˥塼ɤϥȥꥢȤȤŪ˥ꥹȤηӤĤäƤѸѼˤĤƤ⡤餫˥ꥹѼ狼ǤꡤꥫѼ٤Ⱥ롥ˤƹʤαѸˤΰŪʱƶϤΤȡ˥塼ɱѸ⤴¿ʬϳ줺˸äʤɤ americanisation ε̣ߤ롥
˥塼ɿͤˤȤäơѸΥꥫϸ¤ȤƤϼ줶ʤȤȤƤϤޤ깥ޤפäƤʤ⤢ꤽꥫѸؤη䡤뤤ϵդƴϡˤäƤۤʤBauer ϡ˥塼ɿͤХꥫѸ촶ˤĤơΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
. . . there exists in New Zealand (as in Britain) an anti-American linguistic chauvinism which is entirely surprising in the light of the general use in the community of a number of forms which are American in origin. It is not clear how widespread these attitudes are in the community, but the fact that they exist is shown by the following extracts from Letters to the Editor of New Zealand periodicals:
Most of our worst grammatical or pronunciatory [sic] errors stem from America. (The Listener, 10 November 1973)
Why don't we improve our English instead of adopting a worse speech from a culture which branched off from England several centuries ago? (The Listener, 25 November 1978)
We are not Americans, and I know I for one do not like the way this country is trying to carbon copy itself with American influence. (The Otago Daily Times, 12 September 1984)
Bauer ˥塼ɱѸŪ˵ҤΤ30ǯʾΤȤǤ⤢ꡤɤʤäƤΤܤʬʤȤ櫓ǯۤο͡ԤΥꥫʸոò路פäƤ롤ȤϺǤѤ餺褦Ǥ롥Ϣơheldio ۿ#1631. ꥫѸϷԡɤ
Bauer L. "English in New Zealand." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 5. Ed. Burchfield R. Cambridge: CUP, 1994. 382--429.
Τ餻֤Τۤإͥפ2κꥹȤޤIJǤɤѤ
ƱνΰʼȱĤƤ YouTube ֤Τۤإͥκǿϡ˸줿#251. ԻԤΤ륦֥Υꥹ֤ colour 饢ꥫ color ؤ֤פظˤΤϡǤꥫѸμԻԤȤΤ Noah Webster (1758--1843) ˡѸˤδäưǤ
ưǤϡԻԤȤƤΤߤʤ餺֥Τ⤦1Ĥ¦ֻ̡ԤȤƤΥ֥Ҳ𤷤Ƥޤ colour ֻ color ˡ centre center ˲뱿ưƳꥫѸΥꥹѸ줫Ωĥޤ
֥ϤȤȶԤȤƳưƤꡤѸζʽʤɤƶ˹ƤޤνǤꡤ Blue-Backed Speller ȤΤ褦ˤʤäֻܤ֤褦졤θ100ǯ֤8000٥ȥ顼Ȥʤޤ
ޤ֥ϰζʪǡꥫΩˤ⻲路Ƥޤºݡֻˤ⡤ȿꥹȿɤäƤޤβפΤ٤Ƥ櫓ǤϤޤ嵭Τ褦˰βƤϼ졤ꥫѸֻȤ夷ޤ֥̾ϡζФǮȥꥫΩ˻٤ƤȤޤ
֥ˤĤƤ hellog Ǥ webster γƵǽƤޤȤ櫓ʲȤ
#468. ꥫȤ Webster ([2010-08-08-1])
#2905. Benjamin Franklin ˱ƶ Noah Webster ([2017-04-10-1])
#3087. Noah Webster ([2017-10-09-1])
#3247. ֺ¡֥ڥǤɤѸˡפ5color colour --- ꥫΥڥס ([2018-03-18-1])
#4152. ꥫѸ -our -or ؤΥե --- Webster αƶϸŪ ([2020-09-08-1])
#4735. ʤ Webster ֻפʤ ([2022-04-14-1])
World Englishes ϡܥ֥Ǥ⤹Ǥ˲٤夲Ƥޤ2ϡ֥ꥫȥʥαѸפɮ줿¼ءˤȡVoicy heldio ˤ̤Ƥޤ#883. ԤȸWorld Englishes ١ʾƲ2023ǯ --- ¼ȤΥꥫʥѸᤰ̡ǤԤȥեȡ碌20ʬۤɤβƥĤǤҤİ
ʲ2ϤξФҲ𤷤ޤ

ԡˡWorld Englishes ١Ʋ2023ǯ
μͭӥ Mond Ǥ˲ޤ
![[t] ƲϤĤ顩 --- Mond μ](https://user.keio.ac.jp/lib/mond_20230831.png)
ȤƤϡt Ʋ (flapping or tapping) ٤ȤѸʹߤƤȤȤˤʤޤɤǰ۲ȤƹԤʤƤΤ17ʹߤ˥ꥫޤϤ˰ܿѾ줿ΤȻפޤt ƲϥꥫѸŵŪħǤȤݤǤ¾¿ΥꥫѸħȤȤˡºݤεɤ˵줽Ǥ
ǤϺĴ˺ݤäŵƤޤǤ Dobson (Vol. 2, p. 956) Minkova (147--48) ˵ޤDobson εҤȤƻĤƤޤ
(4) Intervocalic [t] becomes [r]
385. From early in the sixteenth century there appear the forms porridge, porringer, &c. for earlier pottage, potager (see OED, s.vv.), though the older forms also survived (thus Salesbury has potanger and Bullokar potage). Coles gives porridg and porringer as 'phonetic' spellings of pottage and pottinger, from which it appears that written forms with t may sometimes conceal spoken forms with [r].
Ϣơ#61. porridge ϰƼѹ٤ ([2009-06-28-1]) r rhotic ε⻲ȡ
Dobson, E. J. English Pronunciation 1500--1700. 2nd ed. 2 vols. Oxford: OUP, 1968.
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
#3082. "spelling bee" εȯã ([2017-10-04-1]) ǡꥫǤ "spelling bee" Ȥڥ̱Ū͵ؤäƤ롥ˤ Scripps National Spelling Bee ȸƤФ롥ꥹʤɤ¾αѸǤб붥Ϥ뤬ꥫǮŪʿ͵ˤϵڤФʤ褦Horobin (199--200) ꡤspelling_bee αפսѤ롥
The spelling bee began in the 1700s, forming a key part of a child's education. By 1800 spelling bees came to be viewed more as social entertainment; such frivolous pleasures were frowned upon by the Puritans who rebranded them as spelling 'schools' in an attempt to re-assert their educational focus. Spelling bees gradually fell out of favour in New England society, but were preserved within a frontier culture for whom correct spelling was still considered an index of education and social status. The publication of The Hoosier Schoolmaster (1871) led to a craze in spelling contests, following which the term spelling bee was introduced. The use of the word bee to refer to a social gathering of this kind, often with a specific purpose in mind, such as apple-bee, husking bee, or the more sinister lynching-bee, is based upon an allusion to the social character of bees themselves. But while these gatherings were social, they were also highly competitive, as the alternative name 'spelling fight' makes clear. The first national spelling bee was introduced in 1925, subsequently rebranded the Scripps bee in 1941, and is still going strong today. . . . The popularity of the spelling bee is far greater in America than it is in Britain. The British equivalent, the BBC's Hard Spell, was a short-lived innovation, while British schools rarely engage in the spelling bees that are such an integral part of American society.
Ǥϡʤꥫ spelling bee ޤǿ͵ʤΤꥹֻȰ褹륢ꥫȼֻֻԤǤ갦ԤǤ⤢ Noah Webster (1758--1843) ˤäƳʤ줿ȤϡѸˤǤϤ褯ΤƤ롥Ω夫ȼֻ夲ƤȤ̱Ūȼ餬ꥫǤΥڥ͵طʤˤΤǤϤʤȻˤǤ롥ˤС罰ˡޤˤǤ褦ˡspelling bee ¿̱²ȥꥫˤȤäơСֹ̱ξħפ˶ᤤΤʤΤǤϤʤꥫϡWebster spelling bee ˻ޤǡֻȤܤ˸Τ̱ν餹٤ϤȤƷǤ뤳Ȥˤäơ̱ɤη«ǤᡤݤȤȤƤΤǤϤʤꥹ spelling bee ؤǮʤȤ椷ơΤ褦˹ͤƤߤǤ롥
Horobin, Simon. Does Spelling Matter? Oxford: OUP, 2013.
ۥӥˡ δˡإڥαѸˡ١˼2017ǯ
Ѹ (World Englishes) ˤĤƹͻꤹ뵡¿ʤäƤϱѸˤΩ줫顤Ѹ츽ݤŪƽαĹˤΤȤƤȤ館Ƥ롥ʿСѸϱѸȤơޤ1ĤǤꡤǤϱѸ˾Υꥹ䥢ꥫȰۤʤʤȤΩñŸ椬Ȥ֤Ȥ֤˳礷ǼŪʰ㤤ϤʤȤߤƤ롥
ϸǤ뤷٤ƤǤ롥Ѹ¿ȡ㤨ХꥹѸ¿٤ȤƤȤϤ䤹
1. ѸˤäƤϡŸΤǤꡤ֥ƥΤߤȤϤ櫓㤦
2. ѸˤäƤϡˤȯãƤˡϩ餫¿ͤǤ롥
3. ѸˤäƤϡܿβ̤䤬ʰ㤤礭
4. ѸˤäƤϡΤߤʤ餺θɬפ롥
5. Ѹ20Ⱦ21ˤƤθŪǤ롥
5Τߵ¾ˤ⤤ȻŦ뤳ȤǤ嵭5Ϥ줾춽̣ǤϤ뤬۵Ĥʤ뤤ϾʤȤκƹͤ¥ˤȤƱ餤ưפǤ롥
1'. ꥹѸˤäƤϡŸϥ֥ƥΤǤꡤɤΤߤȤϤ櫓㤦
2'. ꥹˤäƤϡˤȯãƤˡϩ餫¿ͤǤ롥ʸűѸ줫鸽Ѹ˻ޤǥɽȯãä̤꤬ѤƤ롥ȯãˡϩϽʬʣ¿ͤǤ롥
3'. ꥹѸˤäƤϡܿβ̤䤬礭Ѹˤܿβ̤䤬ˡʰ㤤ˡ礭ɤϿŤʵפ롥ȤΤϡ⤽ѸˤϸܿˤȤäƤ褤ۤɤ
4'. ꥹѸˤäƤϡΤߤʤ餺θɬפ롥ʥ륺䥢ɤαѸϡȤƻϤޤȯŸƤ
5'. ꥹѸ20Ⱦ21ˤƤθŪǡ֤פ롥ʤǤ⤢ä
2ĤڤʬɬפʤȼĥƤ櫓ǤϤʤѤڤʬ˵뤳ȤǤȤȤѸˤΩ줫Ҥ٤Ƥ补
礦1ΤȤˤʤޤ2022ǯ101ڡ15:30--18:45ˡī㡼ɶˤ4ΥֱѸˤѸפ3ֺ¡ֱƤαѸפ֤ޤ̡饤Υϥ֥åɹֺ¤ȤƳ֤ͽǤؿΤϡһäƤֺ¤ǤϤޤΩֺ¤ȤʤäƤޤΤǡ12˻äƤʤ⤴¿ܺ٤Ȥߤθڡɤ3ֺ¤γפϰʲ̤Ǥ
ΡѸפ뤵ޤޤѼϡѸνȤߤ뤳ȤǤޤºݡѸˤˤϾ¿ͤʷ¸ߤ³ƤƤꡤ褷ƸͭθݤǤϤޤꥫѸˤ¿ꥹѸˤϤ¿ޤ⤢ޤĤޤѸפϡŪʱѸαĹˤ븽ݤʤΤǤӽжˤˤɸˤܤޤ
21Ѹ (World Englishes) ⡤Ѹˤ̤¸ߤ³ƤѸ⡤͡ʱѸνΤȤǤѤꤢޤ¿Ÿ椳֥ƥ礫鹭ϵؤȳȤäƤޤܼŪ˿ȤƤ櫓ǤϤޤDZѸƤϡŪˤɬ̤ʤΤǤϤʤΤǤ
ȤϤ٤ƤƱ櫓Ǥ⤢ޤΤ褦ʰƱͤ뤳ȤǡѸ츽ݤü⤭ĦˤƤȻפޤĤƤαѸ¿֤äơ2ѸǤƤν˾Ƥޤ
3ֺ¤ˤĤƤ⤦ܤΤꤿϡͽԤȤ Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)פ̤#454. īֺ¤3ֱѸˤѸ --- ƤαѸסۿƤޤΤǡİ
ֺ¤12ˤĤƤϡʲ hellog heldio Ǥ夲Ƥޤ⻲ͤޤǤˤɤ
hellog #4775. ֺ¡ֱѸˤѸ --- ѸפΥϤޤޤ ([2022-05-24-1])
heldio #356. Ѹ --- ī뿷ɶǡֱѸˤѸפΥϤޤޤ (2022/05/22)
heldio #378. īǡѸפ֤ޤ (2022/06/13)
hellog #4813. īֺ¤2ֱѸˤѸ --- ˤƱѸϳ礷ΤפΤ ([2022-07-01-1])
heldio #393. īֺ¤2ֱѸˤѸ --- ˤƱѸϳ礷Τס (2022/06/28)
Ūˤäֻ (spelling_reform) ʤΤǤ롥ºݡѸˤǸ¤ϤۤȤɤʤͳˤĤƤϡ#606. ѸֻפԤͳ ([2010-12-24-1])#2087. ֻפؤοŪ ([2015-01-13-1])#634. ǯֻ (1) ([2011-01-21-1])#635. ǯֻ (2) ([2011-01-22-1]) ʤɤǿƤ
ѸˤˤֻפʤȤߤʤȤΤǤۤͣλ㤬Noah Webster ˤ륢ꥫѸˤֻפǤʲפоݤȤʤäñϡ#3087. Noah Webster ([2017-10-09-1]) ȡˡ
Ǥϡʤ Webster ֻפतʤΤˤĤƤϡ#468. ꥫȤ Webster ([2010-08-08-1])#3086. ꥫΩȥꥫѸؤλפ ([2017-10-08-1]) Ǥ夲ƤüŪˤСֻ֥פϡȿꥹֻˤȤȤȤǤ롥ꥫΩ̿Ȥȼꥫο͡οȤФ밦˻٤ơ̾Ǥϼ¸ֻפոΤǤ롥Webster ȤԤä
Webster ΰζˤĤƤϾ嵭βεǤڤƤͺۤ˸ĤΤǾҲ𤷤εǤ줿 Coulmas (267) ꥫѸˤ路 Mencken ŬѤʤ顤 Webster ֻǥˤĤưŪʵҤܤƤ롥
Webster was an ardent nationalist who had an intuitive understanding of the symbolic significance of the written language as a national emblem. Like many of his contemporaries in England and in the colonies, Webster promoted a reformed mode of spelling; however, what distinguished him from others is that he realised the political significance of claiming an independent standard for American English. Spelling to him was a way to write history. Webster's various publications on the English language were intended to further America's intellectual independence and to prove political nationalism with a manifest appearance for all to see and identify with. 'As an independent nation, our honor requires us to have a system of our own, language as well as government' (Webster 1789: 20).
Reducing the number of letters, weeding out silent letters, and making the spelling more regular were general principles of reform in line with the Enlightenment's call for more rationality. While Webster subscribed to these ideals, to him the 'greatest argument', as Mencken put it, 'was the patriotic one: "A capital advantage of his reform in these States would be that it would make a difference between the English orthography and the American"' (quoted from Mencken 1945 [1919]: 382). Regulating spelling conventions since the Renaissance had been intended to advance homogeneity, but Webster's new spelling was, on the contrary, designed to bring about a schism. Reversing the printers' plea for as wide a distribution of print products as possible, he argued that 'the English would never copy our orthography for their own use' and that the alteration would thus 'render it necessary that all books should be printed in America' (Mencken 1945 [1919]: 382). The assumed economic advantages of a simpler spelling system that would accrue from savings in the cost of teaching as well as publishing books at home rather than buying them from England were an important part of his reasoning.
Self-interest and nationalism thus prevailed over rationalism. Webster's new spelling could succeed because it was supported by a strong political ideology, because it was not so sweeping as to burn all the bridges and make literature in the conventional orthography unintelligible, and because the population concerned was favourably disposed to novelty and not strongly tied to a literary tradition, hailing to a large part from less-educated strata of society. If any generalisation can be drawn from this example, it would seem to be that in spelling reforms ideological motives are more important than correcting system-intrinsic flaws of the extant norm, although it is usually properties of this kind --- irregularity, redundancy, polyvalence --- that are first put forth by reform proponents.
䤬̣줿Τϡ2Ⱦ˸ڤܺ˴ؤ뤯Ǥ롥ꥫֻǰ줿ܤϥꥹǤʤϷ빽ʤȤǤ롥ꥫǰȤĤȤˤʤꡤꥹܤ͢ɬפʤʤ뤫ֻפкŪѥȤͽƤȤСWebsterޤ˶٤Ǥ롥
Coulmas, Florian. "Sociolinguistics and the English Writing System." The Routledge Handbook of the English Writing System. Ed. Vivian Cook and Des Ryan. London: Routledge, 2016. 261--74.
Webster, Noah. Dissertation on the English language. Boston, MA: Isaiah Thomas and Co., 1789. Available online at https://archive.org/stream/dissertationsone00webs#page/20/mode/2up.
Mencken, H. L. The American Language: An Inquiry into the Development of English in the United States. 4th ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1945 [1919].
ȤȤǡäȤݤƱѸȤƥХȤȤΤϡϡ̤ϥե졤ϥڥƤޤ?
Х (Basque) ϡ²°Ƥʤ衼åѤθΩ1ĤǤ롥ե¦ˤȥڥ¦ˤιնΰѤ100ͤüԤˤäƤüԤ¿Ϥ褽ХǤꡤڥ¦ΥХ˵サƤ롥ϤǤϥڥեȤäŪ줬Ƥ뤿ᡤХŪʰ̣Ǿ̱²äȤߤʤƤ롥

ǤϡʤΤ褦ʥХ줬ƱѸȰäΤơʥꥫ罰ȥʥˤǼȤäƤϡ줿ѸǤ롥üԿǤϥХȤ٤褦ʤƱѸϡο̱ˤ˾Ȥ餹ȡʥΥ٥åɽե¦ˤȡᥭϤȤƤΥڥ¦ˤ˶ޤƤ롥ߤǤ⡤θŪĶƱѸ˾ʤ̥ѥȤͿ³ƤꡤʥѸϥե줫顤ꥫѸϥڥ줫龯ʤ̸ŪƶäƤcf. #4529. Ѹȥᥭ ([2021-09-20-1])ˡ
¾ʤԥ졼ϡHall-Lew (373) ɤǤƽвä1ʸҥȤΤǤ롥
Today, Spanish influence, versus French influence, is one major historical difference between Englishes in the Unite States and in Canada.
嵭ζСơ˱ѸȥХδطϤषۤȤɤʤȤäƤ褤
Hall-Lew, Lauren. "English in North America." Chapter 18 of The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes. Ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. New York: OUP, 2017. 371--88.
̡Ѹˤˤƥᥭܤ뤳ȤϤʤᥭƻˤˤƽפ̤Ƥ뤳ȤʬäƤƤ⡤ڥ礿Ȥᥭʥꥫ˱ѸФƸäʬǤ٤αƶͿƤ뤳ȤϤˤ衤ʾˤɤͿƤΤϼǤϤʤѸءѸˤʸ̮ǤΡơפȤϡꥫ罰ȥʥΤȤǤꡤᥭϻ¾ޤޤʤȤΤ¾
Ū˾嵭˴ŤƤϤΤѸʸ̮ǥᥭ˺ƤäƤϺ롤Ȥͤ˽вäΤǾҲ𤷤ƤHall-Lew (377--78) Ѥ롥
English use in Mexico is important to a discussion of English in North America not only for descriptive comprehensiveness but also because of its influence on U.S. Englishes. English is the primary language of at least one community in Mexico, the Mormon colonies in Casas Grandes Valley, Chihuahua . . . . English is also widely spoken in the communities on the U.S. border and in towns frequented by U.S.-based tourists. English is the most widely taught non-Spanish language in Mexico, having "an important role to play in formal education, equipping persons to participate in various occupational and professional activities such as tourism, industry, government, media, science, and technology, among others" . . . . Given that much of the U.S. was previously property of Mexico, the features of Mexican English are both historically relevant and increasingly representative of growing communities of Mexican Americans across the United States.
嵭̤ꡤᥭˤ¤ϱѸ쥳ߥ˥ƥ롥ϾɤǸȶ餹Ѹ쥳ߥ˥ƥǤ롥ޤαѸפȶѤƤ륳ߥ˥ƥȤ϶ä⤷ʤᥭʳˤ⥫ϰˤϤΤ褦ʼҲ礳礳¸ߤΤǤ롥ˤĤƤϡ#1731. English as a Basal Language ([2014-01-22-1]) ȡ
Ѹ (world_englishes) δ顤ᥭư֤ŤƤߤΤ褤ʰʲ (C)ROOTS/Heibonsha.C.P.C ˤᥭϿޡˡ

Hall-Lew, Lauren. "English in North America." Chapter 18 of The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes. Ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. New York: OUP, 2017. 371--88.
African American Vernacular English (= AAVE)ͱѸˤĤ aave γƵǼ夲ƤAAVE εȯãäƤϷ㤷褬깭Ƥߤ³Ƥ롥ĤޤŪʲͿƤʤȤäƤ褤
褯ΤƤΤϡ쥪쵯 (creolist hypothesis) ꥹѼﵯ (Anglicist hypothesis) ΩǤ롥ˤĤƤϡ#1885. AAVE ʸˡŪħȵ ([2014-06-25-1])#2739. AAVE Creolist Hypothesis Anglicist Hypothesis ˬ ([2016-10-26-1]) ʤɤǾҲ𤷤
AAVE ػˤϡ2Ĥȶδ֤ˤȤñˤ뤳ȤϤǤʤۤˤ⤤ĤΩ줬ΤLanehart (1826--27) ϥɥ֥åˤ6ĤΩüŪ˲⤷ƤƤ롥վǰѤ褦ʤʤLanehart African American Language (= AAL) ȤƾΤѤƤˡ
(1) Anglicist (aka Dialectologist), which purports that Africans in American (sic) learned regional varieties of British English dialects from British overseers with little to no influence from their own native African languages and cultures;
(2) Creolist, which purports that AAL developed from a prior US creole developed by slaves that was widespread across the colonies and slave-holding areas (though Neo-Creolists acknowledge there likely was not a widespread creole but one that emerged in conditions favorable to creole development);
(3) Substratist, which purports that distinctive patterns of AAL are those that occur in Niger-Congo languages such as Kikongo, Mande, and Kwa;
(4) Ecological and Restructuralist, which is a perspective within the Anglicist position that acknowledges the difficulty of knowing the origins of AAL but proposes that we can say something useful about Earlier AAL (not nascent AAL) given settlement and migration patterns as well as socio-ecological issues;
(5) Divergence/Convergence, which purports that AAL diverges and converges to white varieties over the course of its history with respect to changes in and degrees of racism, segregation, inequalities, and inequities that fluctuate across time and differs (sic) regionally; and
(6) Deficit, which purports that AAL is based on the assumption that Africans in America and their culture are inferior to whites and their language learning as a result was imperfect and bastardized.
ơβˤϡ˸ŪθȿǤƤʬ⤢СԤٻԤΥǥǧŪΩ줬ǻȿǤƤʬ⤢롥Ԥफ餳䤳ʤ롤ȤΤ뿼ǺߤǤ롥
Lanehart, Sonja L. "Varieties of English: Re-viewing the Origins and History of African American Language." Chapter 117 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1826--39.
ɸϡ䤦ޤǤʤȻפ褦ʵ䤫⤷ޤλ¤طʤõ뤳Ȥ˰̣롤ȤϾʤޤߤǤϡѸȤбѹƹΤȤפ⤫٤ͤ¿ȻפޤŪˤƹϸȯαѸǤ17Ƭ˥ꥹο̱ϤȤƥȤѸѤϰȤƤˤǤ
ƹ̱ιǤ뤳ȤϤ褯ΤƤޤɤޤ।ꥹ礫ΰ̱ˤȤɤޤ餺17ȾϥɥĤʤɥ衼åѽΰ̱¿äƤޤ19Ⱦϥ䥢եꥫ20ˤ椫͡ޤΰۤʤä͡ꥫɥƹܻؤΤǤ
ȤȡѸɮƬȤĤĤʣΰۤʤ줬¤Ω̾¤Ȥ¿ȤȤʤǽ⤢äϤǤ¡ƹǤ¿ѤǧƤޤԤʤƤ⤤ޤŪˤСѸ줬ŪͭϤͣθǤȤǤ礦ϤʤʤΤǤ礦Ū˹ͤƤߤޤ礦
͡ʸüԤƹ˰̱ȤƤäƤȤϳΤǤǽ˰̱ʸβߤäΤϡȤäƤ⥤ɡåȥɡɤʤɥꥹпȤο͡ĤޤѸüԤǤǽߤ줿Ѹ쥤ե餬塹ޤDZƶڤܤȤȤǤޤˡλ¤Ƥޤ
⤦1ġɽѥ˥դ줿̱ΰưư (mobility) ƤޤҲΤʤǹư͡ȤΤϡޤʸʿಽ͡Ǥ⤢ޤΤ褦ʼҲǤϡơϤ˸ͭθȯãˤषΤȤʿIJƤޤȤ¿ΥäƤѸϤΤ褦ʿIJΥޥͥåȤȤƵǽФ¾νϳȻ뵡ʤäΤǤ
ˤС¾ν¸ߴĤıѸݤμҲؼ̤ƤˤơѸʿIJƤޤ (dialect_levelling) ꥹѸ٤ƥꥫѸϰˤʤΤ⡤̱ҲȤ𤬴ͿƤޤ
դϡ˼ҲŪˤؤ⤷Ǥؿäϡ##2784,158,591εå
quite ȤϡˡʸǤ롥ŪˤϷƻɽ魯٤ĴȤȤ館Ƥ褤͡ʰ̣αƤޤ롥ΤʤǤⲿȤե졼ɸ quite a few Ǥ롥quite ٤ζĴȤȤǤС֤ȤƤ⾯ʤפΰդȤʤꤽºݤˤϸˤơ֤ʤΡΡפͽ۳ΰդȤʤ롥quite a lot (of) ͽ̤֤ȤƤ¿ʤΡˡפ̣뤳Ȥͤȡɤˤ˺롥
OED Ƥߤ褦quite a few ϡfew, adj., pron., and n. θФΤȤ Phrases 1ĤȤΩƤƤ롥
d. Originally U.S. quite a few.
(a) Used adjectivally: a considerable number of.
1833 Nolan County (Sweetwater, Texas) News 26 Jan. Quite a few White Flat people attended the singing at Trent.
1939 L. Hughes Let. 9 Dec. in Remember me to Harlem (2001) 159 That phase of Harlem's rise to culture and neo-culture seems to be of historical importance and interest to quite a few people.
2014 Providence (Rhode Island) Jrnl. (Nexis) 22 July (News section) 1 I went fishing yesterday afternoon and caught quite a few spotted trout.
(Hide quotations)
(b) Used as noun: a considerable number; also with of-phrase as complement.
1844 Christian Advocate Apr. 139/5 We were glad to find 'honorable brethren', quite a few 'tis true, prepared to go with us.
1883 P. Robinson in Harper's Mag. Oct. 706/1 There's quite a few about among the rocks.
1933 L. Bloomfield Language xi. 172 Quite a few of the present-day Indo-European languages agree with English in using an actor-action form as a favorite sentence-type.
2006 S. M. Stirling Sky People ix. 204 Cries of welcome greeted them; quite a few had observed the shot from a distance, and fresh meat was always welcome.
ˤȡ19Ⱦ˥ꥫѸޤ줿ŪɽǤ뤳Ȥʬ롥ʤͽ۳ΰ̣ˤĤƤϡä˲Ϥʤ
ͤΤϡquite θŪˡȤд¤ͳ褹ǽǤ롥ܸΡ֤äȡʤˡפˤȤʸ̤ˤϡ־̡פ̣뤬֤äȥޥˤʤäƤʤפȤ֤ϤäͤĥޤפȤˤϡ־̡פǤϺѤޤʤʴޤߤ롥¼Ūˡ¿̡פ̣Τˡɽ̾ϡ־̡פɽѤ
quite a bit, quite a little ʤɤɽ⡤ȿžơ¿פɽ魯Ȥǡquite a few Ʊ롼פquite a little ˤĤƤϡOED Ǥ little, adj., pron., and n., and adv. ΤȤ "10. Used as an (ironic) intensifier in various constructions, as quite a little ---, quite the little ---, a nice little ---, etc." ȸڤꡤФ1763ǯȤʤäƤ롥ȤɽǤ롥
ǯ٤θ⥪饤Ȥ³Ƥ뤬Υ߹ɤǹԤʤä¨Ѹ˥ƥĺΥ٥ȡcf. #4162. taboo --- ʿȯ˾ǶΥѥɡ ([2020-09-18-1])ˤ줷ڤäΤǡȰˤ⤦٤äƤߤξDZñ1ĥ˳Ƥ졤ˤĤ OED Ѥ90ʬ֤ǡֲפȤԡϡɸ̤Τñ졤ִ֤ˤΤ뤤90ʬä̤˷Ǻܡ
źϰν̱˷ΡʤȤ˰ˤ˥å͡դȤȤϡԤʤƤȤ櫓դ礤¿٤μԤ㲽̾դ륱¿ȤŪʥ˥奢ȼ͡ߥäȤƤ⡤줿¦ȿȴƤȥ桼⥢Ǥ졤¾ȤѤƾΤȤ夹뤳Ȥ⾯ʤʤ
Ǥͭ̾ʤΤϥꥫͤؤ Yankee 츻Ͻ⤢뤬John 륪˻ؾդ Janke ǤϤǤϤʤȤƤ롥˥塼衼ʤĤƥ̱Ϥǡ֥˥塼ॹƥפȾΤ줿ˤΥ̱ͥåȤΥꥹ̱֥˷פȸƤޤäȤˤʤȤ
Yankee ۤͭ̾ǤʤͳϤäꤷʤ1ĤȤơƹǥʽν̱ˤĤ줿˥å͡ब롥ɸ Hoosier OED ˤȡHoosier, n. /huːʒiə/ ȸФΩƤƤꡤͽ̤ۤ˥ꥫѸǻѤ̾Ǥ롥2ĤߤĤ롥ĤʸȤȤ˼
1. A nickname for: a native or inhabitant of the state of Indiana.
1826 in Chicago Tribune (1949) 2 June 20/3 The Indiana hoosiers that came out last fall is settled from 2 to 4 milds of us.
1834 Knickerbocker 3 441 They smiled at my inquiry, and said it was among the 'hoosiers' of Indiana.
. . . .
2. An inexperienced, awkward, or unsophisticated person.
1846 J. Gregg Diary 22 Aug. (1941) I. 212 Old King is one of the most perfect samples of a Hoosier Texan I have met with. Fat, chubby, ignorant, and loquacious as Sancho Panza..we could believe nothing he said.
1857 E. L. Godkin in R. Ogden Life & Lett. E. L. Godkin (1907) I. 157 The mere 'cracker' or 'hoosier', as the poor [southern] whites are termed.
. . . .
1ϡ֥ǥʽν̱ס2ϡΤ餺ιȴʤļ˼ԡפۤɤǤ롥Ҥ̤ꡤΤο̤Τäϼˤ褦ʸƾΤǤ뤳ȤФ19ȾȤߤ롥
츻˴ؤƤ OED "Origin unknown" ʸ츻ԾܡˤȤꡤǰʸ¤ʤΤ櫓ˤϤʤƹΤȤǤСOED ̤˭٤ʤϤΡɴʼŵŪÿ The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language Ф褤®äƤߤȡᤷᡤ1Ĥ⤬Ҳ𤵤Ƥγפ⤷褦
츻ϰǤޤƤ뤬ɤΥС19ˡ֤ȤƤĤʤ礭Ρפ̣ hoozer Ȥ¸줬ʸڤ롥줬ѷƹ˻ޤ줿Τ Hoosier ǤϤʤȤԤνǯǤ1826ǯΤȤǤϤ뤬Dictionary of Americanisms ˤ "a big, burly, uncouth specimen or individual; a frontiersman, countryman, rustic"פˡļ˼ԤˡפθǸƤ뤳Ȥǧ졤OED 2ˤԤä̤롥
ºݡ19Ⱦ Hoosier ޤƹƽν̱˼Ūʥ˥å͡बĤ줿Ǥ롥ǥʽˤĤƤ⡤餯ٽν̱ʤɤ̾դδۤäƤΤܤ롼Ȥʬʤ Hoosier ļ˼Ԥˡˤä褦ƥ̱ Beetheads ʥӡƬˡХ̱ Lizards ʥȥˡ֥ͥ饹̱ Bugeaters Ϻˡƥߥ꽣̱ Pukes ʤؤɡˤʤɤ̾¡˰ޤ줿٤ Hoosier ϤҤɤǤϤʤ
PC (= political correctness) λǤ롥ιǤϰǤ졤ν̱Ūʥ˥奢ӤӤ̾ǸƤִϡФˤʤĤĤ롥ϰΥݡĥΥ˥å͡ȤơΡ饤ʽ Tarheels ʥˤˤ䥪ϥ Buckeyes ʥȥΥˤʤɤ˻ĤʳˤѤʤʤäƤƤ롥
Corpus of Historical American English ˤ "[Hoosier]" ȤƸƤߤȡ1870ǯ夫1920ǯˤ⤭ߤϤĤĤŪ¿ѤƤ褦20ȾˤƤĴǤ롥

̱ϰ轻̱ؤŪʤ̾褦ˤʤäƤƤȤϤָˤϡפȤĤǤ롥ºݤˤϡγѤǡΤ٤Τʤǡ餫θդϻȤ³ΤǤ롥ޤûҤˤϤФ褦ˡޤ¤ϥ饦ɤˤϤФäƤΤǤ롥
The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. 4th ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2006.
Corpus of Historical American English. Available online at https://www.english-corpora.org/coha/. Accessed 20 October 2020.
The Oxford English Dictionary Online. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. Available online at http://www.oed.com/. Accessed 20 October 2020.
ε#4151. ɸಽȵϲδط ([2020-09-07-1]) ǰѤʸϤΤʤˡAnson ΰѤޤƤAnson ʸϡꥫѸˤ color, humor, valor, honor ʤɤ -or ֻȯŸˤ¾ŪĴǤ롥1740--1840ǯ˥ꥫȯԤ줿ʹΥॵץѤĴη̤ä˿ͤ롥ꥹѸֻ -our Ф륢ꥫѸֻ -or ϡ̤ Noah Webster (1758--1843) θӤȤ뤳Ȥ¿ϤۤɴñǤϤʤʲAnson (47) ˤĴΤޤȤʬǤ롥
Most obvious is the appearance of both -or and -our through the century, but gradual change can be detected from the -our extreme in 1740 to the -or extreme in 1840. Only small and sporadic change occurred around the time of Webster's strongest influence, which suggests that if he did contribute to the dropping of -u, his contribution was slow to take effect.
A key year appears to be 1830 --- after the appearance of Worcester's dictionary and the public attention, during the previous decade, to Webster's and Worcester's battle of dictionaries and spellers. . . .
On the whole, then, the American usage chart shows a slow but steady movement toward the -or spelling. No doubt the movement spilled at least into the first quarter of the twentieth century, when sporadic cases of -our were still to be seen. Aided by later dictionaries, which have looked to usage or other American authorities, the shift to -or is now virtually complete.
ĴɤȡWebster ʤȼԻä Worcesterˤֻؤαƶ1830ǯʹߤ˾Ϥ뤬ŪʱƶȤۤɤǤϤʤäȤ -our -or ؤΥեȤδϡ줫ͥ˿ǯԤʤФʤʤäΤǤ롥Webster ϡեȤοޤȤƤˤȤɤޤäƤȤ
λ㸦椫顤Anson (48) ϸѲɸಽȵϲδط˴ؤ뼡ΰƳФȤƤ롥
. . . usage and authority work mutually and each tends to influence the other and be influenced by it. A highly respected dictionary may influence the way an educated public spells debated words; on the other hand, no authority --- even Webster --- can hope to change a firmly entrenched spelling habit among the general public. The chances are good that, had the public not been moving steadily toward -or forms, we might still be spelling in favor of -our, despite Webster. While Webster may have served as a catalyst for some spelling changes, he was not, for spelling reform, the cause celebre many have assumed. Most of his reforms never caught on. Curiously, spelling reform on a large scale, like Esperanto and other synthetic languages, has never appealed to the public as have changes introduced organically and from within. Proponents of spelling reform argue quite convincingly that their proposals meet a real public need for simplicity, precision, and uniformity; yet often the public allows linguistic changes that work in just the opposite direction. Usage, then, is a highly resistant strain when it comes to 'curing the ills' of the language, and it ultimately determines its own future.
εμݤ˾Ȥ餻СΰƬ "usage" ɸಽȡ"authority" ϲɤؤƤ褤
Anson, Chris M. "Errours and Endeavors: A Case Study in American Orthography." International Journal of Lexicography 3 (1990): 35--63.
ǯѸˤΥݡȤ´ƤޤѸαƺ˴ؤϾ˿͵ΤơޤǤѸˤμȤǤ⡤ƺȤʤȳȿ餫˰ۤʤޤ¿αѸؽԤˤȤäơѸαƺϤ줯餤ȶǶ̣ȥԥåʤΤȻפޤ
ܥ֥ǤѸαƺܤ¿εƤޤʲ˥֥ơޤȤ˵롼ײޤΤǡɤǤбѸαƺ͡ʻηŪ˳ؽ뤳ȤǤޤ顤ұѸαƺˤĤƤοĴƤäƤ館ФȻפޤʤɮ첡εϡѸϢܴΰĤȤƼɮ֥ꥹѸ autumn ȥꥫѸ fall --- ʣŪͤΤǤ
¾ꥫѸ䥤ꥹѸθ̤ˤĤơame bre ¿ε⤴Ȥ
ΤޤѸαƺӻ
#357. American English or British English?
#359. American English or British English? β
αѸαƺγ
#1343. ѸαƺʼȤȯȸáˡ
#3948. رѸ춵٤Ϣ12֤ʤꥫѸϥꥹѸȰۤʤäƤΤס
#3472. ֱͧ (1) --- ˾ȱѸס
ȯαƺ
#211. spelling pronunciation
#406. Labov New York City /r/
#419. A Mid-Atlantic variety of English
#945. either 2Ĥȯ
#964. z ʸȯ (1)
#965. z ʸȯ (2)
#3573. accomplish one ζ첻Ѱۡ
Υڥɽαƺ
#240. ֻαƺ礭
#244. ֻαƺΥꥹȡ
#305. -ise -ize
#1097. quotation marks
#2093. <gauge> vs <gage>
#2437. 3ʸ§˶ꥹѸ <axe>
#3182. ARCHER colour color ̻ŪƺĴ
#3247. ֺ¡֥ڥǤɤѸˡפ5color colour --- ꥫΥڥס
#3934. ꥹ er ȥꥫ uh
ʸˡαƺ
#312. ʸˡαƺ
#325. mandative subjunctive should
#3351. ꥫѸǤ "mandative subjunctive" λѤ "colonial lag" ǤϤʤפ
θáˡαƺ
#510. ꥫѸˤ whilst ξü
#880. ˤ⥤ꥹѸ졤ˤ⥢ꥫѸñ
#1754. queue
#2916. Ϣ4֥ꥹѸ autumn ȥꥫѸ fall --- ʣŪͤΤס
#2925. autumn vs fall, zed vs zee
#3448. autumn vs fall --- Johnson Pickering
#982. ꥫѸθѽФ flat adverb
#1346. ղõϤɤΤ餤褯Ȥ뤫
#4036. stay at home stay home --- ѥĴ
αѸαƺ
#627. 2Ѽ֤̻ӤˤäŪۤ
#628. 2Ѽ֤̻ӤˤäŪۤ (2)
#1331. äαƺ뤿νѸ
#2268. ֤ʤޤפΰۤʤ˴ؤ붦Ū
αѸαƺ˴ؤŪطʡ
#3087. Noah Webster
#468. ꥫȤ Webster
#3086. ꥫΩȥꥫѸؤλפ
#851. ꥹѸФ륢ꥫѸαƶ2狼
#1855. ꥫѸ˿ʤǤ3ñ -th -s
#2261. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (1)
#2262. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (2)
#2270. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (3)
#3089. ֥ꥫΩȱѸפΤޤȤ饤ɡ
#3953. ꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽε
αѸαƺҲؤȥǥ
#315. ꥹѸϥꥫѸ٤ݼŪ
#1266. ꥫѸ "colonial lag" Ϥ뤫 (1)
#1267. ꥫѸ "colonial lag" Ϥ뤫 (2)
#1268. ꥫѸ "colonial lag" Ϥ뤫 (3)
#1304. ꥫѸΡݼס
#1318. ˤݼŪȤϲ
#2926. ꥫȥꥫѸΡݼס
#3201. ꥫѸΡݼפˤĤ --- Algeo and Pyles θ
#2672. ꥹѸȯˡꥫѸʸˡ˼ҲŪʲ֤ͤ
#3280. ꥫˤ̱²ŪԴƤŪطʡ
#1010. ѸαƺˤĤ Martinet ΰ
αѸαƺĴ뤿Υġ䤽¾ξ
#428. The Brown family of corpora Ѿա
#607. Google Books Ngram Viewer
#1305. 쥿ΤĤ Google Books Ngram Corpus
#1730. AmE-BrE 2006 Frequency Comparer
#1739. AmE-BrE Diachronic Frequency Comparer
#2186. Webޥε֥ѥõѸαƺԡס
#2216. Webޥε֥ѥõѸαƺԡס
#1321. BNC Frequency Extractor
#1322. ANC Frequency Extractor
#773. PPCMBE COHA ӡ
αѸαƺĶѼ֤ӡ
#2388. μפʱѸѼβŪʬ
#2668. αѸѼ뤿αѸˤȱѸӼҲء
#1743. ICE Frequency Comparer
첻³ʤĶ r ϡŵŪ˥ꥫѸǤϴȯ (rhotic)ꥹѸǤȯʤ (non-rhotic) ϱѸαƺΤʤǤǤ褯ΤƤ㤤Ǥ롥ŪʱѸˤǤϡκۤε17ʹߤΥꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νпϤˤ롥Ǥ֤ʤϿޤȤȤˡ#2261. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (1) ([2015-07-06-1])ӡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) ȡ#453. ꥫѸνˤ r ([2010-07-24-1]) Ȥ줿ۤƱرѸˤDzۤѸθ --- ǼƱѸؤ֤ˡؽ2011ǯˤرѸΡ֤ʤפϤƤαѸˡʸҡ2016ǯˤǤ֤ⷫƤ
non-rhotic ȯ̱ȤȤ˥ꥫΰϰ˻ۤ줿Ȥ嵭Ūʲϡ¤Ϥʤñ㲽ΤǤꡤ¾ϤäʣǤ롥ºݡɥն non-rhotic ȯήԤäƤΤ18ȾФΤȤǤꡤꥫ̱17ˤϡޤ non-rhotic ϰŪǤϤʤääơ嵭ˤϥʥɺΤˤĤ Minkova (281) βʹ
The development of North American rhotic accents is to a considerable extent a function of settlement patterns in colonial times. Though the original settlers on the East coast were mostly from the south and east of England, which are now non-rhotic, they arrived in the colonies long before 'dropping the -r' had become fashionable and codified there. The problem is not explaining where American rhoticity came from, --- it came from Southern and East Midland England originally, and later waves of settlers from Scotland and Ireland vigorously reinforced it --- but rather why non-rhoticity shows up anywhere in America. Since it only shows up in centres of education along the East Coast, not including Philadelphia, which has always been, and continues to be, rhotic, it may be that in the major political and trading centres, namely Boston, New York, Norfolk, Savannah, Alexandria and Charleston, the newly fashionable British r-less accent took root and was reinforced by regular travel to Britain. The Civil War is a watershed in the perception of rhoticity as prestigious: prior to it r-lessness was associated with the Bostonian and Virginian elite, but after 1870 New York was increasingly rhotic, the British model was much less important and rhoticity grained prestige.
ꥫѸ rhotic ȯʬۤ뤳Ȥϡ¿פʤ̱λˤϡɤΤɤǤǤˤޤ rhotic ŪǤꡤ줬ꥫˤΤޤۤ줿ȹͤФ褤ष non-rhotic ȯˤƥꥫΰϰ˸ƤΤȤΤȤʤ롥̱ꡤnon-rhotic ȯ饢ꥫˤ⤿餵줿ȤΤϡˤҤ٤褦˥ʥǤ롥षɥȷӤĤζ Boston, New York, Virginia ʤɤθɥȤǤܿ³䤬ƥɥ夷Ƥ non-rhotic ȯΤε¦Ǥ뤳ȤˤʤäȹͤۤʤΤ⤷ʤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
Ѹˤˤ /h/ ȤҲǤΰ֤ŤäȤˤĤơǶǤϡ#3936. h-dropping ȽȥꥷѸ ([2020-02-05-1])#3938. Ƭˤ첻 h Ф꤬뤵졤Ҳ h ˤ⤵ʤä ([2020-02-07-1])#3945. "<h> second" 2Żεȯã ([2020-02-14-1]) ǿƤˤʲεϤȤ h εˤƤ
#214. ʻҲ /h/ ([2009-11-27-1])
#459. ʻҲ /h/ (2) ([2010-07-30-1])
#1677. Ƭ <h> ˤˤĤƤν ([2013-11-29-1])
#1292. Ѹ줫ѸˤƤ h ΰ֤Ť ([2012-11-09-1])
#1675. Ѹ줫ѸˤƤ h ΰ֤Ť (2) ([2013-11-27-1])
#1899. Ѹ줫ѸˤƤ h ΰ֤Ť (3) ([2014-07-09-1])
ǤϡѸˤ /h/ ϤɤΤ餤ʤΤɸѸ줫Υ Cockney ޤ¿Ѽ /h/ ¸ߤȤ¤ΤСꤵΤ⺣⤵ۤѤäƤʤ뤬Ǥʤ餷Minkova (115) ϡष /h/ 벻ĶϳȤäƤȤ¤ȤŪˤ /h/ ϸ§ȤƶΤ촴Ƭˤʤä䤽ʳδĶǤ⸽褦ˤʤäƤȤ⡤ʬۤγ˹Ƥװ1Ĥʤ /h/ ⤿ʤϤΥڥȤΤäɤǼǤ롥
The overall picture is clear: in native words /h-/ remains stable only if it forms the single onset of a stressed syllable, which is tantamount to saying that in the native vocabulary this consonant is historically restricted to stem-initial position. The distribution of /h-/ is broadening, however. In the last century, Spanish-English bilingualism in the American Southwest has resulted in the formation of new varieties of Latino Englishes, which in their turn influence AmE. One such influence results in the acceptability of stem-internal /h-/, as in jojoba, mojo, fajita. Also ... /h-/ is retained in borrowings in the onset of unstressed syllables: rioha (1611), alóha (1825), mája (1832), fáham 'an orchid native to Mauritius' (1850), an it is formed natively as in Soho (1818), colloquial AmE doohickey [ˈduːhɪkɪ], yeehaw [ˈjiːhɑ], most recently the blend WeHo [ˈwiːhoʊ] 'West Hollywood' (2006).
Ѹ줬ڥ <j> /x/ ȤˡѸβǤȤ¸ߤʤ /x/ ˡİаݤζᤤ /h/ Ǽཬ뤫顤ȤΤѸ /h/ Ǥ⤿ʤʤֻȤƤ <h> ġ˥ƥޥ줫¿ʱƶʤ顤ֻȯ (spelling_pronunciation) 쥹ڥ /x/ ѤȤĤġճ /h/ ϰ̤䶯ƤΤ⤷ʤ
ˤ Latino English ˤĤƤϡ#2610. ƥꥫϱѸѼ ([2016-06-19-1]) ȡ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
ꥫѸ̱²Ѽ1ĤȤ "Lumbee English" ȸƤФѼ郎뤳Ȥ Smith and Kim (296--97) ˤäΤä
ߥå¦ˤΥꥫ轻̱Ȥӡ² (Lumbee) 濴Ϥϡ줿̱ϤȤͭ̾ Roanoke 餵ۤɱʤNorth Carolina Robeson Ǥ롥äϡ轻̱²ͭθǤϤʤޤǥꥫѸǤ롥Ʊ̱²ȷӤĤƤäʥꥫѸǤꡤLumbee English ȾΤΤǤ롥Robeson οʣŪǤꡤ40%ϥꥫ轻̱35%ϥ衼åѷϥꥫ͡25%ϥեꥫϥꥫͤȤ롥3Ԥ3ͤΥꥫѸѼäƤꡤ1Ĥ Lumbee English Ȥ櫓
Ʊ¾ѼȽŤʤħ⾯ʤʤLumbee English ˤɸѸȤϰۤʤ뼡Τ褦ʹܤѻ롥
be ư was/is ε§were/are Ѥʤ: they was dancin' all night.
ʬƬ a- դˡ my head was just a'boilin.
were ε§ she weren't here.
λ be I'm been there.
á ellick ʥꥳҡ
㤤üԤˤ Lumbee English ϡƱäƤ륢եꥫϥꥫͤαѸѼȽŤʤʬ¿褦Ǥ⽽ʬΩݤäƤ뤿ˡȼѼȤߤʤƤ롥ʣ̱²θʣŪʸܿޤ줿äΥꥫѸѼȤƶ̣
Smith, K. Aaron and Susan M. Kim. This Language, A River: A History of English. Peterborough: Broadview P, 2018.
#3576. ͱѸ (= AAVE) θŪħ --- ȯ ([2019-02-10-1])#3577. ͱѸ (= AAVE) θŪħ --- ʸˡ ([2019-02-11-1]) ³McArthur AAVE θŪħҲ𤹤롥ϸáˡ¾ˤĤơ
(1) goober (peanut), yam (sweet potato), tote (to carry), buckra (white man) ʤɤեꥫθä̤롥
(2) ⽸Ĥ homeboy / homegirl ʼʬζпȤμ͡ˡhomies (homegirls) ʤɤѤ롥
(3) 뽸ĤΤƸƤ̾ΤȤ honkie / whitey (͡ˡredneck / peckerwood ļˤϤΡ͡ˤʤɤѤ롥
(4) ¯Ȥ bad / cool / hot (ɤ)crib ʲȡˡshort / ride ʼ֡ˤʤɤѤ롥
(5) ŪʸˡȤơstepped-to ʡʷޤǡͭʡˡupside the head ƬΤȤǡʲˡˡashy ʡ椬æơˤʤɤѤ롥
(6) ¿ AAVE ɽꥫѸθˤȤäƤ롥hip / hep ʥݥԥ顼㡼̤Ƥ͡ˡdude ˡ
(7) եꥫθƬͳ褹͡ɽϤꥢꥫѸθ˳ȤäƤ롥the dozens ƤФȯˡrapping ͺۤǹߤʸոˡshucking / jiving ͤչߤˤ餫äꡤޤꤹ뤳ȡˡsounding ʸդˤзˤʤɡ
Ȥ櫓äɽΰǸʤΤϡˤҤ٤褦ˡ̤ΥꥫѸθ졦¯ˤ¿Ǥ뤳ȤꥫѸǡʤȤȤϡ٤ɸѸǤˡAAVE ̵Ǥʤ餤¸ߴäƤΤǤ롥Ȥ櫓 AAVE Υݥåץ㡼θؤαƶϤ礭
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
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