100ǯ֡ؤΰΰȯŪ˳ȤꡤʬȤζܤʬʤʤäƤƤۤɤǤ줯餤غŪʬĹƤȤȤǤθسԤϡɤޤǴޤ褤ΤǺǤޤ
Ʊ褦˺Ρ֤٤ҥȡפδˤäƤ⡤ŸʪνȤⲿɤޤǴޤ褤ΤޤΤʤɡĴطˤޤƤǺߤϢ³äΤǤϤʤȿ仡뼡ǤʤȤĤġطԤؤηɰդȾŸڤޤƤޤ
ŸΡ֤פ䤽¾ιꡤܤαޤäåȤʤʸϤĤѤޤ
ȶˤꤹƤۤȤɿ֤뤳ȤΤʤ֥ȥСפơޤˡؤΤߤʤ餺ʸءطϡϡǾʳءǧο70̾Ķ⳰θԤϤơԻĤߤޤŸΡ֤פ
Ÿϡ䤬繥ʡ֥ȥСפˤĤơΤäƤȻפ褷ޤָפȤȡȤäͥƥϢۤФƤ뤳Ȥ¿褦ǤָθƤפȤȡͤѤʿͤΤɤ餫ȸƤޤΤȤβä³ᤷפ뤳Ȥ褯ޤǤ⡤ȥФϿʹ֤ΤưȷӤĤƤơʹ֤αĤߤƱ⤷ϤʾΤޤޤ¦̤äƤꡤ̵¤̥ϤޤΤäƤơŸǤϡȥԥå顤ɤƤϥץˡȤˤ¤٤ƤߤޤҤȤġ֤⤷פȻפȤߤĤƤФȻפޤƤ줬ȥФǤߤƤäˤʤдפޤŸ¹ѰĹ߷ΧˤŸΥѥ֤ͥȤФˤ褦פ
ƤۤȤϡȤäȤʤǤѰդΤǡ줾줬̣ΤơޤĤƸ˿ƤǤۤȤǤʹʰݤ뤫⤷ޤŸȤƤΤ⤷¿ͤ¦̤˵ŤƤдǤʡعΩ̱²ʪۡͧβ˥塼275桤2022ǯ91ȯԡp. 2Ÿ¹ѰĹ߷ΧΥӥ塼
ŸβϻĤȤʤäƤޤȥФ˴ؿΤϡӤ
91Ω̱²ʪˤŸHomō loquēns ֤٤ҥȡ~ȤФԻĤʳؤ~ץޤ1123ޤdzŤƤޤդ˴ؤ뤪פŪʥ٥ȤǤ͡ԥ饷Ǥ

ҥȤθǽϡø졤¿ʤɡȥФ빭СŸǤȥФ˴ؿΤܥ֥ɼԤˤ⤪ǤϢߡ̱ŸȤ֥ⳫƤ褦Ǥ
ˤѸŪ¿ŸˤĤơ鷺ФǤؤ餻Ƥޤ伫ȤϤޤˬ䤷ƤʤΤǤȤ館˽ФȻפޤ
ε#4626. μø̡ ([2021-12-26-1]) ˰³Woll ˤøؤˤȤʤ롥äΥХꥺ (bilingualism) ˴ؤƶȤΰյˤĤƤ1ɤߡ˻ɷŪʼ٤Τ褦ʻȡ츦ⲻäƤ櫓ˤϤø (sign_language) Ϥ㡼 (gesture) 䤽¾ΥѥŪ (paralinguistics) ޤŪ˹ͻɬפ뤳Ȥ褯Τ߹褦ˤʤ롥
2Ĥβ줬ؤХꥺˤĤƤϡDz⤹ޤǤʤ褯ΤƤ롥code-switching code-mixing ʤɤθݤФȤʤ롥2Ĥμø줬ؤХꥺˤĤƤϡΤ褦ʥХθĿͤȤǤʤ¤ꡤۤȤɼ֤Τ뵡Ϥʤˡ1Ĥβ1Ĥμø줬ؤХȤʤȡDzƤΤĶ롥ȼøʸ̤Ʊ˼¸뤿ᡤcode-switching ʤ "code-blending" ɬפΤ "cross-modal", "multimodal", "multichannel" Ȥäɤפ⤫Ǥ롥Хꥺγǰ쵤˳ĥ줿ꡤݤƤޤä
Ȥ Woll (102--03) 1ΤޤǺܤƤ
Until recently, all studies of bilingualism were studies of individuals and communities in which two spoken languages are used. With the development of research on sign languages, it has become clear that bilingualism can exist in two forms: cross-modal (or bimodal) bilingualism and unimodal bilingualism.
Unimodal bilingualism occurs when either two spoken or two sign languages are used (e.g. Irish and British Sign Language); cross-modal or bimodal bilingualism occurs when the two languages are perceived by different sensory systems and there are two different output channels; they thus exist in different modalities: one signed and one spoken. Recognition of bimodal bilingualism leads to a necessary re-evaluation of models of bilingualism. Cross-modal bilingualism differs from unimodal bilingualism with respect to the temporal sequencing of languages. Bimodal bilinguals often produce code blends, rather than code switches, producing sign and speech simultaneously when in a bilingual mode of communication . . . . Since in unimodal spoken-language bilingualism, just one production system (the vocal tract) is utilized, there is a bottleneck in processing, which has been identified both in behavioural and in neuroimaging studies. For production, this is evident in constraints on serial output: only one utterance can be produced at any one time: selection between two competing languages with respect to the common output path may impose a greater cognitive burden than selection of items within one language. For perception, similar constraints may apply---the speaker's utterances are usually processed through the ear and require serial analysis to be understood. For cross-modal bilinguals, vocal-tract (speech) and manual actions (signing) can---in principle---be processed simultaneously, as they use separate sets of articulators which are seen to be spatially separated. The processing of speech and sign, within a single proficient user of both languages, can therefore offer a unique insight into core language processes . . . .
ʬߤʬ˾ؿӤƤߤ뤳ȤϡȤƤפȻפä补
Woll, Bencie. "The History of Sign Language Linguistics." Chapter 4 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 91--104.
(sign_language) äȤ1֤Ǥ뤳ȤˤĤơ#1662. äϸǤ (1) ([2013-11-14-1])#1663. äϸǤ (2) ([2013-11-15-1]) ʤɤǼ夲Ƥ
Woll (96) ˤСäθˤ17ˤΤܤ뤬ܳŪʼø椬ϤޤäΤϡĤǶȤ⤤1950--60ǯΤȤǤ롥Tervoort (1953) Stokoe (1960) θ椬ŪȤƤ롥θ1970ǯʹߤϡήɸؤø椫ɷΰؤδؿƤʲʬؤΥѥȤ礭ä褦Woll (104) ۩
. . . sign languages are the creation of humans with 'language-ready' brains. Thus it is inappropriate to view sign languages as comparable to the communication of pre-linguistic humans. Perhaps the most important contribution of sign linguistics to language evolution theory is the recognition that human communication is essentially multi-channel.
μøؤ70ǯۤɤˤĤȤˤʤ뤬ηи̤Ƽä3Ĥħ⤭ĦˤʤäƤ Woll (92) ϽҤ٤Ƥ롥
Sign languages are complex natural human languages.
Sign languages are not related to the spoken languages of the surrounding hearing communities.
Sign languages can be compared and contrasted in terms of typology and modality with spoken language.
øϲ줫ʪǤϤʤäȤ1֤ǤꡤӤǤ¦̤ȤǤʤ¦̤ġȤȤ
ʤߤ˼øϤĤΤEthnologue 2009ǯǡˤǤ170μø줬Ƥ뤽̤Υǡ١ˤȿΥȥǧǤȤ (Woll 93) ¿ͳǡƱͤˡݤʾˡΤ˿夲ΤϺʤ褦
Woll, Bencie. "The History of Sign Language Linguistics." Chapter 4 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 91--104.
Tervoort, Bernard T. Structurele analyse van visueel taalgebruik binnen een groep dove kinderen. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij, 1953.
Stokoe, William C. "Sign Language Structure: An Outline of the Visual Communication Systems of the American deaf." Studies in Linguistics Occasional Papers 8 (1060): 1--78. University of Buffalo.
#4623. 㡼Ȥϲ ([2021-12-23-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡǯؤȤؤοʬȤƥ㡼椬ˤʤäƤƤ롥㡼γػˤ֤ȡ19ޤǤϼ˸쵯ȤδϢǥ㡼ؤδؿϳͷߤä20Ⱦ˹¤λ夬Ϥޤȡܤ뤳Ȥʤʤä
¤λˤϡؤ϶ŪʴؿĤäᡤ쵯ȷӤĤζ㡼θⲼФˤʤäΤǤ롥ޤؤμΧȤ˼ĥ줿ˡؤȤΥܥ졼Ȥ른㡼ϡϤ꿶ʤʤä
塤㡼뤲롥طʤˤϡؤӴϢسˤؿΰܹԤäKendon (81) λΤ褦˲⤷Ƥ롥
In the first years following the Second World War, certain changes eventually produced a climate in which gesture again became relevant for theoretical issues related to language and thought. First, information theory and cybernetics, developed as solutions to problems in communication engineering, were applied in the study of communication within and between living systems, with the result that much thought and investigation came to be devoted to social communication. Not unrelated was the emergence of semiotics which, especially in North America, greatly broadened attention to sign processes, enhancing an interest in visible modes of signification, including gesture. Further, the question of language origins once again began to be taken seriously. When experiments with chimpanzees suggested that they might use gesture symbolically, as in a sign language, the idea of gesture as a first form of language was discussed once again . . . .
At the same time, in psychology, complex mental processes once again became legitimate objects of investigation. Psychologists took an interest in language and the field of psycholinguistics was established. Noam Chomsky's work was especially important. He showed the inadequacy of a behaviourist approach to language and argued that linguistics should focus on 'competence', the mental apparatus making the acquisition and use of any language possible, rather than on descriptions of specific languages. Although neither Chomsky himself nor his followers showed interest in gesture, their mentalistic orientation was influential. When, later, psycholinguists looked at gesture, they did so for what it might reveal about the mental operations of utterance production.
ΰʸ顤㡼ؤδؿ᤹Τ˹θؤȴϢʬĬήɽ魯ɤ¤٤С"information theory", "cybernetics", "semiotics", "origin_of_language", "sign_language", "Chomsky" դȤ櫓塼ϻϤ¤ؤäƥॹ˿ؤ褵Ȥΰյ礭ˤȿӤĤƤ褤Ȥ줿Ǥ롥
Ϣʬγػˤɤ϶̩ϢȤƤΤȼ´碌ơ#252. ʸˡȸ쵯 ([2010-01-04-1])#519. εȿʲõ븦ʬ ([2010-09-28-1]) ʤɤ⻲ȡ
Kendon, Adam. "History of the Study of Gesture." Chapter 3 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 71--89.
㡼 (gesture) ϸ줽ΤΤǤϤʤƱ뤳Ȥ¿ؤҲؤʤɤʬǤϽפʸоݤȤʤäƤ롥Ȥ櫓ǯǤϡ֥ޥƥ⡼ʬϡ (multimodal analysis) ȸƤФ롤ѥŪ (paralinguistics) Ū˴ѻˡԤ߽ФƤƤ롤㡼ϡε (origin_of_language) (sign_language)ȤäȤꡤؤȤηӤĤ϶ºݡܲɤ߿ʤƤػˤΥϥɥ֥åǡ㡼ˤ1Ϥ䤫Ƥ롥Kendon (71) ꡤճȴˤ֥㡼פƤ
'Gesture' here refers to the wide variety of ways in which humans, through visible bodily action, give expression to their thoughts and feelings, draw attention to things, describe things, greet each other, or engage in ritualized actions as in religious ceremonies. 'Gesture' includes the movements of the body, especially of the hands and arms, often integrated with spoken expression; the use of manual actions, often conventionalized, to convey something without speech; or the manual and facial actions employed in sign languages. All this is part of 'gesture', broadly conceived. Expressions such as laughing and crying, blushing, clenching the teeth in anger, and the like, or bodily postures and attitudes sustained during occasions of interaction, are less likely to be so considered. 'Gesture' is not a well-defined category. Although there is a core of phenomena, such as those mentioned, to which the term is usually applied without dispute, it is not possible to establish clear boundaries to the domain of its application, and some writers are inclined to include a much wider range of phenomena than do others.
ܥ֥Ǥϡ#2921. 㡼ʬ ([2017-04-26-1]) ǥ㡼夲Ȥ٤ǻ糰ǤդȻפäΤ˥㡼ؤȤΤ¸ߤΤ㤨бΥѥեޥܿܤʤɤλʤɤ顤餷椬ΩĤΤ
Kendon, Adam. "History of the Study of Gesture." Chapter 3 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 71--89.
εȯãˤĤơܥ֥Ǥ origin_of_language evolution εǼ夲Ƥ夫鸽˻ޤ䤤³ƤŤƿȤ櫓ϳغŪʥץԲķǤ롥ޤ˿ΰǤꡤˤ̤˾ΤۤɤMufwene (14--15) "The Origins and the Evolution of Language" ꤹͤǡϢΰüꥹȤǼƤΤǡѤ롥
1. Was language given to humans by God or did it emerge by Darwinian evolution?
2. From a phylogenetic perspective, did language emerge abruptly or gradually? If the emergence of language was protracted, what plausible intermediate stages can be posited and what would count as evidence for positing them? Assuming that the structure of modern languages is modular, would gradual evolution apply to any of the modules, only to some of them, or only to the overall architecture? What is the probable time of the emergence of the first real ancestor of modern language?
3. Does possessing Language, the non-individuated construct associated exclusively with humans, presuppose monogenesis or does it allow for polygenesis? How consistent is either position with paleontological evidence about the evolution of the Homo genus? How did linguistic diversity start? Assuming Darwinian (variational rather than transformational) evolution, can monogenesis account for typological variation as plausibly as polygenesis?
4. What is the chronological relationship between communication and language? What light does this distinction shed on the relation between sign(ed) and spoken language? Did some of our hominin ancestors communicated by means of ape-like vocalizations and gestures? If so, how can we account for the transition from them to phonetic and signed languages? And how can we account for the fact that modern humans have favoured speaking over signing? Assuming that language is a communication technology, to what extent are some of the structural properties of language consequences of the linearity imposed by the phonic and signing devices used in their architecture.
5. Is the evolution of language more biological than cultural? Or is it the other way around, or equally both? Are languages as cultural artifacts deliberate inventions or emergent phenomena? Who are the agents in the emergence of language: individuals or populations, or both?
6. What is the relationship between language and thought? Did these entities co-evolve or did one cause the other?
7. Is there such a thing as 'language organ' or 'biological endowment for language'? How can it be characterized relative to modern humans' anatomical and/or mental makeups? What are the anatomical, mental, and social factors that facilitated the emergence of language?
8. Can we learn something about the evolution of language from historical language change, especially from the emergence of creoles and pidgins? Can we learn something from child language and/or from home sign language? And what can be learned from 'linguistic apes'? Does it make sense to characterize these particular communicative 'systems' as fossils of the human protolanguage . . . ? In the same vein, what can modelling contribute to understanding the evolution of language. This is definitely the kind of thing that scholars could not do before the twentieth century; it is important to assess its heuristic significance.
į䤤ȤȤ褯ʬ롥θ椷ƤѸˤѲ (language_change) ϡΤʬߤ¸ߤˤ⤳ʬľŪ˻뤫ʬʤٻǤ롥
Mufwene, Salikoko S. "The Origins and the Evolution of Language." Chapter 1 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 13--52.
#2717. Ź椫Ϥޤä ([2016-10-04-1]) εǸ褦ˡ֥饤ϡ롦ХӥιͰƤʸפαѤǤ12֥饤椬6˲ɤȤüȯ롥19ϤˤϡܤԼͳʿ͡ˤȤäƤɤ߽ϡʸ⤭ФʸפˤΤäؤǿäˤ뤳ȤϤʤäΤ褦ʻˡ֥饤椬ɤߤ䤹䤹ͰƤȤϡŪʽäڤդä֥饤ϡɽˤɽǽˤ
θ塤19Ⱦ20ˤơ֥饤Ͻ˱Ѥ졤˹äƤ1854ǯ˥եܤǧ줿塤ꥹǤϱѹΩտͶΩȡޥߥơ֥饤ѤɤĤĹꥫǤϡ˥塼衼ճعΥꥢࡦȤ餬Ϥ֥饤˴ŤѤ1915ǯɸƹդȡ1932ǯˤϱƤιĤˤѸ춦̤ޤäʤǤϡꥫȥꥹǰۤʤηϤѤƤä֤ƤȤϰ褹롨see #1662. äϸǤ (1) ([2013-11-14-1])ˡ
椬Ǥ⡤1887ǯճع˶ФƤȬ֥饤ߡܸؤαѤƻõäơ1890ǯ23ǯ111ҼʡˤΰƤѤ˻äϡ국ǰȤƤ롥
ƻˡġ구ɮåȤˤʤäספ롥Ĥξ˻Τ֤ǡζ구ѤɮDZ麸ؤǤäƤΤǤ롥̾ʸȰۤʤꡤϻ¦ǤäƤɬפꡤäơȯԤνȼԤɤߤդȤʤ롥ɤ߽˴ؤ븲ħȤäƤ褤ޤܸϤʽǽ뤿ᡤʬɬפǤ⡤ܸ̾Ȱۤʤ (see #1112. ʬ (1) ([2012-05-13-1])) ǤϡŪפΤۤץ饤䥳ԥ塼ˤꡤؤȤǤ褦ˤʤäƤ롥
ܤǤȶʤȤ˽вƤƤ롥Ųʡ̰ʤӤƴʤɡ¿ξ褦ˤʤä
ⶶ ̦Ĵ٤ؽɴʡ륤֥饤ĤäͤӤȡ١Ź2016ǯ
#1494. multilingualism ξ֤Ǥ ([2013-05-30-1])#1608. multilingualism ξ֤Ǥ (2) ([2013-09-21-1])#1374. 衼åѳƹ¿ѹǤ ([2013-01-30-1]) ǸƤ褦ˡΤۤܤ٤Ƥϰʣθ줬ѤƤ롥ΤȤ¿쾯ʤŪˤƤϤޤ롥
ѹǤѸΤۤȽ줬äƤȤ櫓ḽǤϤΰ̱Ĥ줾θѤ褷Ƥϰʤäƥɤ˸¤äƤ⡤5Ѹ줬ͥǤ뤳ȤϵʤȤϤϤŪˤ¿¾θ줬ԤƤԤƤ롥㤨СߥɥΤߤʤ餺͡ĮǡPanjabi, Gujerati, Bengali, Italian, Greek, Maltese, Chinese, Turkish ޤ¿θ줬äƤ롥ޤBritish Sign Language Τ褦ʼø⥤ɤθ¿˹Ƥ롥
ˤȤɤޤ餺夫Фƶ˻ޤǤΥɤθˤ֤äƤߤȡι¿ѹǤä狼롥Ƚ줬äƤɤϤ˸¿˾ܳŪƳΤϡͤäϥɤ˥ƥ⤿餷2Ѿޤ줿ˡ5ȾСѸ줬⤿餵줿8ȾФϥˤťΥɸ줬ޤ졤11ȾФˤϥΥޥơɤǤϥΥޥե줬Ѥե줬ä褦ˤʤ롥
ˤϡΤ褦ˤɽ˴Ф褦ʼήɤθˤȤɤޤ餺澮θޤѤƤ㤨12 Norwich ˤϡεϤγͼҲΩƤꡤѸ¤ǥե졤ǥޡ졤졤ޤ Ladino ȸƤФͤѤڥѼ郎ԤƤä16 Norwich ǤϿ1/3üԤǤꡤξ200ǯʾ³Ȥ
ޤˤϥޥˡ (Romany) ä른ץ (the Gypsies) ήߡɤˤ뤽αƶ Anglo-Romany ȸƤФѸѼ˸ˤʤ륺衼åѽƤǤ Romany ϤޤĤäƤ롥
ȡŪ̱ȤƥüԤեüԤɤ̤ή˸Ū˽ƱƤäΤΡФ餯δ֤¿Į˽߹Cornwall ǤϥȷϤ Cornish äƤ16衤ѸοƩˤ18ȾˤϾǤ20Υɥ East End ˤ¿Υ Yiddish üԤƤθϸߤǤ⥤ɤǷߤǤ롥
ʾ塤Trudgill (18--19) ͤ˵Ҥ奤ꥹ¿ˤĤƤϡBritain ԤʸܳŪǤ롥
Trudgill, Peter. The Dialects of England. 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000.
Britain, David, ed. Language in the British Isles. Cambridge: CUP, 2007.
ε#1662. äϸǤ (1) ([2013-11-14-1]) ˰³Crystal (164--70) Ȥʤ顤ȤƤμä夲롥ź¿ΰۤʤ벻줬¸ߤƤ褦ˡøˤ¿ΰۤʤबǧ롥ˤϤۤȤΤƤʤ奮ꥷޤʸ˼äؤθڤ롥ˤäθϡ1775ǯ˥եζ Abbé Charles Michel de l'Epée (1712--89) ѥϸعΤ˼ηϤȯȤüȯ롥μä˴ŤƤΤϤ褯ʬäƤʤϤζԤγعǤؤӡ˹뤳Ȥˤʤä㤨Сꥫζ Thomas Gallaudet (1787--1851) Laurent Clerc (1785--1869) ϤμäꥫƳ줬 American Sign Language ؤȯŸ롥
ϼäȯȯŸ1ĤüˤʤϤǤ¿μäȯƤäˤϲƱͤˡŪѰۤ⤢̻ŪѲ⤢롥öƱΤȤȯã뤷֤Ѱۤǧ롥Ǥ⡤øȲȤϰۤʤȤʤ
ǡäͭȯŸλ뤳Ȥޤ¤Ǥ롥ʸ줫αƶȤ¦̤Ǥ롥äˤϡʸȤϤ̵ۤط˼ȯΤ¿αƶȯŸΡ뤤ϰտŪȯŸΤ¿ԤǤϡȤ櫓ˤͿ롥졦ʸȤۤʤΤƶääȤ̣ǡϼäΥԥȤȤǤ
˶ŤǴ¸μäѹäȤߤԤˤäƤʤƤȤ櫓Ѹ춦ƱΤˤ㤬˭٤Ǥ롥1960ǯȾοǯ֤ǡȤƤαѸؤߴײŪ (contrived) ø줬³ȸ줿Seeing Essential English (1966) ʵڤӤ Linguistics of Visual English (1971) Signing Exact English (1972)ˡSigned English (1969), Manual English (1972) ΤȤǤ롥
Paget-Gorman Sign System (PGSS) Ѥ줿λߤǤ롥ϡ1951ǯ Richard Paget ƤPierre Gorman ȯŸΤǡμǰ̣ΰɽ路̤μǼ̻ɽ魯Ȥ1ĤεɽȤηϤǤ롥Фդ줾μбȤǤСŪ䤹
¾μμäȤƤϡƥǥδ֤ǶͭƤ Amer-Ind ʤŪʰפηϤ롥ޤʸõб Finger-spelling ȤηϤϡʤȤŪˤϼûѼԤδ֤ǹѤƤ롥ɿѡˡˤȯΡɤߡפŪǤ Cued speech ȤηϤѤƤ롥
嵭Τ褦˷ײŪ˲ʸܶᤵäΤϻ¤ȤƤ⡤ä켫ȤΩΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
Crystal, David. How Language Works. London: Penguin, 2005.
俷ʹ105ī38̤ˡּ֡äϸĻ踩Ǿ㲽פεǺܤ줿ּøװƤˤȡäϡȼθηϤͭʸŪ껺פȤǧȤȤˡŪˤϤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥ܤμΤȤƤϽβŪʾǤꡤȤƤμäǧ٤夬פʷȤʤ *
ŪˤϡäϲʸȤƱħͭ뵭ηϤǤ롥ؤγǤ⤽Τ褦ˤ뤷Ethnologue Τ褦ʸ˴ؤؤǤäθȤưƤ롥ŪˤϡäʸȤ줿㡼ǤȤŪɽʤǤʤɤȤǧޤηϤȤƤβͤɾƤʤΤ¤Ǥ롥ͳ1ĤϡäŵŪϸԵڤӤδطԤˤ꽬ˤȤɤޤäƤꡤ¾¿ο͡˼֤ΤƤʤ
äϤäȤǤ롥ҥȤθΤȤƤϡ4Ĥη֤ǧ롥 (speech)ʸ (writing)ԥ塼 (CMC = computer-mediated communication)Ƽ (sign_language) Ǥ롥ҥȤθħŤηŪǧ뤬椨˸ȸƤФΤǤꡤä⤽1ĤȤ¾ƱǤ롥㤨Сä2ʬ (double_articulation) ͭƤ뤷뵭ˤ (arbitrariness) äƤ롥 (reproductivity) ⤢С۶֡ۻã (displacement) ⤢롥ۤˤ⡤#1327. ҥȤθ˶̤7Ĥ ([2012-12-14-1]) #1281. ū ([2012-10-29-1]) Ǽ夲Τ٤Ƽ
äˤ뵭ˤĤդäƤ츫ȼõŪȤϥŪŪ (iconic) Ǥ褦˻פ뤫⤷ʤΤˡؼоݤħŪʷưʤɡȯȤƤ iconic ȤߤʤȤǤ뵭¿ϼäȤΤ˸¤äȤǤϤʤʸˤ٤κϤ츫ΤǤ롥㤨СϡפȤΤäƤԤˤȤäƤϡϤɤäݷʸ˸뤿 iconic ȸƤ٤˻פ뤬ΤʤԤˤȤäƤϡưʪؤʸȤϻפʤõ⡤ȯȤƤ iconic ʤΤäȤƤ⡤ºݾϰ̣¬뤳ȤΤǤʤŪʵȤߤʤƤ褤äơۤʤηϤǤϡ뵭ɽۤʤ뵭Ƥɽ魯ȤȤ̤Ǥ롥ASL (American Sign Language) ܼ (JSL = Japanese Sign Language) ߤ̤ʤΤϤȤꡤASL BSL (British Sign Language) ߤ̤ʤȤȤϡ̤ˤϤޤΤƤʤ
ȤƤμäηˤĤƤϡ (phonology) ˤŪñ̤Ǥ벻 (phoneme) ꤵΤƱͤδطǧ롥äˤбŪñ̤ chereme ȸƤФ졤椹ʬ cherology ȸƤФ뤳Ȥ롥chereme ˤ location, configuration, action 3٥뤬ǧ졤sign space ˤβǽȤ߹碌¸뤳Ȥˤäơ椬ɽ롥ηȤǡäñʤ른㡼ȤϡŷϤۤɰۤʤΤǤ롥
ʾ塤Crystal (159--63) ǼɮϢơ#79. øؤ inspiration ([2009-07-16-1]) Ȥ줿ޤ#1064. ʹ֤θϤʤ˰¸ƤΤ (2) ([2012-03-26-1]) εФƤĺܥ֥ɼԤΥȤ⻲Ȥ줿Ѥʤ顤äФ̵Τ餱ФȯޤޤƤޤˡ
Crystal, David. How Language Works. London: Penguin, 2005.
[2013-05-30-1]ε³ԡ¿Ѥξ֤ǤȤ¤ˤĤơCrystal (409--10) ˸ڤĤΤǡɲä
[M]ultilingualism is the normal human condition. It is a principle which often takes people by surprise. If you have lived your whole life in a monolingual environment, you could easily come to believe that this is the regular way of life around the world, and that people who speak more than one language are the exceptions. Exactly the reverse is the case.
Speaking two or more languages is the natural way of life for three-quarters of the human race. There are no official statistics, but with over 6,000 languages co-existing in fewer than 200 countries . . . it is obvious that an enormous amount of language contact must be taking place; and the inevitable result of languages in contact is multilingualism, which is most commonly found in an individual speaker as bilingualism.
There is no such thing as a totally monolingual country. Even in countries that have a single language used by the majority of the population, such as Britain, the USA, France, and Japan, there exist sizeable groups that use other languages. In the USA, around 10% of the population regularly speak a language other than English. In Britain, over 350 minority languages are in routine use. In Japan, one of the most monolingual of countries, there are substantial groups of Chinese and Korean speakers. In Ghana, Nigeria, and many other African countries that have a single official language, as many as 90% of the population may be regularly using more than one language. (409--10)
Ѥˤ⤢ȤꡤܤǤǤŵŪñȤȤߤʤ뤬Ȥƥ̸䡤īڹ줽¾ΰ̱졤ܼäʤɤμøԤƤ롥ޤΰʤΤΰʤΤȤ䤤ˤäƤϡüԤΤ٤ƤɸܸȤ̣ˤơ2ѼԤȸƤӤ롥ޤӥͥʤɤDZѸʤɤѤ¿ܸüԤܿͤ⡤ܹ⳰¿Ѥ˹Ƥ͡ǤȤߤʤȤǤ롥٤κ졤ܤ¾ϰƱͤ¿ϰǤȤǧϽפ
ܤ¿ѾˤĤƤϡEthnologue Japan Ȥ줿
Crystal, David. How Language Works. London: Penguin, 2005.
([2012-03-25-1]) ³ǡϤʤ˰¸ƤΤȤͤޤ¸Ĺϲ1ĤˤϡȯԤˤȤäȯڤȤȤ롥ʹ֤ˤȯΤδﴱŬڤäƤȤȤϺεǤ줿¾ ##160,544 ε⻲ȡˡΤȰʾˡޤ;פʥͥ륮Ȥ鷺ǤưդΤޤޤȯǤȤȤפǤ롥ʹ֤ˤȤäợդΤޤޤ߽ФȤ߽ФȤưפǤ롥ưפȤǤϡΤˡФʤ֤פ֤סФʤȿɽФΤƱ餤¤ʤ褦˻פ뤫⤷ʤȯ٤Хͥ륮礭ȯϡ (25) Τ褦ˡʪѡפξΩäƤȤħͭ롥ȯѤƵϡ¸ɬפǽȤƤθƵ۳ưΰĤȤƼ¸Ǥ뤷ĴѤ뿰塤ʤɤαư⡤Ϥ¸ɬפǽȤƤݿưΰĤȤƼ¸Ǥ롥֤ĤǡפѤʤΤǡ̵̤ʤ⤷ʤ̾ʪȯˤΥͥ륮ɬפȤΤǾ¤ɲŪʥͥ륮Τߤȯ뤳ȤǤ벻ȤΤȤΤϡʹ֤θɬŪäΤ⤷ʤ
¸Ĺ2ܤϡ̳Ф̣Фξ˵ꤦֺ礤פοۤʤȤ̣ϡäƤФξڤ뤿ˡ2ࡤ3ȺäƤޤ줾̤뤳Ȥʤ롥äơʣạ̊åʤ褦ˤˤϡ졤ؤȯʤФʤʤǤݤջ̤¨»ʤ롥ǤϡȤäợڤˤ̤ɤ֤ȡ٤̣ԤϤ˿ʧƤޤȤؤ롥
Ȥ϶ڤΤǤʤ¿ǤпФ뤳ȤʤȤξ롥ƥ uerba uolant, scripta manent äդӵꡤդϻĤפȤ̤ꡤ줿ФäƹԤᡤξڤ⤷ʤк礤⤷ʤƱˡ˿Фۤʤ¸ߤǤʤؤ˵ؽƤΤ褦ä³뤳ȤǤΤϡ줬ѤƤ뤫
¸θϡ嵭Τ褦礭ĹĤ⤢롥2ܤĹ֤ʤΤå³ˤϡ¨¤˾ä椯ϵؤȤʤ롥֤ƱȤ³Ȥ褦ʲͤ뤬5ʬ֤ʤȤ⤫5ǯ֤³ƤʤʸʸȤФʤפʤߤηäƤȤܤͤ
ޤ¸θϡȯԲǽäꡤ椬𤵤줿ꤹ褦ʪŪʾˤƤϡǽʤȤ⤢롥㤨Х塼ХӥˤϲåȯˤȯȤƤϤˤΤǡͭãʤȤϤʤʤȿɮ̤ΤۤŬڤǤ롥ƱΤ䤫ޤϲŴ䡤ƧΥѡƥˤƤϡϤФϤǤ ([2009-07-17-1]ε#80. ϲŴΥߥ˥ˤϼäŬפȡˡΤ褦ʾǴĥäĥ夲ͻҤϡ̳ФʤȯԤĥäƺФ˿ʧ줽ˤʤ˺ݤơäȴĥäƶˤȯ褦ϤѤӤ롥
¸Τ⤦1ĤηȤƤϡʹ֤ȯﴱι¤塤ȯβ1Ĥ˸¤Ȥ¤롥äȤⲻʣФäǡʣʲȤ߹碌¸Ǥ뤫⤷ʤ¦ˤȤäƤߤСοʹ֤İФǤʣʹбΤô礭äơȯβ1ĤǤ뤳ȼΤȤ櫓ǤϤʤ1ĤǤ뤳ȤˤäɬŪ벻̿ȤƤ (linearity) Τ⤿餹ǤǤʡ#766. פˤĤƤ[2011-06-02-1]εȡˡȤϸ쵭椬ּ˱ä¤ФʤȤƯϤΤ褦ʤΤǡˤꡤȯԤԤ⡤ѵ뵭ȵΤδط˵ƤʤФʤʤȤô롥ּ˱äȯ줿ʣεϡ褷ư˾뤳ȤϤǤ11Ľ֤˵ơǾǽۤʤʣҷ칽¤ˤȤȤϤ褯ΤƤ뤬ϼȤƲˤİäǡʸɽ蘆С뤤ĥǴطŪ˼СȤȤ¿
¸θĹȷϤ줾쥳ɽǤȤ¦̤Ϥ뤬ŷˤĹΤۤ礭ȹͤ롥٤ʬ줿ڤ˻Ф뤳ȤǤ⤤٤İ뤳ȤǤĥåϢ³Ū¨ãȤȤǤ롥ŪˤܿȿǤƱͤεǽ̤ȤǤ뤫⤷ʤΨϡ˰Ūʬ롥ȤʸΤȤܿȿ꤬Ѥ뤳Ȥ⼨̤ꡤϿʹ֤ˤȤäͣФãʤǤϤʤΤΡ¿¾μʤξΩͭʰջ̤ʤΤǤ롥
סضܤȤƤθء١ȽŹ1996ǯ
ϲ˴ŤƤ롥ʸˤƤʸŻ뤵뤬δܤǤ뤳Ȥϴְ㤤ʤΤȤ[2011-05-15-1]ε#748. äפƤΤǡ֤ʤϡȤηϤʤ˴ŤƤΤʤ˴ŤƤʤФʤʤΤȤˤĤƹͤ롥
ޤջ̤ΤˤϡƥѥΤ褦ĶμʤʤΤǤʤꡤ餫ʪŪʤʤʤȤʹ֤ʪȤƤǽϤˤϸ³뤿ᡤʹ֤ȯļ뤳ȤΤǤʪŪʿμϡΤ¤Ƥ롥ŪˤϡԤΩ줫餹С롦Ị̡̇θΤ줫뤤ϤȤ߹碌ʤƤʪǤʤФʤʤȯԤΩ줫餹С˻ɷͿʪФʤФʤʤԤΤۤôϽŤ
ơ̳ФʤȤΤƤߤ褦ȯԤϰջ̤ΤӤФɬפ뤬ʹ֤ϰջ֤ˤäФȤդǤϤʤФȤƤ֤ޤ֤褦¨Ūʰջ̤ԲǽǤꡤֲáפΥåܡ˾ʤޤФȤƤ⡤μϸ¤Ƥ˥˥˥ǼƦˤƤȤˡϤ뤬ʤХ˥˥ǼƦθʪΤޤȤѤۤᤤ˴ĥä3ФȤǤȲꤷƤ⡤Ϥ礦ɥ㡼3줷äƤʤƱȤǤꡤʣʰջ̤ԲǽǤ롥3Ȥ߹碌ʣʰջ̤ǽˤʤ뤫⤷ʤϸߤ˺äƤޤȤ礭ʷ롥Ԥ¦ˤ̤ʬǽϤФ褤Ԥϻǰʤ鸤ǤϤʤʹ֤Ǥꡤ̤ʬȸ虜ʤᤫ˶ڤƤǡŤåȶ̤ƿåꤿȤȯԡԤȤκʤʾ˰ưʤФʤʤȤؤ⤢ʤդ˥å¸Ȥˤϡλ¸䤹ϥåȤȤʤˡᤤƤСϤǡԤˤˤήƤޤ줬롥ȯԤĴɤȯ뤳ȤǤʤ䡤Ԥ٤ɡĤޤäƤˤϡˤֲáפԲǽǤʤäȤ⡤ϲˤ⤢ꡤӤɤƤ䡤餫λʹʤˤϵǽʤˡʹ֤ˤȤäơ̳ФʤȤΤȯãˤʤ
̣ФǤ롥ФȤǤϡ̳ФɤŨ롥ȯԤջ֤ˤäΤɤʬʬʬ礷Ԥˡ֤ۤ졤ʤפȤȤϹͤˤ㤷ưˤΤ˴ƱӤӤʤɤȤˡϲǽ⤷ʤ¨Ĥ뤷ϤפԤ¦Ǥ⡤̣Фˤ겿ε̤Ǥ뤫Ȥ꤬Ĥ롥̣ФϸĿͺ礭Ĵ˱ƶ䤹Ȥ⡤иΤƤ롥ˡξƱͤˡ̣Ϻ䤹Ȥ롥̣а¸θ⡤ΨȤǤϺѤǤʤ
С̳Ф̣Ф٤дԤƤ롥Ȥ٤ϡȯưפȯԤϡʤ롤ͤߤĤͤˡ붯١³֡Τ̤ʤɤ֤ȤǤ줾ΥѥȤ߹碌ˤäʣʵɽФȤǤꥺƥݤηϲСڤɤŨɽϤ뤳ȤǤ뤫⤷ʤʣ̤ƱåǽǤ롥¦ˤȤäƤϿФδ٤ˤʤ롥ʹ֤μ̤Ǥ륿åμˤϸ³뤷ߤĤͤʤɤη̡ˤʤäڤʤäꤷƤϺ롥ˤߤڤߤϻ³Τǡλ¸Ʊ褦ԹͤʤФ˰¸ȤΤϽʬ˹ͤ뤬ΨɤʤΤǤСѶŪ˺Ѥ뤳ȤϤʤΤǤϤʤ롤ʤǤ롤ꤹ롤礦ʤɤΥåפϼºݤ˿ʹ֤Υߥ˥ΰǤϤ뤬ʣʵηϤƤ櫓ǤϤʤβФŪ˵ǽ뤳Ȥ¿
ʹ֤ˤƿФ褯ȯãƤꡤջãˤѤǤʴФϡФǤ롥ºݤͭ˵ǽƤеȤơȿ䳨褬롥ä˿ȿȯưפǤꡤ¨⤢롥ʸäФʤͭʼʤϿȿȰۤʤꡤ§ȤƲФؼ̤äΤǤ롥ޤŪʼʤǤꡤȤߤʤ٤ΤȤϤĤǡθ³ĶƯ鼨ȤΤǤ##748,849,1001)Τ褦˲ȤƻФФƤΤϡʹ֤λФȤ˱ҤǤ뤫ǤꡤǤϤʤа¸ηȤơܤʤŰǤǻ̸ΤʤǤѤǤʤȤʤɤ뤬¾δФ٤ƷϾʤĹ¿[2009-07-16-1]ε#79. øؤ inspiration פ⻲ȡ
Ǹ˻ĤäΤʹ֤μºݤθ줬¸ƤİФǤ롥İФʤȤȤϡԤϲİɬפꡤȯԤϲФɬפȤȤǤ롥ޤԤΩͤƤߤ褦ʹ֤İФϻФƱͤ˱ҤǤꡤ¾δФͥƤ롥äơδФʣʰջ̤μʤΤѤȤΤϡǽŪˤˤʤäƤ롥μ̤̯ʰ㤤ʹʬΤǤ뤫顤֤κб뤳Ȥʾ̤Ǥ뤳Ϥ
ȯԤΩͤƤߤ褦ȯԤ¿ͤʲФɬפ뤬ʹ֤ˤϤΤɬפʴﴱʲβŬڤäƤ[2009-10-04-1]ε#160. Ardi Ϥޤäʤɡס[2010-10-23-1]ε#544. ҥȤȯﴱοʲŬפȡˡʹ֤ο塤ӡ٤ʤɤȯ˴ؤﴱΤ褦ʾ֤äƤΤϡȯãˤȤäۤǤäפȤ餤롥ˤꡤ̯ʲκ̤ǤİФΤ٤б롤٤ȯǽˤʤäΤǤ롥˰¸줬ȯãϡʲβƤ
Ǥϡ¾δФǤϤʤİФʤʤ˰¸줬äȯãƤΤϤʤϡdzƴФˤĤƽҤ٤Ƥ褦ˡİа¸¸ãĹȷŷˤȤĹ꤬ä;ꤢ뤫Ǥ롥γˤĤƤϡεǡ
ε[2009-07-16-1]ǼøˤĤƸڤȤδϢạ̇̄Τ𤷤褦
ϲŴǺʤ˺¤äƤȤΤȡ٤ʤˡ¤äơ礦ɤθʤϢȻפ¤äơͤäDzäϤΤǤ롥켫ΤȤǤϤʤΤʤϲŴäˤϩϤ뤵äˤΤʤǡͤΩƤ˴ʥߥ˥äƤ뤳Ȥ˶òΩƤ¨Ū˥ߥ˥뤳ȤǤȤȤϡȯä
ΩƤ˹첻Τʤǥߥ˥Ȥ¾ˡȤƤϡɮ̤ lip reading ʤɤ褦ˤİΤǤʤΤˤ륳ߥ˥ǽιǽ˵Ťäɮ̤Ʊ͡ʹʤĶ뤤żݤʤФʤʤĶˤƥߥ˥ȤݤˡŪѤǤָפǤϤʤ
ϲŴäϤޤ³˶äȤˡؤǸνʤΤ٤Ϥζʤ˰ܤʤäΤǤ롥̾ϡϢȤ٤ΤʤưͤˤȤäƤϡष̤˺¤äƤߤ̤ơäβäˤԹ礬ɤäΤɤϰưζʤˤ̤αؤǾäƤҤ¤äƤޤäϲŴ̺ʤϽʬ˻ǧǤΥǤꡤͤˤȤäƤϤޤˤäƤĤΡ֤٤Ķפä櫓Ǥ롥
νҤơߥ˥ˡȯǤʤ
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