ɸϡ#790. Ѹˤưʬۡ ([2011-06-26-1]) Ǥñ˿줿Ϥ⤦ܤ夲ܤΤϡľˡ3;ñߤθȡʿ;ΤʤʣߤθǤ롥
ѸΰŪʬˤĤƤϡ#130. Ѹʬ ([2009-09-04-1]) #1812. 6ñѰۤǸѸ ([2014-04-13-1]) Ȥ줿ľˡ߷ưθȤϡѸ礭3ʬ뤳ȤǤ롥 "the Chester-Wash line" ¦ (North)ʣ -eth ħȤ (South)δ֤˰֤ (Midland) Ǥ롥θˤĤƤϤ줾1ĤΥѥȤƤޤȤ뤳ȤǤ뤬Ǥϡ#689. Northern Personal Pronoun Rule ȱʸˡˤ륱ȸαƶ ([2011-03-17-1]) ˤ褦ˡưȤŪʴط˱2ĤΥѥब̤롥쵬§ "Northern Personal Pronoun Rule" 뤤 "Northern Present Tense Rule" ʰʲ NPTR άˤȤΤƤꡤMcIntosh (237) ˤСΤ褦꼰롥
Expressed in somewhat simplified fashion, the rule operating north of the Chester-Wash line is that a plural form -es is required unless the verb has a personal pronoun subject immediately preceding or following it. When the verb has such a subject, the ending required is the reduced -e or zero (-ø) form.
McIntosh (238) ˤNPTR αդѸ3ΥѥȰʲΤ褦ˤʤ롥
(1) North (north of the Chester-Wash line)
i) subject not a personal pronoun in contact with verb
| North: i) | sg. | pl. |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | -es | |
| 2nd person | ||
| 3rd person | -es |
| North: ii) | sg. | pl. |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | -e, -ø (-en) | |
| 2nd person | ||
| 3rd person | -es |
| Midland | sg. | pl. |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | -en, -e (-ø) | |
| 2nd person | ||
| 3rd person | -eth |
| South | sg. | pl. |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | -eth | |
| 2nd person | ||
| 3rd person | -eth |
| North/Midland: i) | sg. | pl. |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | -eth | |
| 2nd person | ||
| 3rd person | -eth |
| North/Midland: ii) | sg. | pl. |
|---|---|---|
| 1st person | -en (-e, -ø) | |
| 2nd person | ||
| 3rd person | -eth |
AAVE (African American Vernacular English) Ǥϡľˡư3ñʤ餺Ȥ -s դȤ롥츫ȡɤο;ΤǤǤ -s դդʤäʤΤǡ˸ۤɤҸϤȤ櫓ҲŪʴ¿ʤƤ褦-s νиͽۤ뤳ȤȤAAVE ȤѼKΤǤϤʤϰԻԤˤäƤۤʤ뤷Ŀͺ礭ȤȤ롥
AAVE θ߷ -s ϡɸѸȰۤʤʬۤȤǡѼħŤܤ1ĤȤܤƤŪʴϡ -s ʬۤεδؿȤʤ뤬ϤȤʤ AAVE εɤˤ뤫ȤŪľ뤹롥AAVE ε creolist Anglicist ϤĤȤΤƤ뤬߷ -s ⡤ݱʤˤΤʤذޤ뤳Ȥˤʤäcreolist ϡAAVE ľˡߤưδϥ쥪벽ͳ褹̵ɸѸεϤΰϤˤ -s Фɬװʾ˸Ȥ꽤 (hypercorrection) 롥Anglicist ϡ-s 餫ʬۤǤĥꥹͳѼ郎ʣΤͤȹͤ롥Anglicist ϡɬ⸽β꽤βǽꤹ櫓ǤϤʤʳ˥쥪벽ꤷʤ
Ϥ˾ܤʤ#1413. Ѹ3ʣ -s ([2013-03-10-1])#1423. Ѹ3ʣ -s (2) ([2013-03-20-1])#1576. Ѹ3ʣ -s (3) ([2013-08-20-1])#1687. Ѹ3ʣ -s (4) ([2013-12-09-1]) Ǽ夲ƤĴƤ椯ʤǡAAVE -s ˴ؤ1Ĥʸˤɤ夤 Schneider Τ Anglicist Ǥ롥γ˿ϼʬ (104)
Apparently, the early American settlers brought to the New World linguistic subsystems which, as far as subject-verb concord is concerned, were characterized by two opposing dialectal tendencies, the originally northern British one using -s freely with all verbs, and a southern one favoring the zero morph. In America, the mixing of settlers from different areas resulted in the blended linguistic concord (or rather nonconcord) system, which is characterized by the variable but frequent use of the -s suffix . . ., which was transmitted by the white masters, family members, and overseers to their black slaves in direct language contact . . . .
ˤϡ#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1]) #1841. AAVE ε founder principle ([2014-05-12-1]) Ǽ夲褦 dialect mixture Ȥͤ롥βǽϽʬˤȻפϤȽϤˤĤƾܺ٤˽Ҥ٤ƤʤΤϤȤʤѼ郎ʤΤǤäꤷҤ뤳ȤϡŪˤä˸ǤʣѼޤˤȤˤʤ롤ˤʤȤǤϡϤʤ褦˻פ롥
ޤ"the originally northern British one using -s freely with all verbs" ȽҤ٤Ƥ뤬 "freely" ŬڤǤϤʤˤ -s ʬۤˤϡ#689. Northern Personal Pronoun Rule ȱʸˡˤ륱ȸαƶ ([2011-03-17-1]) Ǹ褦쵬§ѤƤꡤ褷ƼͳʬۤǤϤʤä
ˡSchneider 19ȾФλ AAVE ˤĤƤϤۤȤɵҤƤ餺õʸȤƤϡ夤Ȥ虜ʤ
嵭 Anglicist β⤬줿Ȥdialect mixture ιͤѤʤȤȤˤϤʤʤषƸŪʼҲؾǤ AAVE εȡѸ3ʣ -s εͿƤǽͤȤ̣ǡȯŪǤϤ롥
Schneider, Edgar W. "The Origin of the Verbal -s in Black English." American Speech 58 (1983): 99--113.
ѸˤĤƤϡme_dialect γƵǰäƤɤʬŪʷ֤ʬۤˤ뤳Ȥ¿㤨С#130. Ѹʬ ([2009-09-04-1]) Τ褦ϿޤƤȤƤ롥#1317. פ ([2012-12-04-1]) ˤȤꡤȤ˴ؤƤ͡Ū꤬롥Ѹؤ20ȾĹˤäƤꡤǯǤ LALME LAEME оˤ긦Ķ⤷ΤϳΤޤ¿꤬ĤƤ롥
ϡŪ Moore, Meech and Whitehall θѸθ˴ŤפŪ֤ȤʬۤMoore, Meech and Whitehall ϡ1400--1450ǯ˽줿266Ρʸʸ43ʸغʤ礿оݥƥȤȤ11μפŪħˤä MED ԻδפȤʤäǤꡤMED "Plan and Bibliography" ˤȿǤƤ롥 (96--106) 8ĤŪħˤĤɽ (98) ͿƤʤΤǡޤȤľΤ˼
| Feature | Isogloss | N | NEM | SEM | WM | SW | SE |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| OE /ā/ | A | /ɑː/ | /ɔː/ | /ɔː/ | /ɔː/ | /ɔː/ | /ɔː/ |
| OE /a/ + nasal | D | /a/ | /a/ | /a/ | /ɔ/ | /a/ | /a/ |
| OE /ȳ/, /y/, /ēo/, /eo/ | F | /iː, ɪ/, /eː, ɛ/ | /iː, ɪ/, /eː, ɛ/ | /iː, ɪ/, /eː, ɛ/ | /yː, y/, /øː, ø/ | /yː, y/, /øː, ø/ | /iː, ɪ/, /eː, ɛ/ |
| /f/ -- /v/ | I | /f/ | /f/ | /f/ | /f, v/ | /v/ | /v/ |
| /ʃ/ -- /s/ | C | /s/ | /s/ | /ʃ/ | /ʃ/ | /ʃ/ | /ʃ/ |
| 3rd pl. pronoun | E | them | them | hem | hem | hem | hem |
| 3rd sg. pres. verb | G | -es | -es | -eth | -es, -eth | -eth | -eth |
| 3rd pl. pres. verb | B, H | -es | -es, -e(n) | -e(n) | -e(n), -eth | -eth | -eth |
̾ʣ -s ˤϻμפʥơޤ1ĤǤ[2011-11-29-1]ε#946. ̾ʣˤγספȡˡȤ櫓ʤۤʤ -s Ф줿ΤȤˤϤäƤHotta (148--49) ǤϡĤθŪװŦ1ĤȤơ-s ¾ʣɽ٤ƲŪ˶ǤǤꡤˤȤŦ
-s βŪۤȤˤĤơHickey (62) ˴ϢڤĤǤϡ̾ʣ -s Τߤʤ餺ư3ñ -th Ф -s ˤĤƤƤ롥
. . . acoustic prominence can be appealed to in the history of English as well, for instance the substitution of /-θ/ by /-s/ in the third person singular or the progressive productivity of /-s/ plurals from Old English onwards and their encroaching on already established plural types --- cf. ME nasal plurals, such as eyen eyes --- can be accounted for on the grounds of the phonetic salience of /s/ and hence its suitability as a grammatical suffix.
-s βŪۤϡ饤ХФľŪʾȤϡǽŪĤ˹ a conditioning factor 餤ˤȤ館ƤΤ褤ΤǤϤʤȹͤ뤬Ѳ˲ŪħؤäƤȤܤͤ롥ä [s] [θ] ĴŪʺۤˤĤƤϡŪͤùȤϤʤäΤǡHickey (71 [fn. 5]) μϤ꤬ʰλʸϰѼԤŸΡˡ
Ladefoged and Maddieson (pp. 145--72 of Ladefoged, Peter and Ian Maddieson. The Sounds of the World's Languages. Oxford: Blackwell, 1996.) suggest a division of fricatives into sibilant and non-sibilant given that with the former (/s, ʃ/ articulations in English for instance) the constriction at the alveolar ridge produces a jet of air that hits the obstacle formed by the teeth. In non-obstacle fricatives, such as /θ, ð/, the turbulence is produced at the constriction itself. Laver (pp. 260--63 of Laver, John. Principles of Phonetics. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.) discusses the auditory characteristics of fricatives as does Fry (p. 122 of Fry, Dennis Butler. The Physics of Speech. Cambridge: CUP, 1979.), who notes that the noise energy for [s] is prominent between 4000 and 8000 Hz. It is similar in frequency distribution to [θ] but has much greater energy which means it is more clearly audible (see diagrams, Fry 1979: 123). *
Hotta, Ryuichi. The Development of the Nominal Plural Forms in Early Middle English. Hituzi Linguistics in English 10. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo, 2009.
Hickey, Raymond. "Salience, Stigma and Standard." The Development of Standard English, 1300--1800. Ed. Laura Wright. Cambridge: CUP, 2000. 57--72.
ε#1246. Ѹɸಽȵϼδط ([2012-09-24-1]) ǡѸɸಽ̵ռμʲǤȤ Hope θҲ𤷤Hope ϤƤθ̷⤹롤ѸɸಽˤޤĤԼƱ˻ŦƤ롥ɸಽβΤΤϿ͡ΡּפǡָŪפʱĤߤʤΤη̤ȤƤɸѸϸŪˤϺǤ⤢ꤽˤʤԼʡѼǤȤHope (52--53) ϡȤ4Ƥ롥
(1) 3ñ -s ݻŪˤϺǤݻˤåȤ˶ĤäƤ롥եɸʤɡ٤ŪʸǤ⤳ΥåȤǤ̵ɸѤ롥
(2) Զѹդʿ;̾ηϡʲɽȡˡѸ ([2009-10-25-1])Ѹ졤νǤϡ꤭줤ηϤߤ롥(cf. thou / you, you / youse, you / you-all; [2010-10-08-1]ε#529. ɸѼ2;ʣ̾פȡ)
| singular | I | she / he / it |
| singular / plural | you | |
| plural | we | they |
Thus, in each case, Standard English arrives at a typologically unusual structure, while non-standard English dialects follow the path of linguistic naturalness. One explanation for this might be that as speakers make the choices that will result in standardisation, they unconsciously tend towards more complex structures, because of their sense of the prestige and difference of formal written language. Standard English would then become a 'deliberately' difficult language, constructed, albeit unconsciously, from elements that go against linguistic naturalness, and which would not survive in a 'natural' linguistic environment.
͡ɸಽܻؤ̵ռβΤʤǡŪˤϤʤʡԼʸŪʤΤȤ̤Ȥơؤ֤Τ¦ˤȤäƤ϶ΤʶΤԹΤ褤˸ηϤǤꡤ顤ϤƳؤԤϰΤȤĬʤϼޤΤȤ
Τˡ˵줿ʸˡܤϡŪˤꤽˤʤΤΤ褦˻פ롥ȿȤСɤθŪˤ䤹ʸˡܤФǹƤ櫓ǤϤʤġιܤߤʿѤΰæϤǤ⤢षΤ褦ʰæäƤϤȤͤޤϤȤƤ⡤Hope ΡֽŪ̵ռˤҤͤϴߤ롥ε[2012-09-24-1]Ǥɸಽȵϼν̤ĴºݤΤȤξԤδطȤǤ
Hope, Jonathan. "Rats, Bats, Sparrows and Dogs: Biology, Linguistics and the Nature of Standard English." The Development of Standard English, 1300--1800. Ed. Laura Wright. Cambridge: CUP, 2000. 49--56.
űѸѸؤѸ˻ޤǡ¿θѲɤ̤Τˤ줫ؤŤƤä;̾ she she ȡˤ they [2011-04-10-1]ȡˤڡ3ñ -s γ硤ʣ -s Hotta θȡˤοĹťΥɸ줫¿θäμѡƱѸ˾Ѳȸ뤫⤷ʤޤοʿʸˡξü⡤ΥꥹɸѸˤĤƤκפǻΤϡѸ˸줿Ρפ椨Ǥ롥
ʤ̤ȤʤΤŤθưϤϲʤΤȤϡǤ롥 (linguistic geography or geolinguistics) ǤϡѲŤȤ the wave theory Ť龧Ƥ롥ˤСɤȤӤ礭Фꤲޤ졤;ȤŤƽ˼ϤءäؤȹäƹԤäǤ롥ºݤˡ嵭νѲϡȾμȤŤƤäȤΤƤʾʤȤ⡤ʣ -s ŤˤĤƤdzǧˡꤲޤ줿ФʤۤɤޤǤ˥ͥ륮äΤǤ롥ҲؤǤϡ̾Τ褦ʥͥ륮ϼҲŪ˱ƶϤΤϰŵŪˤԻˤȯȤ;ȤؤŤƤ椯ΤȹͤƤꡤΥɥļˤؤȤʤǤΤ¤ϵդǤ롥ʤʤΤ
ˤĤƤ (175) ǤڤƤ뤬ǰѤ Thomason and Kaufman (274) ΰҲ𤷤褦
Until about 1225 innovations starting in the South were spreading northward (e.g., /aː/ > /oə/, 'ɣ' > w/y), after 1250 practically all innovations in English were starting in the North and spreading southward (e.g. lengthening of short stressed vowel in open syllable, dropping of final unstressed schwa, degemination, spread of third person singular present tense -es at the expense of -eth). No explanation (except that York, England's second city, is located in Deira) can as yet be offered for why the North should have been so influential on the Midlands and South from 1250 to 1400, since it was much poorer than the rest of England, and was constantly being raided by the Scots, with whom the Northerners (ruefully, one supposes) shared a dialect.
¾ǡThomason and Kaufman (289) ϡSawyer (174--75) Ȥʤ鼡Τ褦ˤҤ٤Ƥ롥
. . . there was a great growth of quite profitable sheep-farming at the hands of Norse-origin or even Norse-speaking entrepreneurs in the eleventh century in the Lincolnshire Wolds (which lie in Lindsey, the major town being Louth) and in the Yorkshire Wolds (which lie in the East Riding of Yorkshire part of Deira, the major town being Bridlington), which lie right across the Humber from each other . . . .
ʤ顤 (175) ˤơɤɤ˼Τ褦ʰոҤ٤ˤȤɤޤä
I cannot offer a strong alternative, but it is possible that as carriers of Norsified English in the North and East passed innovative linguistic features to neighbouring areas through person-to-person communication, the receiving areas willingly picked up the Norsified features as "faddish." For the time being, however, I would like to leave this question open.
ˤĤƺǶ O'Neil (266) ˸Ĥ̤ΰոҲ𤷤Ƥ
Now why the northern Middle English system became that of all England is not at all clear. . . . After the return to English as the language of the English realm there may have been a (mistaken, note) feeling that it was in the north that real English resided, thus leading to it becoming the accepted model toward which the rest of England moved. This is an explanation of sorts, albeit not a very satisfactory one (1).
ѺǸ (1) ϵؤλȤǡεˤϰʲΤ褦ˤ롥
(1) It is, however, difficult to reconcile this explanation --- such as it is --- with the general London antipathy toward the northern dialects of Middle English. (266)
ϿޤǤ롥
Hotta, Ryuichi. The Development of the Nominal Plural Forms in Early Middle English. Hituzi Linguistics in English 10. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo, 2009.
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Sawyer, P. H. The Age of the Vikings. 2nd ed. London: Edward Arnold, 1971.
O'Neil, Wayne. "The Evolution of the Germanic Inflectional Systems: A Study in the Causes of Language Change." Orbis 27 (1980): 248--86.
ѸħŤǤϿ¿뤬ʤΤ1Ĥ˸ʬ롥Ѹ -ing 礭ʬ -ing, -ande, -ende, -inde 4बꡤ줾ħŪʬۤʲϡLALME Dot Map 345--51 Ȥơ褽ʬۤƸΤǤ롥

-ing ϤǤ England ʬۤƤꡤħȸƤ֤ΤϤդ路ʤ⤷ʤΰ۷֤ȤƸ -nd(e) 첻ʬκ褯̤롥-ande ʬۤ Northern East Midlands ˤƤϰʤĤƤ Danelaw ˤ˰פ롥-ende East Midlands -inde South-West Midlands ˽椹롥ɥնʣΰ۷֤ѻΤϡϤޤ˽ζǤ뤳ȤƤ롥
ʬ¾ˤϡľˡ3;ñ߸ľˡʣ߸ħ褯ɽ魯ΤȤΤƤ롥2ܤʬۤϻǰʤľ LALME Dot Map ˤͿƤʤŪǤϤ뤬Burrow and Turville-Petre (31--32) εҤͤˡϿƤߤ


3ĤưܤǤ⡤١ѸιʤߤǤ
McIntosh, Angus, M. L. Samuels, and M. Benskin. A Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediaeval English. 4 vols. Aberdeen: Aberdeen UP, 1986.
Burrow, J. A. and Thorlac Turville-Petre, eds. A Book of Middle English. 3rd ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2005.
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