ε#1880. -ee εȯŸ (1) ([2014-06-20-1]) ³θѸˤƤμŪѲŪȯŸˤĤơIsozaki ˵ʤͤ롥
Isozaki ϡOED ۤλͻꡤѸ줫500Ķ -ee ơǯ塤졦̣μ̡촴θ츻ˤʬϤѸ줫鸽ѸˤƤĬή2ͤߤενǽҤ٤(1) ޥϸ촴ǤϤʤ촴³뷹ƤƤ뤳ȡ (2) standee Τ褦ưʼ˥פƤƤ뤳ȡ2ĤǤ롥
(1) ˤĤƤϡOED ѤĴ̤ղȰʲΤ褦ˤʤ (Isozaki 7)

ե촴³뷹ӤƶȤ餫Ǥ롥촴³㤬긽ƤȤܤͤ롥ʤ19ȯθ20̣˸ΤϡOED θüϿħˤȤ礭⤷ʤ
(2) ˤĤƤƱ OED Ѥơʰ̣Ūʴʬष̤ϰʲ̤Ǥ (Isozaki 6) դΤʤǡDO ưľŪ졤IO ϴŪ졤PO ֻŪ졤S ϼ졤Anom. ưȤľܤ˴طʤ§ŪʤΤǤ롥

跿 DO פͥǤ³Ƥ뤳ȤǤꡤS פγĥäΩʤ褦ˤߤ롥OED Υơ1900--2005ǯμܤ仲ͿǤνиθȡDO 117㡤IO 23㡤PO 4㡤S 32㡤Anom. 18ȡS ʼ쥿סˤοĥ (Isozaki 6)
-ee ŪʻȤ¿졤Ѱΰ̲ʤǤ褦˻פ롥ϸŪĴɬפȤʤäƤ뤫⤷ʤܼ (productivity) Ȥ⡤ƥʤĥäƤǤ롥
Isozaki, Satoko. "520 -ee Words in English." Lexicon 36 (2006): 3--23.
Ѹˤ whom οˤĤƤϡ¿θ椬롥ѸǤ褯Τ줿ѲǤꡤܥ֥Ǥ ##622,624,860,301,737 γƵǿƤĤƤ´ˤ⤳äΤ ([2010-12-26-1])
ǶθȤƤϡIyeiri and Yaguchi 롥ϡMichael Barlow ԻAthelstan ͭƤ The Corpus of Spoken Professional American English (CSPAE) ˴ŤǤ롥CSPAE ϡ1990ǯ祢ꥫѸäեѥǡ(1) White House ǤεԲ(2) The University of North Carolina ζ(3) إƥȰѰιȲġ(4) ɲƥȰѰιȲĤΡ4ĤξʬƤꡤΤȤ200줫롥ޤCLAWS7 ǥդƤ롥ϡwhom ϷĥäʸΡä˽դˤƻѤȤ뤬ǤϡĥääդȤĶǤɤٻȤΤȤ䤤뤳ȤǤ롥
Ĵ̤˽Сspoken professional American English ˤƤϡwhom οǤʤΤΡޤ٤٤Ǥϸ롥whom Ķˤ餫ʷꡤֻľˤƤϺǤ褯ݤƤʤδĶǤ who λϳ̵ǤϤʤˡֻ (preposition_stranding) ˤϤƤ who Ǥ롥ޤwho(m) ֻŪǤϤʤưŪȤƵǽƤˤϡ礭ɤ줬롥
ȤƤ whom ȴطȤƤ whom ٤ȡԤΤۤब㤷ΤˡɮԤ Rohdenburg ˤ "Complexity Principle (transparency principle)" ѤƤ롥ϡ"[i]n the case of more or less explicit grammatical options the more explicit one(s) will tend to be favored in cognitively more complex environments" (cited in Iyeiri and Yaguchi, p. 185) Ȥǡwhom εƤϤȡطޤʸǧξʣǤꡤŪʳɸ᤹롤ȤȤˤʤ롥
ҤΤȤꡤwhom οϸѸθѲȤƼ夲뤳Ȥ¿Τ褦ˤĤơreferences ˻ͻޤȤƤΤϤ꤬ޤäեѥλѤˤؿ襤ϢơThe Michigan Corpus of Academic Spoken English Ȥѥ⻲ȡ
Iyeiri, Yoko and Michiko Yaguchi. "Relative and Interrogative Who/Whom in Contemporary Professional American English." Germanic Languages and Linguistic Universals. Ed. John Ole Askedal, Ian Roberts, Tomonori Matsushita, and Hiroshi Hasegawa. Tokyo: Senshu University, 2009. 177--91.
[2011-01-18-1]ε#631. blending γפǡѸˤƤФ줬äƤˤĤƼ夲ФϡѸη1ĤȤ Leech et al. ŦƤ "densification" (50) θȹͤ줽Ǥ[2011-01-12-1]εָѸʸˡѲ˸뷹פȡˡ¿ΤФСΤˤ⤢ʤľȤǤϤ롥[2011-09-17-1]ε#873. ѸοˤʣΥХפǿ줿ȤꡤBauer οĴˤСˤ뤫Фγ1880--1982ǯδ֤ p < 0.05 Υ٥ǤͭդäƤʤʤпäƤˡʣδѻԤŦƤꡤ䤿ľˤŬФ÷ȡҴŪͤȤΤ˺ΤϤɤȤ
1ĤˤϡBauer Ĵоݴ֤1982ǯǽäƤȤȤεҴŪ2011ǯλǻ䤿ƤľȤäƤƤԻĤϤʤ30ǯۤɤδ֤ blending Ȥǽͤ롥
⤦1ġľȿͤΥåפװ롥˴ؤơAlgeo ĴҲ𤷤¿θø椬 OED ϤμѤƤ뤬Algeo ϤȤ̷μѤΩĴԤʤäκΤäˡϡ1963ǯʹߤοϿ Barnhart μ1000̵ФȤ˿ʬȤΤǤ롥ĴˤȡФĴΤ4.8%ˤ¾μפʸΤʤǤΩʤƥǤȤ̤ȤʤäAlgeo (271) ϤοͤϲᾮɾȽҤ٤Ƥ롥
Last in numerical importance as a source of new words is blending. Less than a twentieth of our new words have been formed in that way (4.8 percent); however, blending is more popular than that statistic suggests. Its principal areas of use are popular journalism and advertising. Time magazine and Madison Avenue dearly love a blend. Most of the popular coinages are nonce forms that were unreported in the Barnhart dictionary and consequently are not included in these statistics. But every new word begins as a nonce form, so a source that is prolific of nonce forms today may be expected to increase its contribution to the general vocabulary tomorrow. Blending may look like a long shot, but the smart money will keep an eye on it.
"nonce-form" 뤤 "nonce-word" ˤ blending ¿ѤȤΤϵҴŪ˳ΤˤľˤŬ֤ (productivity) ȤϲؤȤϡ[2011-04-28-1], [2011-04-29-1], [2011-05-28-1]εǤƤ褦ˡΤʲͿΤǤ롥䤤ϡʼ˷Ǻܤͤ˸ȤߤʤȤ⤦1ĤˤطƤ[2011-03-28-1]ε#700. 졤ǡܼ캬촴ʣ졤Ρפȡˡblending οϼ伭˴ŤͤˤϸˤѤθˤƳƤǤ뤳Ȥ϶餯ְ㤤ʤϡμŪɾˤƵҴŪ˻ٻ뤫ȤˡʤΤǤϤʤ
Leech, Geoffrey, Marianne Hundt, Christian Mair, and Nicholas Smith. Change in Contemporary English: A Grammatical Study. Cambridge: CUP, 2009.
Bauer, Laurie. Watching English Change: An Introduction to the Study of Linguistic Change in Standard Englishes in the Twentieth Century. Harlow: Longman, 1994.
Algeo, John. "Where Do the New Words Come From?" American Speech 55 (1980): 264--77.
Barnhart, Clarence L., Sol Steinmetz, and Robert K. Barnhart, eds. The Barnhart Dictionary of New English since 1963. Bronxville, N.Y.: Barnhart, 1973.
2ε[2011-09-17-1], [2011-09-18-1]ǡBauer Ĵ̤˴ŤƿΥѤĴϤۤ¿ʤ褦ʤΤǡBauer Υǡ (35, 38) ϵŤȻפ⤦ʬϤƤߤʥǡHTML˺ܤƤ
Υ礭2ʬȡ (borrowing) ȸ (word formation) Υƥ롥ѤϼѸˤäƿ˲̶ʬ졤ȤƷδ˲̶ʬ롥ޤ٤ʬƤ礭ʷˤʤΤǡѤϼѸ̤4̤(1) borrowing, (2) composition, (3) derivation, (4) shortening, (5) other word formations 5ʬǽפʤʲΥդǤϡȤ3ˤ錄ѲĤߤ䤹褦ɴʬΨɽƤ롥㤨С11880--1913ǯοͤ碌100%Ȥʤ롤ȤɤǤ롥

ΤȤơоݤȤʤä100ǯ֤̻ŪѲ p < 0.0001 Υ٥ͭպФΤʤǤѤη㸺Ǥ⸲ѲǤƱ p < 0.0001 Υ٥ͭաˡƻǹ碌6ۤɤ composition derivation μ2ƥϡˤäƤۤѲƤʤ p < 0.05 ٥ͭպʤˡޤΤǤγ礫餹Ωʤ shortening ¾θĴäƤ뤳Ȥ⸫ƨƤϤʤʤshortening ˤĤƤϡp < 0.001 Υ٥ͭաˡƥζ̤λˤäƷθѲΤǡƱǡ͡ʳ٤į뤳Ȥɬפ
3֤εΥդޤȤƤߤ褦ˡ3##873,874,875פϢ뤷ΤӤޤǤˡ
Bauer, Laurie. Watching English Change: An Introduction to the Study of Linguistic Change in Standard Englishes in the Twentieth Century. Harlow: Longman, 1994.
εָѸοˤʣΥХ ([2011-09-17-1]) Ǽ夲 Bauer ĴϡѸοǤεĤޤθƤ (32--33, 34--36) ʥǡHTMLȡ
ˤΨϡ1880--1913, 1914--38, 1939--82ǯ3ˤ錄 31.4% -> 22.3% -> 19.2% 礭ܸꤷƤ롥ѸˤƤϡѸѸ١Ū˼Ѥ˰¸٤ƤΤ狼롥Ѹ줴Ȥ˾Ƥߤ褦ʲΥդϡBauer (35) ˷ǺܤƤɽ˴ŤƺΤǤ롥

Ūˤ Fr. (French) Grmnc (Other Germanic) ˤ p < 0.05 Υ٥ǸͭպǧΤΡΥ줬Ūʸ˴ͿƤȤϡˤ餺Ū˸³ƤΤɤ롥
դ٤ϡ1880--1913ǯ Other ƥΩäƤ뤳Ȥˤϡȥꥢݥͥꥫ줫μѤ¿ޤޤƤȤʤλˤθ줫μѤ¿äȤϡĴƹͻɬפ
Bauer 3νλǯǤ1982ǯꡤ30ǯвᤷƤ롥ʸ塤ѸμΥ³ƤΤⶽ̣䤤Ǥ롥
Bauer, Laurie. Watching English Change: An Introduction to the Study of Linguistic Change in Standard Englishes in the Twentieth Century. Harlow: Longman, 1994.
Ѹäˤϡ븻Ȥ顤绨Ĥ˼Τ褦˳礵롥űѸǤʣ (composition) (derivation) äѸ줫ѸˤƤϼ (borrowing) ѸʹߤϺƤʣĥƤθûˤήơϿζ븻Ѥ¸ǡʤ켫ΤȤϸ¤ʤˤκѤ¿äƤȤȤˤʤ롥ǤϡѸħŤȤʣ2ĤθǤϡɤ餬⤤ȤPotter (69--70) ϡξԤΥХϤ褯ƤɾƤ롥
German and Dutch, like ancient Greek, make greater use of composition (or compounding) than derivation (of affixation). French and Spanish, on the other hand, like classical Latin, prefer derivation to composition. Present-day English is making fuller use of both composition and derivation than at any previous time in its history.
ξԤΥХƤ뤫Ȥä¾ͥ줿ȤȤˤϤޤäʤʤޥɤȥޥɤθħƤ뤳ȤˤꡤѸ줬Ω줫ֶᤤȴȤ̤Ϥ뤫⤷ʤʴϢ[2010-05-27-1]εֱѸΥޥ첽ˤĤƤɾפȡˡޥϤǤ⤢ޥϤǤ⤢ȤѸħϡ˸¤餺Τˤ뤳ȤǤ롥
ơPotter Ͼ嵭Τ褦ʣιХŦŪ¬ä櫓ǤϤʤ¾μפʥ衼åѸ줢뤤ϸŤѸȤӤˤɾˤʤˤĤƤҴŪĴΤBauer (32--33, 36--39) Bauer The Supplement to the Oxford English Dictionary (1972--86) Ѥ̵ɸĴǡоݤФ줿Ǥ뿷1559ǯˤ (1) 1880--1913, (2) 1914--38, (3) 1939--82 3˶ʬơ¤ˡ̤˸̤줿¤ˡȤϡAbbreviations, Blends, Shortenings, Compounds, Prefixation, Suffixation, Names, Neo-classical compounds, Simultaneous prefix and suffix, Other 10Ǥ롥
Bauer (38) ηǤɽΥǡ Log-Likelihood Tester, Ver. 2 ꤲƤߤʥǡHTMLȡդϰʲȡˡΤȤƻ̤κ p < 0.05 Υ٥ͭդǤꡤʬ̻ۤŪѲѻȸäƤ褤¤ˡ̤ѲƤߤȡAbbreviations p < 0.01 Υ٥ͭդäSuffixation Neo-classical compounds 줾 p < 0.05 Υ٥ͭդʸ¾¤ˡˤĤƤϡ3ˤ錄ɤϸϰȤȤˤʤ롥Bauer (37--38) ϡBlends äͭդǤȼƤꡤФлŦƱݤηٻƤ褦 p < 0.05 Υ٥ǤͭպǧʤäΤդɬפǤ[2011-01-18-1]εblending γפȡˡ

ʣ (Compounds, Neo-classical compounds) (Prefixation, Suffixation, Simultaneous prefix and suffix) ٤ȡ3̤ƸԤγԤγ2.7٤ǰݤƤʰʲΥդȡˡŪˤϡΤۤ˥ХФäƤ褦

Bauer, Laurie. Watching English Change: An Introduction to the Study of Linguistic Change in Standard Englishes in the Twentieth Century. Harlow: Longman, 1994.
Potter, Simon. Changing English. London: Deutsch, 1969.
ǶᡤѸθѲηˤĤĴ٤뵡äϢϡޤǤˤʲΤ褦ʵʤȤĥƤεˤǰäƤ
#860. ѸѲѰۤΰ ([2011-09-04-1])
#795. ͥåȻϸѲβžΨκǤ® ([2011-07-01-1])
#625. ѸʸˡѲ˸뷹 ([2011-01-12-1])
#622. ѸʸˡѲŪʸŪ ([2011-01-09-1])
#339. ѸˤѸǻߤޤäƤޤäΤ褦˸ͳ ([2010-04-01-1])
#386. Ѹ˵äƤѲ礭 ([2010-05-18-1])
ʰʾ礷##860,795,625,622,339,386 ɤ
Ū˽äƸѸ20ʹߤȤȡȾȸȾȤǤϱѸ괬ĶϷѤƤ롥ޤ1990ǯȾаʹߤˤϡELF (English as a Lingua Franca) Ȥɽʹ褦ˤʤꡤǤαѸΰ֤Ťϡ21ꤹ뤳ȤϤʤޤޤѲƤ椯ΤȻפ롥ѸμҲŪΩ줬ѲˤĤơѸ줬ŪˤƤƤ椯ȤȤưפ褦
Barber ϡ20ȾФλǤαѸʼȤब "Received Standard" ȸƤ֥ꥹɸѸˤθѲˤĤƹͻƤ뤬ˤ2ĤĬήǧȽҤ٤Ƥ롥
On the one hand, there has been a trend towards greater uniformity, a levelling out of differences; on the other hand, there has been an increased reluctance to accept as a norm what has hitherto been considered the standard form of the spoken language. In sum the effect has been to make the language more mixed. (16)
ɸѼޤ͡ʥꥹѸѼħŪäܤɸѼؤǦӹǤƤȤĬήȡɸѼϰ̤ΤΤ㲼ƤƤȤĬήǤ롥ϡɸɸब礷ʤ⡤2dzä褦ƱŪѼ郎ޤĤĤȤƶɤƶ¬Ǥ뤳ȤϡɸѸƤѲʤΰˤϡɸѸ˸ꤵ줿餹пѲȤߤʤȤǤ뤫⤷ʤƸСñɸѼˤǤ¸ߤƤܤɸѼذƤȤȤ⤢ꤽȤȤǤ롥ϡ (dialectal borrowing) Ȥ˶ᤤBarber ȤɽǸСΰѤֻǼ褦 "changes in acceptance" ʼƤѲˤȤȤˤʤ롥
Because of the change which is going on in the concept of standard English, and because of the social changes of the post-war period, some of the linguistic changes which we shall note will be changes in acceptance, rather than changes in actual usage. Usages which are not new, but which have previously been considered non-standard, are now coming to be accepted as standard by increasing numbers of educated speakers (though not always by the speaker of R. S. [Received Standard] proper). (28--29)
Barber ⤯奤ꥹɸѸθѲĬήϡǤ "dialectal mixing" ηǤ뤬ãϡ20ȾФȤŪᤤʳǡƱĬήꥹɸѸǤʤѸˤѻ뤳ȤŦ˸롥ʥꥫѸϤʴפȤʤαѸѼ郎礤ˤ䤫˶Ѱ첽ƤΤǤϤʤȤѻǤ롥
[W]ith the great increase in world-wide communications, it is probable that the various forms of English spoken in the world are now influencing one another more than formerly, and that the trend to greater dialectal mixing is therefore taking place in English on a world scale. (21)
ϡCrystal WSSE (World Standard Spoken English) ˶ᤤͤǤ롥[2010-10-09-1]ε֥ꥫѸ conversion / diversionפǿ줿褦ˡȿ뷹αѸ줬¤ˤʤäƹԤ diversion η̵뤹櫓ˤϤʤELF ܻۤؤƤɸѸγΩȤϡBarber 1964ǯδѻľɾͤȹͤ롥
Barber, Charles. Linguistic Change in Present-Day English. Alabama: U of Alabama P, 1964.
[2010-05-31-1]εָѸ˵äƤѲפ[2011-01-11-1]εָѸʸˡѲΰפǡѸƤѲΰϤγǤäŪʰϺʤΤǡBarber, Bauer, Fennell, Potter, Leech et al. ¾νʸǼ夲Ƥ褦ʸѲѰۤιܤѤˤޤȤΤȤ줿ޤܤιȺ٤Ū濴˿Τ "PDE linguistic changes and variations in spoken and written varieties of present-day Standard British and/or American English" Ǥ롥ܤȤƤϡȤ줿
̻ŪѲȶŪѰۤζ̤ۣǤꡤΤ˸ѲȤߤʤ뤫ɤ路⤢뤫⤷ʤޤäľΥ٥ǸѲȸΩƤƤeޤޤƤ롥ˡ٤ƸѸǿʹѲǤϤ뤬¿ϸѸǻϤޤäѲǤϤʤ¿϶Ѹ顤뤤Ѹ³ƤѲǤꡤˤäƤˤդιܤ⡤ѸƤѲȤƤߤʤ뤫ɤڤͤܤǤϤ롥
ͥåȤˤꡤλѤΤ뼡ˤ봷ѲĤĤ롥ϢäϤȤꡤNetSpeak ͭνȯãάʸˡ¿ѡѴϺʤɡǯ̿ѤȯŸˤȤʤѲβžΨϡθ˾塤ǤΤȤ롥ơεѳˤȤ櫓礭ʱƶƤΤѸǤ뤳ȤϵƤʤ
¿θѲĹ餯¸³뤳ȤˤʤΤ뤤ϰΤΤǤ꼡褿뿷ѲִΤϸǤʬʤäơѲΨ˾äȤǤ뤫ɤ̤ΤʤȤѲβžΨʤ̡ˤȤǤϡ餯˾ʤȤơ⤳βžΨϤäƤ椯Τͽۤ롥
ĹCrystal, The English Language 8 "The Effect of Technology" κǽѤ롥
The speed with which Internet usages are taken up is unprecedented in language change --- another manifestation of the influence of the technology on English. Traditionally, a new word entering the language would take an appreciable time --- typically a decade or two --- before it became so widely used that it would be noted in dictionaries. But in the case of the Internet, a new usage can travel the world and receive repeated exposure within a few days. It is likely that the pace of language change will be much increased through this process. Moreover, as word-inventors all over the world now have a global audience at their disposal, it is also likely that the amount of linguistic innovation will increase. Not by any means all innovations will become a permanent feature of the English language; but the turnover of candidates for entry at any one time is certainly going to be greater than at any stage in the past. Nor is it solely a matter of new vocabulary, new spellings, grammatical constructions, patterns of discourse, and regional preferences (intranational and international) can also be circulated at an unprecedented rate, with consequences that as yet cannot be anticipated. (140)
ߥ˥Ѥγλˤϡ礭Ѳ롥ʸ桤ѡץ饤á饸Dz衤ƥӡԥ塼ͥåȡȯθˤϡбѲȸѴѲ³ǯΥͥåȴϢѤϢΥߥ˥ѳκǽϤäƤȤϹͤ줺ߤǤͽۤΤĤʤѤλȤϴְ㤤ʤʤȤ⸽ߤ˻뵻ѳˤΤʤǤϡΥͥåȤۤ絬Ϥ˸ѲͶѳϤʤ
Crystal, David. The English Language. 2nd ed. London: Penguin, 2002.
Svartvik and Leech ˤȡѸνʸˡѲϰʲ3ĤηƤȤ (206)
Grammaticalization --- Items of vocabulary are gradually getting subsumed into grammatical forms, a well-known process of language change.
Colloquialization --- The use of written grammar is tending to become more colloquial or informal, more like speech.
Americanization --- The use of grammar in other countries (such as the UK) is tending to follow US usage.
1ܤ grammaticalization ( see [2010-06-18-1] ) ϸѸͭѲʤΥᥫ˥ˤȤ櫓ǤϤʤSvartvik and Leech ϸѸ˸ȹͤƤΤԤǰƬˤϡ㤨[2010-05-31-1]ε[2011-01-11-1]ǿ줿 semi-auxiliaries extension of the progressive Τ
2ܤ colloquialization ϸä̱粽 ( democratization ) ȤϢ뤬ñ˽դäդƱĤĤȤȤ̣櫓ǤϤʤƱͤˡ3ܤ Americanization ñ BrE AmE ĤĤȤȤ̣櫓ǤϤʤ2ĤηϳΤʬŪ˽ŤʤäƤꡤ줾켫Ȥñ˵ҤǤʤʣʲǤ롥
ҤԤ1ͤǤ Leech ̤ζԤ路 Leech et al. ΤʤǤϡ⤦1ĤηȤ "densification" (50) 뤤 "the effects of 'information explosion'" (22) ŦƤ롥ˤȡ礷³ǤѥȤ˸Ψ褯첽褦ȤߵޤäƤȤζŪ줬brunch, smog ʤɤ Ф ( blend ) AIDS, NATO ʤɤ Ƭ ( acronym ) New York City Ballet School instructor ʤɤ̾Ϣ
˸ѸνʸˡѲ˴ؤ colloquialization, Americanization, densification ʤɤȤäȤȡʸˡѲȼҲѲشط虜ʤ⤷ҲѲʸˡѲƤȤСϼ¤˶̣衤Τ˼ҲѲѲͶȯȤȤϸξǤäܿܿν¦̤Ѳη⤿餹ȤǤäʼºݤ Americanization ϸԤˡʳμҲѲŪ˸ "the broader changes in the communicative climate of the age" Ūʤ⡤ΤʤǤȤ櫓ŪǤʸˡ˱ƶڤܤȤΤϡ褷ƼΤȤǤϤʤä
Leech et al. ϡҲѲʸˡѲ˵ڤܤƶˤĤƼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
More often than not there are links between grammatical changes, on the one hand, and social and cultural changes, on the other. Such links may not be as obvious as the links between social change and lexical change, and they are certainly more indirect. Again and again, however, the authors have discovered that, especially when it comes to explaining the spread of innovations through different styles and genres, apparently disparate grammatical 'symptoms' can be traced back to common 'causes' at the discourse level. Exploring the connections between the observed shifts in grammatical usage (the nuts and bolts of the system, as it were) and the broader changes in the communicative climate of the age, which are reflected in the performance data that the corpora are made up of, is a fascinating challenge not only for the linguist. (Leech et al. 22)
Svartvik, Jan and Geoffrey Leech. English: One Tongue, Many Voices. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
Leech, Geoffrey, Marianne Hundt, Christian Mair, and Nicholas Smith. Change in Contemporary English: A Grammatical Study. Cambridge: CUP, 2009.
[2011-01-07-1],[2011-01-08-1]ǡʸˡѲ֤ƽ˿ʹԤΤǤ뤳ȤҤ٤顤ŵŪˤϡʸˡѲδѻϾʤȤˤ錄ĹŪʺȤȤȤˤʤ롥Ĺ֤ˤ錄äʸˡѲεܤܤ˽˼äƤ椯®٤פˤϡΤĤλǿܤ٤Ĵ٤뤳Ȥɬפˤʤ롥ˡѥѤŪʸΰյƤ롥Leech et al. (50) ϡ̻ѲθǤ٤ꤳפǤ⤷Ƥ롥
Theorizing about diachronic changes has focused primarily on the processes whereby new forms are initiated and spread, and until recently has paid comparatively little attention to the processes by which the range and frequency of usage contracts, and eventually disappears from the language. . . . one of the message we wish to convey is that frequency evidence is far more important in tracing diachronic change than has generally been acknowledged in the past.
Leech et al. (8) ˰ѤƤʲ Denison ɾƱͤμݤѲˤĤƽҤ٤Τ¿쾯ʤѲˤƤϤޤֻžԡˡ
Since relatively few categorial losses or innovations have occurred in the last two centuries, syntactic change has more often been statistical in nature, with a given construction occurring throughout the period and either becoming more or less common generally or in particular registers. The overall, rather elusive effect can seem more a matter of stylistic than of syntactic change, so it is useful to be able to track frequencies of occurrence from eModE through to the present day. (Denison 93)
ΰʸνפϡˤѲŪ ( statistical ) ǤƱʸŪ ( stylistic ) Ǥ뤳ȤŦƤǤ롥㤨СѸˤ뵿̾졦ط̾ whom οϡʹʸˡѲȤƤ褯夲뤬 ( case ) ˴ؤŪǤʾˡŪʸŪȤȤ館٤⤷ʤŪפȤΤϡĶˤ whom who ζ̤켫Τ϶Ѹ褢ޤѲƤޤξԤ٤ꡤ̻ѥٹ礤ǧ٤Ǥ롥
ʸŪפȤΤϡդäդ̡ޤƥȤΥˤä whom ٤礭ۤʤ뤫Ǥ롥ʤȤŪʶ̤ˤʤäƤȤϤwhom / who ˤ formality ȤʸŪǤ礭ؤäƤȤȤϡϤ䤳ѲȤȤ館ǤԽʬǤ뤳ȤƤ롥
whom / who ˴ؤʸˡѲˤĤƤ¿Ը椬뤬ȻʸˤĤƤ Leech et al. 1ϡä pp. 1--4, 12--16 ͭѤǤ롥
Leech, Geoffrey, Marianne Hundt, Christian Mair, and Nicholas Smith. Change in Contemporary English: A Grammatical Study. Cambridge: CUP, 2009.
Denison, David. "Syntax." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 4. Ed. Suzanne Romaine. Cambridge: CUP, 1998. 92--329.
ŪʤȤˡѸ˵äƤѲ礭⤢꾮⤢롥ѸˤįȡѲä褦˸⤢ФǤʤ⤢롥űѸ줫ѸˤƤη֤ѲѸ줫ѸˤƤθù¤Ȥߴ첻ܤʤɤѲľ300ǯ餤ƤߤȤۤ絬ϤʸѲϵäƤʤ褦˸롥ΰ̣ǤϡѸθѲϾ
ѤȸѸϤޤǤˤʤѲƤȤͤ롥ľ300ǯ餤DZѸȤμҲŪʰ֤Ť礭ѲƤѲ³Ƥ롥18ޤǤ˳عʸˡۤΩɸѸ줬ꤷȻפС19ˤϺΩäѸѼ郎˽иƱθȾʹߤϤʤꥫѸ줬ƬƤѸϿѼ߽ФʤŪ˹äƤ椭ѸͥåȥȤǤ⤤٤ʣΤ夲Ƥ
Ѹ˵äƤѲ礭⤢꾮⤢Ȥ嵭̷ϡɸѸȳȤǹͤȲä롥ɸѸǵѲŪ˱ѸˤǼ夲Ƥ褦ʸѲˤĤƤϡǤΩäΤϤʤɸѸγǤϿѼ郎ޤ졤줾줬ŪˤȼħʤȯŸƤƤ롥ΰ̣ǤϸѸѲSvartvik and Leech θդڤȼΤ褦ˤʤ롥
It is a paradox of late Modern English that the language seems to have been changing more, and yet it seems to have been changing less. The speed of change seems to have been accelerating, if we look at the massive growth of variation in English worldwide. With geographical spread have come divergences, especially in the form of new Englishes and creoles . . . . But if we look only at standard English, the language seems to have been changing more slowly. (191)
ѸѲͤǡĤδ뤳Ȥ̤ƤȤɬפϢˤĤƤϡֶɤեǥפ[2010-03-12-1][2010-04-01-1]Ǥ줿Τȡ
Svartvik, Jan and Geoffrey Leech. English: One Tongue, Many Voices. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
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