Ѹ礿ȤƤıξǤϡˤɸ (standard) Τªۤʤ롥ꥹǤɸŪȯǤ RP ¸ߤ뤬ꥫǤ RP ҿäͣȯ¸ߤʤޤɸɸ̤뼴ϡꥹǤϳ (class) Ȥ뤬ꥫǤ̱² (ethnic group) ˤȤ٤ΰ㤤ξˤȼҲȿǤƤ롥ʲ18ʹߤΥꥫξ Milroy and Milroy (157--58) ˽äάҤ褦
ꥫ̱²Ȥ顤㤨 AAVE Τ褦ʱѸѼФ봲Ƥ礤ƤΤˤŪطʤ롥18ޤǤϡꥫˤŪƤ¸ߤȤȤƤüԸĿͤȤƤ¿Ѥλ¤äΤޤ1ˡ18Υꥫˤϡ̱ϻۤͭŪʸȤơѸΤۤ˥ڥե¸ߤƤեǤϡषѸ⥹ڥѤΤۤĹäեѤϰ⤢ä2ˡο̱Ԥϥꥫ轻̱ν˿Ƥаޤꡤۤ˥ɥĿͿ̱ԤΥߥ˥ƥʤɤ⤢äꥫˤŪʱѸͥϵʤäȤƤ⡤¿ѤϼҲŪ˴оݤʤɤǤϤʤä
Ȥ19ʤˤĤ¿ѤФ봲Ƥ졤ѸнŻۤɽФƤˤϡȾФΥɡå夬1ĤηȤʤäƤ롥Ͱ̱̤äȤˤꡤӳۤޤ줿1848ǯΥꥫˤᥭΤʻ⡤ڥüԤФѸüԤͥۤ浯̱²ŪԴƤĹΤ˰äơ1878ǯˤϥե˥ΡֱѸ쥪פνȤʤäΤ褦ԴƤʼҲĬΤʤǡ轻̱νڻ뤵褦ˤʤäǸˡǰפˤ⡤ʤ餳̱²ŪԴƤνפطʤʤƤ롥θ塤Ĭϡ2021ˤѤƤ롥
Milroy and Milroy (160) ΤޤȤ˼褦
In the US, bitter divisions created by slavery and the Civil War shaped a language ideology focused on racial discrimination rather than on the class distinctions characteristic of an older monarchical society like Britain which continue to shape language attitudes. Also salient in the US was perceived pressure from large numbers of non-English speakers, from both long-established communities (such as Spanish speakers in the South-West) and successive waves of immigrants. This gave rise in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to policies and attitudes which promoted Anglo-conformity. To this day these are embodied in a version of the standard language ideology which has the effect of discriminating against speakers of languages other than English --- again an ideology quite different from that characteristic of Britain.
Milroy, Lesley and James Milroy. Authority in Language: Investigating Language Prescription and Standardisation. 4th ed. London and New York: Routledge, 2012.
ī㡼ɶιֺ֥ڥǤɤѸˡ5ˤ5317ڡˤ˳ޤǽȤʤ뺣ϡcolor colour --- ꥫΥڥפꤷơڥαƺ濴ޤֺ¤Ѥ饤ɻɤ
ϰʲ3ĤǤ
ڥαƺ¿ȤϤޥʡ
Υ֥Υڥפ¿ʬ˰椨
ڥΡפϸŪȤˡҲŪʸϤΤǤϤʤ
ʲ饤ɤΥڡȤ˥ĥäƤޤƥ饤ɤϡ֥ؤΥȤƤȤޤ
1. ֺ¡إڥǤɤѸˡ5color colour --- ꥫΥڥ
2.
3. (1) ڥαƺ
4. ꥫΥڥħ
5. -<ize> -<ise>
6. ¾
7. (2) Υ֥Υڥ
8. Υ֥
9. ֥Ͽ
10. colour ο color γβ
11. ʤ֥ΥڥפΤ
12. (3) ڥΡפȤϡ
13. ޤȤ
14. ֺܹ¤֤ä
15. ʸ
ޤǹֺ½λʤΤǡ5Υ饤ɤؤΥʲˤޤȤĥäƤޤ
1ѸΥڥԵ§
2ѸΥե٥åɽ --- űѸΥڥ
3515̤ through--- ѸΥڥ
4doubt <b>--- ѸΥڥ
5color colour --- ꥫΥڥ
ɸˤĤơ#1304. ꥫѸΡݼס ([2012-11-21-1])#2926. ꥫȥꥫѸΡݼס ([2017-05-01-1]) Ϥᡤcolonial_lag ame_bre γƵ͡Ƥ伫ȤνޤȤޤäҤȤƤϡܥ֥ʳˡ#2916. Ϣ4֥ꥹѸ autumn ȥꥫѸ fall --- ʣŪͤΤס ([2017-04-21-1]) ǤƱˤĤƤ롥
ѸαƺˤĤƤϡѸ˸Ԥˤ͡ʥȤ뤬Ѹˤγθŵ Algeo and Pyles (205) ν긫Ҳ𤷤ƺɾȤơ¤¨ƤꡤŪΤʸȻפ
On the whole . . . American English is essentially a conservative development of the seventeenth-century English that is also the ancestor of present-day British. Except in vocabulary, there are probably few significant characteristics of New World English that are not traceable to the British Isles. There are also some American English characteristics that were doubtless derived from British regional dialects in the seventeenth century, for there were certainly speakers of such dialects among the earliest settlers, though they would seem to have had little influence.
The majority of those English men and women to settle permanently in the New World were not illiterate bumpkins but ambitious and industrious members of the upper-lower and lower-middle classes, with a sprinkling of the well-educated---clergymen and lawyers---and even a few younger sons of the aristocracy. It is likely that there was a cultured nucleus in all of the early American communities. Such facts as these explain why American English resembles present standard British English more closely than it resembles any other British type of speech. The differences between the two national varieties are many but not of great importance.
ΰʸǤϡꥹɸ˱ѸȥꥫѸΤ˸Ū˼ҲŪϢ³뤳ȤƤ˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥ꥫѸˤĤơꥹɸ˱Ѹ줫Ϣ³Ĵ뤳Ȥϡݼĥ뤳ȤˤϤʤΥΤθ쥤ǥ (linguistic_ideology) ǤǽǧĤġ⤳Ωꤿ
Algeo, John, and Thomas Pyles. The Origins and Development of the English Language. 5th ed. Thomson Wadsworth, 2005.
ʥꥫ˱Ѹˤˤ륢ꥫΩΰյˤĤơޤȤ饤 (HTML) äΤǸ롥ɤ
1. ꥫΩȱѸ
2.
3. ꥫѸθŪħ
4. ꥫѸμҲŪħ
5. ꥫˡʱëܼ
6. ֥ꥫ̿ (American Revolution)
7. ꥫѸλʬ (#158)
8. ΩȥꥫѸ
9. Υ֥ʾ; #3087
10. ֥Ͽ
11. ֻ֥
12. ޤȤ
13. ʸ
¾Ρ֤ޤȤ饤ɡפȤơ#3058. ֱѸˤˤ¤ΰյפΤޤȤ饤ɡ ([2017-09-10-1])#3068. ֽפȱѸˡפΤޤȤ饤ɡ ([2017-09-20-1]) ⤴
#591. ꥫѸ줬ͤǤͳ ([2010-12-09-1])#2784. ʤꥫǤϱѸ줬ͣμ礿ȤʤäΤ ([2016-12-10-1]) ǥꥫѸΰˤĤΥꥫѸħˤĤƤϡ18Ⱦ鵤ŤƤꡤ19ˤϲ٤ڤƤ롥Baugh and Cable (347) ˡθڤѤƤΤǡǾҲ𤷤褦
ޤ1781ǯ˥åȥɽпȤǥץȥؤγĹ John Witherspoon ϡꥹͤӤƤΥꥫͤ mobility ˸ڤӡΤ褦˽Ҥ٤ƤWitherspoon ˤĤƤϡ#2802. John Witherspoon --- Americanism ߤοơ ([2016-12-28-1]) ⻲ȡˡ
[B]eing much more unsettled, and moving frequently from place to place, they are not so liable to local peculiarities either in accent or phraseology.
ˡ1822--23ǯ˥ꥫιԤɿ Isaac Candler ϡΤ褦˽ꥫǤϡɸŪʡױѸ줬äƤȤ괶Ǥ롥
The United States having been peopled from different parts of England and Ireland, the peculiarities of the various districts have in a great measure ceased. As far as pronunciation is concerned, the mass of people speak better English, than the mass of people in England. This I know will startle some, but its correctness will become manifest when I state, that in no part, except in those occupied by the descendants of the Dutch and German settlers, is any unintelligible jargon in vogue. We hear nothing so bad in America as the Suffolk whine, the Yorkshire clipping, or the Newcastle guttural. We never hear the letter H aspirated improperly, nor omitted to be aspirated where propriety requires it. The common pronunciation approximates to that of the well educated class of London and its vicinity.
1828ǯˤϡꥫ James Fenimore Cooper ƱݤΤȤҤ٤Ƥ롥
If the people of this country were like the people of any other country on earth, we should be speaking at this moment a great variety of nearly unintelligible patois; but, in point of fact, the people of the United States, with the exception of a few of German and French descent, speak, as a body, an incomparably better English than the people of the mother country. There is not, probably, a man (of English descent) born in this country, who would not be perfectly intelligible to all whom he should meet in the streets of London, though a vast number of those he met in the streets of London would be nearly unintelligible to him. In fine, we speak our language, as a nation, better than any other people speak their language. When one reflects on the immense surface of country that we occupy, the general accuracy, in pronunciation and in the use of words, is quite astonishing. This resemblance in speech can only be ascribed to the great diffusion of intelligence, and to the inexhaustible activity of the population, which, in a manner, destroys space.
ѤκǸ Cooper ϡꥫѸΰθȤΤŤȿ͡ΰưϤƤ롥Cooper ΥȤˤϰŪʶⴶ뤬ˤ襢ꥫѸΰ19ޤǤ˹ǧ褦ˤʤäƤȤϳΤʤ褦
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
ħŪʰ̣ǥꥫѸä Noah Webster (1758--1843) ˤĤơȤơرѸؿ̾ŵ (376--77) ˵ꡤŪ˾Ҳ𤹤롥 *
Noah Webster ϡ1758ǯConnecticut West Hartford ޤ줿ع˳ضȤƬѤɽ路1778ǯYale ؤؿʳؤ롥߳Ω褬ȯȤؤΰ
´ȸ塤۸ΤȤʤäȤ̳ƤȤˡ Dilworth ˤѸֻܤʪʤ鶵ܤɮ˻äA Grammatical Institute of the English Language ꤵ줿ܤϡ1ֻ2ʸˡ3ܤʤΤǡμζȤƤϹ罰ΤΤäΤȤưŪƤȤʤäƤꡤΤۤܤ٤ƤγعǺѤ줿1ֻܤϡ The American Spelling Book ȤΩ100ǯ֤8000줿Ȥ٥ȥ顼Ǥ롥ɽ椬ĤäΤ "Blue-Backed Speller" ¯Τ줿ܤμǡWebster ϰפ٤줿Ȥ
Webster ϡ̤ˤͿ1793ǯNew York ʹ American Minerva ʸ Commercial AdvertiserˤȾ Herald ʸ New York SpectatorˤȯWashington Τ٤ȾϡConnecticut New Haven Massachusetts Amherst Dzᤴ
̤Ǥϡ1806ǯ A Compendious Dictionary of the English Language 路1807ǯ A Philosophical and Practical Grammar of the English Language 路Compendious Dictionary ǤϡǤֻδʰײƤꡤfavor, honor, savior; logic, music, physic; cat-cal, etiquet, farewel, foretel; ax, disciplin, examin, libertin; benum, crum, thum (v.) / ake, checker, kalender, skreen; croop, soop, troop; fether, lether, wether; cloke, mold, wo; spunge, tun, tung ʤɤФȤΩƤƤ롥
1807ǯ缭ŵԻꤷ桤ȤΤϤɤʤϤäΤΡ1828ǯˤĤ7ܤʤ2Τ缭ŵ An American Dictionary of the English Language Ǥ줿ϡJohnson μ1818ǯβǤ12ܤ¿ΤäCompendious Dictionary ˺ѤƤʰײֻ¿ϡԺѤȤʤäĤϻĤäƤꡤϸˤޤ³ꥫֻȤʤä츻Ҥ˴ؤƤϡWebster 衼åѤֶƤӸؤ˥ԥ졼¿ñȼθ츻ͿºݤˤӸؤ褯Ƥ餺Ʊŵ̵ͤʵҤȤˤʤä
ʤȤƤ½ʰ̤ꡤ͡ʪǤϤʤä褦ꥫ罰Ω٤٤֥ꥫפΩ˰Ǥä
ʲWebster μפʱѸطƤ
A Grammatical Institute of the English Language: Part I (1783) [and its later editions: The American Spelling Book (1788) aka "Blue-Backed Speller"; The Elementary Spelling Book (1843)]: ֻ
A Grammatical Institute of the English Language: Part II (1784): ʸˡ
A Grammatical Institute of the English Language: Part III (1785):
Dissertations on the English Language, with Notes Historical and Critical (1789): ֻפμ¹Բǽɬ⤯
A Collection of Essays and Fugitive Writings (1790): ȼοֻˡǽ줿
A Compendious Dictionary of the English Language (1806): ȼοֻˡǽ줿
A Philosophical and Practical Grammar of the English Language (1807)
An American Dictionary of the English Language, 2 vols. (1828)
An Improved Grammar of the English Language (1831)
Mistakes and Corrections (1837)
¾Webster ˤĤƤ webster γƵȤ櫓#468. ꥫȤ Webster ([2010-08-08-1]) ȡ#3086. ꥫΩȥꥫѸؤλפ ([2017-10-08-1]) Ȥ줿
ãڸ ԡرѸؿ̾ŵ١ҡ1995ǯ
Kendall, Joshua. The Forgotten Founding Father. New York: Berkeley, 2012.
ꥫΩ夫顤ꥫͤˤ֥ꥫפιռƤʬαѸϥꥹαѸȤϰۤʤΤǤꡤȼɸĤ٤ͳ롤Ȥ¿ʬ˰ŪʰոǤ롥εǤѤ John Witherspoon ϡꥫΩ˼Τ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
Being entirely separated from Britain, we shall find some centre or standard of our own, and not be subject to the inhabitants of that island, either in receiving new ways of speaking or rejecting the old. (qtd. in Baugh and Cable 354)
Ȥơ1774ǯ1 Royal American Magazine ˷Ǻܤ줿ƿ̾Ρ֥ꥫ͡פˤ륢ꥫѸ쥢ǥߡΩƤ褦
I beg leave to propose a plan for perfecting the English language in America, thro' every future period of its existence; viz. That a society, for this purpose should be formed, consisting of members in each university and seminary, who shall be stiled, Fellows of the American Society of Language: That the society, when established, from time to time elect new members, & thereby be made perpetual. And that the society annually publish some observations upon the language and from year to year, correct, enrich and refine it, until perfection stops their progress and ends their labour.
I conceive that such a society might easily be established, and that great advantages would thereby accrue to science, and consequently America would make swifter advances to the summit of learning. It is perhaps impossible for us to form an idea of the perfection, the beauty, the grandeur, & sublimity, to which our language may arrive in the progress of time, passing through the improving tongues of our rising posterity; whose aspiring minds, fired by our example, and ardour for glory, may far surpass all the sons of science who have shone in past ages, & may light up the world with new ideas bright as the sun. (qtd. in Baugh and Cable 354)
#2791. John Adams ΥꥫѸˤ¡ʤ̴ԡ ([2016-12-17-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡΥꥫ2 John Adams 1780ǯ˥ǥߡΩƤƤ뤳Ȥ顤ʸϤ Adams ΤΤǤϤʤȵ롥
ơռȤ Noah Webster ʤ櫓ˤϤʤ#468. ꥫȤ Webster ([2010-08-08-1]) ͭ̾1̤βսĤѤ褦
The author wishes to promote the honour and prosperity of the confederated republics of America; and cheerfully throws his mite into the common treasure of patriotic exertions. This country must in some future time, be as distinguished by the superiority of her literary improvements, as she is already by the liberality of her civil and ecclesiastical constitutions. Europe is grown old in folly, corruption and tyranny....For America in her infancy to adopt the present maxims of the old world, would be to stamp the wrinkles of decrepid age upon the bloom of youth and to plant the seeds of decay in a vigorous constitution. (Webster, Preface to A Grammatical Institute of the English Language: Part I (1783) as qtd. in Baugh and Cable 357)
As an independent nation, our honor requires us to have a system of our own, in language as well as government. Great Britain, whose children we are, should no longer be our standard; for the taste of her writers is already corrupted, and her language on the decline. But if it were not so, she is at too great a distance to be our model, and to instruct us in the principles of our own tongue. (Webster, Dissertations on the English Language, with Notes Historical and Critical (1789) as qtd. in Baugh and Cable 357)
It is not only important, but, in a degree necessary, that the people of this country, should have an American Dictionary of the English Language; for, although the body of the language is the same as in England, and it is desirable to perpetuate that sameness, yet some difference must exist. Language is the expression of ideas; and if the people of our country cannot preserve an identity of ideas, they cannot retain an identity of language. Now an identity of ideas depends materially upon a sameness of things or objects with which the people of the two countries are conversant. But in no two portions of the earth, remote from each other, can such identity be found. Even physical objects must be different. But the principal differences between the people of this country and of all others, arise from different forms of government, different laws, institutions and customs...the institutions in this country which are new and peculiar, give rise to new terms, unknown to the people of England...No person in this country will be satisfied with the English definitions of the words congress, senate and assembly, court, &c. for although these are words used in England, yet they are applied in this country to express ideas which they do not express in that country. (Webster, Preface to An American Dictionary of the English Language (1828) as qtd. in Baugh and Cable 358)
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
Simon Horobin Does Spelling Matter? ĤˤˮإڥαѸˡ⻲ȡˤǡʷǼ夲Ƥ뤬ꥫǤŪ˥ڥ "spelling bee" ͵Ǥ롥
ڥεϥꥶ٥īΥɤˤ뤬ܤԻؤȯŸΤϡΩΥꥫˤƤǤäWebster Υڥ "Blue-Backed Speller" ΥҥåȤ˻٤졤ꥫι̱Ū٥ȤؤĹWebster Kendall (106--07) ڥˤˤĤƼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
Webster's speller also gave rise to America's first national pastime, the spelling bee. Before there was baseball or college football or even horse racing, there was the spectator sport that Webster put on the map. Though "the spelling match" first became a popular community event shortly after Webster's textbook became a runaway best seller, its origins date back to the classroom in Elizabethan England. In his speller, The English Schoole-Maister, published in 1596, the British pedagogue Edmund Coote described a method of "how the teacher shall direct his schollers to oppose one another" in spelling competitions. A century and a half later, in his essay, "Idea of the English School," Benjamin Franklin wrote of putting "two of those [scholars] nearest equal in their spelling" and "let[ting] these strive for victory each propounding ten words every day to the other to be spelt." Webster's speller transformed these "wars of words" from classroom skirmishes into community events. By 1800, evening "spelldowns" in New England were common. As one early twentieth-century historian has observed:
The spelling-bee was not a mere drill to impress certain facts upon the plastic memory of youth. It was also one of the recreations of adult life, if recreation be the right word for what was taken so seriously by every one. [We had t]he spectacle of a school trustee standing with a blue-backed Webster open in his hand while gray-haired men and women, one row being captained by the schoolmaster and the other team by the minister, spelled each other down.
ֻȯЪΥߤñΥڥǾĤˤϡ³줿ŵϤȸ츻Ūμ롥̣ǡѸ餷٥ȤȤ
Kendall, Joshua. The Forgotten Founding Father. New York: Berkeley, 2012.
Horobin, Simon. Does Spelling Matter? Oxford: OUP, 2013.
ۥӥˡ δˡإڥαѸˡ١˼2017ǯ
#2954. 㥬θƤ̾ ([2017-05-29-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡ㥬16˿ΦΦػޤ졤衼åѤǤ17--18δ֤˾←ʪȤ夷Ƥä17ˤϡ衼åѤ褬ʤäΤ4ǯȤۤɤǤꡤʤĵδ䲽ˤ⸫줿äᡤϤιѤʤߡȯڤ˴ƤʤäΥ衼åѿͤϡǽϥ㥬ⵤ̣äƼդʤäΤΤ˻ʤȡˤοʪƤƤä
衼åѽǺǤ㥬줿ΤϡɤäɿͤͦäȤϡƱϤǤϤäȤȤΰʥιϤϡ17ȾФΥ०ˤå衤ꥹͤäƤꡤɿͤ϶ǴΤĤĤɤƤ㥬ϤΤ褦ϤǤĹʪȤơʤǸߤιˤȤơ졤줿ΤǤ롥
ɤˤ른㥬Ƴθ̤Ͽä1780ǯ400ͤäϡ1841ǯˤƤľ1845--48ǯ˥㥬¤衼å˹ޤꡤɤϺǷ㥬ñʥΥ㡼ˤؤȤʤäΤǤ롥Υ㥬 (The Great Famine; An Gorta Mór) ϡɤ100ͤȤ⤤ԤФȤȤˡ¿οꥫذ̱Ȥʤä
ɤΥ㥬ϡ¤ȤŷҤȥΥ㡼װȤ뤬ƣ (64) ϡּҲ¤פǤֱѹˤäƤĤ줿פǤȤ֥ɤΥ㥬ñʥΥ㡼ˤΤ椨˵äΤȤ롥ѹˤϤȺʪθåΤȡĤ줿Фȴפ餱ζϤǥɹ̱Ĥˤϡ㥬ñȤʤäΤס
ǤϡʪƳ鵲˻ϢΥɡ㥬ˤϡѸˤȤɤΤ褦ʴطˤӤɿͤϡθ塤Ωƻ߽ФŪˤϥɱѸ (irish_english) ȤäʱѸѼΩƤäޤ˲Ф褦˥ꥫذܽӤɿͤϡ̱²ĤȤƥꥫҲ˺ĥꡤŪˤϥꥫѸηˤ⤪餯ιʤꥹͤˤ륢ɻۤϡˤ⡤ꥹѼ¤ŪΤ2ĤѸѼȯãŪ˿ʤȤˤʤ롥
ɡʱѸˤˤˤĤƤϡʲε⻲Ȥ줿
#328. ݤ⤿餷ʤ⤷ʤ will / shall θ ([2010-03-21-1])
#327. Irish English American English Ϳƶ ([2010-03-20-1])
#762. ꥶ٥Ūʥˬ ([2011-05-29-1])
#2361. ǯɽ ([2015-10-14-1])
ƣ ϼإ㥬ˡ١ҡӡ2008ǯ
ε#2904. Ѹˤˤ Benjamin Franklin ([2017-04-09-1]) ˰³Benjamin Franklin ꡥFranklin ֻױư˴Ϣ Noah Webster ˱ƶڤܤݤˤҤ٤ˤĤƤ Baugh and Cable (359--60) εҤͥƤ롥
Spelling reform was one of the innumerable things that Franklin took an interest in. In 1768, he devised A Scheme for a New Alphabet and a Reformed Mode of Spelling and went so far as to have a special font of type cut for the purpose of putting it into effect. Years later, he tried to interest Webster in his plan but without success. According to the latter, "Dr. Franklin never pretended to be a man of erudition---he was self-educated; and he wished to reform the orthography of our language, by introducing new characters. He invited me to Philadelphia to aid in the work; but I differed from him in opinion. I think the introduction of new characters neither practicable, necessary nor expedient." Indeed, Webster was not in the beginning sympathetic to spelling reform. . . . But, by 1789, Franklin's influence had begun to have its effect. In the Dissertations on the English Language, published in that year, Webster admitted: "I once believed that a reformation of our orthography would be unnecessary and impracticable. This opinion was hasty; being the result of a slight examination of the subject. I now believe with Dr. Franklin that such a reformation is practicable and highly necessary."
̤ȤƤߤСWebster οѤϡѸ˾˵ֻפ⤿餷ȤϤäƤ⡤ֻηϤ礭Ѳ櫓ǤϤʤޥʡȸƤ֤٤Τä櫓οǤβפǤ顤ޤǤϤۤȤã줿ȤʤäΤǤ롥ơWebster ϡʱѸ춵˾Τߤʤ餺˱Ѹ˾ˤ̾ĤȤˤʤäFranklin ΡֿξפΤ褦˸夫ƤȤаޤˡμ㤭ꥫȤ Webster Υͥ륮ʤ
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
ε#2903. Benjamin Franklin 13ˤ drink not to elevation β ([2017-04-08-1]) Ǽ夲ĤǤˡBenjamin Franklin (1706--90) αѸ˾ιˤĤƾҲ𤹤롥Franklin ϥꥫηػ۲ȤȤƿΰζȤ뤲ƤʪѸˤˤƤפ̤Ƥ롥2ŦƤ
1ĤֻԤȤƤδǤ롥Franklin ϼ㤤ƤꡤѸֻȯˤ¡ʤ̴ؿƤֻפ֤1768ǯˤ A Scheme for a New Alphabet and a Reformed Mode of Spelling ϿʸƳޤɽθ§äװƤäꥹˤ16 William Bullokar 17 Charles Butler λߤ18˥ꥫϤǷ֤줿Τ褦ʪǤꡤˤʤäƼԤ뱿̿äʡ#1939. 16ˡᤰ ([2014-08-18-1]) ȡˡ (271) ϡּˤȤ Franklin ԤǤ뤬ѸֻμˤϹ䤹벿ΤǤפɾƤ롥Franklin Webster ͶäֻפؤλٱΤȤ Webster Ͽ˼ʤäȤˤƤ褦ˡ Webster ֻפ¿ʴؿ䤫ʤֻװƤΤĤιܤ¸뤳ȤΤ褦ˡFranklin ϥꥫѸֻηˡŪʤפ̤ΤǤ롥
⤦1ĤϡFranklin ꥫˤʸˡλ¾ϻϼԤȤʤäȤǤ롥Franklin 1750ǯ Pennsylvania English Academy ʸ University of PennsylvaniaˤΩǸŵʸˡƱ˱ʸˡζ뤳ȤĥǤλߤɬ̤ʤä춵λƳǰ¾¾ˤȤäƤ䤬ƥꥫ夹褦ˤʤ롥1756ǯ Lindley Murray 뤬1795ǯ English Grammar ꥫΤߤʤ餺ѸŪʸˡˤʤäƤ椯Ȥˤⶽ̣ʡ#2592. Lindley Murray, English Grammar ([2016-06-01-1])ˡˤ Franklin ή褬äΤpp. 491--92ˡ
ʤߤˡ㤤 Franklin ʸˡءؤȽΤ James Greenwood An Essay Towards a Practical English Grammar, Describing the Genius and Nature of the English Tongue. Giving Rational and Plain Account of GRAMMAR in General, with a familiar Explanation of its Terms (1711) ѤƤȤ˽ƤƱʸˡ1753ǯǤˡΤۤFranklin ϡ嵭Ʊǯ˽ǤƤ John Brightland A Grammar of the English Tongue, with Notes, Giving the Grounds and Reason of Grammar in General. To which is added, A New Prosodia; Or, The Art of English Numbers. All adapted to the Use of Gentlemen and Ladies, as well as of the Schools of Great Britain ʸˡοȤƵƤ롥
Τ褦ˡFranklin ϷŪʶȤȤƱѸʳء˻ˤ̾ĤƤΤǤ롥
졡رѸػˡ١Ѹ13罤۽Ź1975ǯ
֥ꥫˡפɽ魯 Americanism ȤѤΤϡΥץȥؤγĹ John Witherspoon (1723--94) Ǥ롥Witherspoon ϥåȥɽпȤǡꥫˤԡԤȤƳǤʤΩν̾Ԥ1ͤǤ⤢롥
θ줬¤줿аޤˤĤ Baugh and Cable (380--81) ˾ܤWitherspoon 1781ǯ Pennsylvania Journal 9 May 1/2 ˤ Americanism ȤѤȤबɽͿ "an use of phrases or terms, or a construction of sentences, even among persons of rank and education, different from the use of the same terms or phrases, or the construction of similar sentences in Great-Britain." Ǥ롥³ơWitherspoon ϡ"The word Americanism, which I have coined for the purpose, is exactly similar in its formation and signification to the word Scotticism." ȽҤ٤Ƥ롥ºݡScotticism ȤϡOED ˤȻŪˤ1Ⱦ̤ä1648ǯ Mercurius Censorius No. 1. 4 ˡ"It seemes you are resolved to..entertain those things which..ye have all this while fought against, the Scotticismes, of the Presbyteriall government and the Covenant." ȤƽФƤ롥
Witherspoon Americanism ȤǽѤȤ˷ӤĤ줬ʡܤꥫˡפȤްդƤϤʤä۩"It does not follow, from a man's using these, that he is ignorant, or his discourse upon the whole inelegant; nay, it does not follow in every case, that the terms or phrases used are worse in themselves, but merely that they are of American and not of English growth." ˤϡꥹʱѸˤФƷ褷ܲʤΩν̾Ԥ餷Ωɤ뤳ȤǤ롥
ȥ Americanism θ줳ޤޤƤʤäǽΥꥫˡ蘆줿Τϡ¤줫35ǯ1816ǯΤȤǤ롥John Pickering ˤ A Vocabulary, or Collection of Words and Phrases which have been supposed to be Peculiar to the United States of America Ǥ롥μϤषꥹʱѸ˴ΩäƤꡤꥫˡʥꥹѸ줫æƤ뤳ȤѰդ줿ȤפΤǤ롥ƱꥫͤǤϤ뤬Ԥä Noah Webster Pickering ٤˶ȤѤ䤷ȤϤޤǤʤ Pickering Webster Ωΰ㤤ϡ³ Americanism ΩͽΤäȤ롥
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
ܤαѸ춵ǤϡꥫѸ줬ήȤʤäƤ롥20ȾϥꥫιϤطʤˡŪˤ⥢ꥫѸαƶϤꥫѸ첽 (americanisation) ʹԤƤȤϵʤʡ#851. ꥹѸФ륢ꥫѸαƶ2狼 ([2011-08-26-1]) ȡˡŪݤƤˤ륤ꥹѸ⺬#376. ˤѸιϿޤǤߤ ([2010-05-08-1]) ϿޤǤߤ褦ˡθ̤ϤޤϤˤƸߤǤ롥
Τ褦ˡƱ2ѼϤФΩƼ뤬ȯŸƤꤵѸɸࡤ "World Standard (Spoken) English" (wsse) Ʊ2ѼΤ줫˰פȤȤϤʤΤ륢ꥫѸ줬濴ȤʤäƤȤͽۤ뤬ޤǤδפȤʤȤȤǤꡤξ͡ΩѼ濫뤤ϺѼǤä졤ΤȤƺ¤ѼؤȯŸƤͽۤʴϢơ#426. ѸѼΥԥߥåɥǥ ([2010-06-27-1])#1010. ѸαƺˤĤ Martinet ΰ ([2012-02-01-1]) ʤɤεȡˡ
Τ褦ʾͤȡǤ⥢ꥫѸޥȤ뤤ϥꥹѸˤȤѸؽˤϤɬפϤʤʤäƤƤȸİɤȤưŪʱѸǽϤδ餤СͭϤѼͭɽʤɤˤĤơ褯ؽƤ˱ۤȤϤʤäȤǽưŪǽϤ˴ؤƤϡۤɡ֡ѸǤθפˤɬפϤʤʤȤ⤽ɬƤƤΤǤϤʤ
ƤȽǤΤˡˤѸѤŸ˾ Baugh and Cable (394) ʸϤͤˤʤ롥
The global context of English . . . makes the traditional categories [= American English and British English] more problematic and the choices more complex than they were previously perceived to be. American English may be the most prominent source of emerging global English, and yet it will be American English derancinated and adapted in a utilitarian way to the needs of speakers whose geography and culture are quite different. To the extent that Americans think about the global use of English at all, it is often as a possession that is lent on sufferance to foreigners, who often fail to get it right. Such a parochial attitude will change as more Americans become involved in the global economy and as they become more familiar with the high quality of literature being produced in post colonial settings. Many earlier attacks on American English were prompted by the slang, colloquialisms, and linguistic novelties of popular fiction and journalism, just as recent criticism has been directed at jargon in the speech and writings of American government officials, journalists, and social scientists. Along with the good use of English there is always much that is indifferent or frankly bad, but the language of a whole country should not be judged by its least graceful examples. Generalizations about the use of English throughout a region or a culture are more likely to mislead than to inform, and questions that lead to such generalizations are among the least helpful to ask. In the United States, as in Britain, India, Ghana, and the Philippines, in Australia and Jamaica, one can find plentiful samples of English that deserve a low estimate, but one will find a language that has adapted to the local conditions, usually without looking over its shoulder to the standards of a far-away country, and in so adapting has become the rich medium for writers and speakers of great talent and some of genius.
ƽѼΤݤؤ֤ȤȤΤ̯ʤΤʤΤǡˤ䤫˳ؽΥåȤȤʤѼƤǡ¾Ѽ狼κ⼫ͳ˼Ȥ٤ɤʤΤ⤷ʤơΤ褦ʱѸؽη̤ȤơŪdzĴ⤤ѸѼλȤˤʤ뤳Ȥ˾ޤȹͤ롥
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
Noah Webster (1758--1843) ꥹֻȤϰۤʤΤȤơĤñǥꥫֻƤȤϤ褯ΤƤ롥ֻܤνǤ̤ơŪ˥ꥫѸȯˤƶͿǽȤȤϡޤܤʤBaugh and Cable (361) ϡ"Webster's Influence on American Pronunciation" ȤߤơˤĤƵƤ롥
Though the influence is more difficult to prove, there can be no doubt that to Webster are to be attributed some of the characteristics of American pronunciation, especially its uniformity and the disposition to give fuller value to the unaccented syllables of words. Certainly he was interested in the improvement of American pronunciation and intended that his books should serve that purpose. In the first part of his Grammatical Institute, which became the American Spelling Book, he says that the system "is designed to introduce uniformity and accuracy of pronunciation into common schools."
Webster ȯؤαƶȤϡŪˤϡΰʸˤ褦ˡ¿ˤ붯Τʤ첻ʲƤȯȤꥫȯη˴ؤΤǤ롥㤨 necessary, secretary ϥꥹѸǤŵŪ necess'ry, secret'ry Τ褦ȯƲ̤ޤ뤬ꥫѸǤ첻ʲͤƤȯ롥ϢơꥫѸ centénary, labóratory, advértisement ˤߤ붯֤ħŪǤ롥
Τ褦ʷϡñơβΤȯ٤Ǥ롤ȤꥫŪʶŪƳη̤ȹͤ졤ζθ礭Τ Webster The American Spelling Book (1783) äȤ櫓ʲϡ18ȤꥫγعǤߤ줿ϤμʤεҤǤ롥Baugh and Cable (362) Letter to Henry Barnard, December 10, 1860 ƤʸϤǤ롥
It was the custom for all such pupils [those who were sufficiently advanced to pronounce distinctly words of more than one syllable] to stand together as one class, and with one voice to read a column or two of the tables for spelling. The master gave the signal to begin, and all united to read, letter by letter, pronouncing each syllable by itself, and adding to it the preceding one till the word was complete. Thus a-d ad, m-i mi, admi, r-a ra, admira, t-i-o-n shun, admiration. This mode of reading was exceedingly exciting, and, in my humble judgment, exceedingly useful; as it required and taught deliberate and distinct articulation. . . . When the lesson had been thus read, the books were closed, and the words given out for spelling. If one was misspelt, it passed on to the next, and the next pupil in order, and so on till it was spelt correctly. Then the pupil who had spelt correctly went up in the class above the one who had misspelt. . . . Another of our customs was to choose sides to spell once or twice a week. . . . [The losing side] had to sweep the room and build the fires the next morning. These customs, prevalent sixty and seventy years ago, excited emulation, and emulation produced improvement.
ζʤˤĤƤϡ#907. 첻 the εŪȯ ([2011-10-21-1]) ǤϢ˿ƤΤǡͤޤǤˡ
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
Noah Webster ꥫѸϰ̤˿ʤôäȤϱѸ˾褯ΤƤ뤬ظDZƤäΤΡ1ͤζ̣оʪȤ˺ƤϤʤʤꥫ2 John Adams (1735--1826) Ǥ롥Adams ϡѸ٤ǥߡΩ뤳Ȥ˰ߤƤäȤ Jonathan Swift ΥꥫǤȤäȤο˽ä1780ǯ95˥ॹƥफIJĹ˰ƤơꥫˤѸȤνפ⤯Ƥ롥Baugh and Cable (355) ˰ѤƤʸϤƸ褦
The honor of forming the first public institution for refining, correcting, improving, and ascertaining the English language, I hope is reserved for congress; they have every motive that can possibly influence a public assembly to undertake it. It will have a happy effect upon the union of the States to have a public standard for all persons in every part of the continent to appeal to, both for the signification and pronunciation of the language. The constitutions of all the States in the Union are so democratical that eloquence will become the instrument for recommending men to their fellow-citizens, and the principal means of advancement through the various ranks and offices of society. . . .
. . . English is destined to be in the next and succeeding centuries more generally the language of the world than Latin was in the last or French is in the present age. The reason of this is obvious, because the increasing population in America, and their universal connection and correspondence with all nations will, aided by the influence of England in the world, whether great or small, force their language into general use, in spite of all the obstacles that may be thrown in their way, if any such there should be.
It is not necessary to enlarge further, to show the motives which the people of America have to turn their thoughts early to this subject; they will naturally occur to congress in a much greater detail than I have time to hint at. I would therefore submit to the consideration of congress the expediency and policy of erecting by their authority a society under the name of "the American Academy for refining, improving, and ascertaining the English language. . . ."
Ǹ "refining, improving, and ascertaining" ɽƤ뤬Ͽǯ˥ɤμͤͤƤ#2741. ascertaining, refining, fixing ([2016-10-28-1]) ۵뤷äȤ Swift "Correcting, Improving and Ascertaining" ΤʤǤ롥ΰ̣ǤϡAdams μĥϤޤäΤǤϤʤषȤ⤤롥ޤΤ褦Ƥˤ⤫餺ɤϥꥫˤƤ⥢ǥߡΩʤäȤ⡤Adams μĥϤʤ
Adams ꥹˤƥꥹѸ˴ؤĥƤΤǤϤʤꥫˤƥꥫѸ˴ؤĥƤȤפǤ롥Adams ϡꥹǤΥǥߡΩεñʤ֤ȤǤϤʤꥫȤŷϤǤδ˾ߤȤơμĥƤꥫѸؤλΤȤäƤ褤Ʊͤ Webster ưǼꥫѸؤοAdams ʤˡǼȤȲǤ
ʤΰѤ2ˤ롤ѸϼʹߡθȤʤȤ Adams ͽϸäबƤסɤαƶϡꥫιݴط̤ͥʤɤͽκ⡤ŬڤȤۤʤФ˾ȼƤȤפȡǤϤ뤬Adams ηŴ㡤٤餺Ǥ롥
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
ꥫϰ̱ιǤꡤä¿ιǤ롥ǯ hispanification ˤꥹڥüԤäƤꡤ¾ν⥷ƤƤȤȤϤŪˤХꥫǤϱѸ줬ֻ¾ͣμ礿פȤưŪʱƶϤäƷפƤ뤳Ȥϵ褦ʤ
λ¤ϰ츫ȼΤ褦ˤפ뤬ʤʤΤΩߤޤäƹͤƤߤɬפ롥̱ˤäΩäƤꥫˤ֤äƤߤȡۤʤä͡ʿ͡头ȤؤΩؤˤäƤΤ顤Τޤ줬¤ΩļҲȤʤäƤ⤪ʤäϤǤ롥ʤѸȤ1ĤθؤޤȤޤȤȤΤ
1ĤˤϡñüԤοαƶϤ롥18˽οפ줿Ȥˡ16ˤ200ͤĶɤ륺˥롼ĤäƤˡ¿Υåȥɷϥɿ (Scots-Irish) ο⤳˲ä٤Фơɥġե˥롼Ĥİ̱Ϥ20ͤۤɤä̱ˤν顤ꥫϰŪ˱ѸιäΤǤ롥
ˡ͡βư (mobility) Ȥװä롥ư̱ĤҲŪĤĤȤƤϤ꽻³ΤǤСΩ춦ƱΤʣǤ줬¤ΩĹˤʤäƤ⤷ʤºݤˤϰ̱ĤϽĤ˲ˤ褯ưΤǤꡤۤʤüԴ֤ lingua_franca ؤߵǡ餫ͥʱѸ줬 lingua franca ȤƺѤ뤳ȤˤʤäǤϡ mobility ΤΤϤɤ褿Τϡܻؤѥ˥Ǥꡤ"American Dream" Ȥ˾äGooden (134) ϼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
More important than mobility, perhaps, was the aspirational nature of the new society, later to be formalized and glamourized in phrases like the 'American Dream'. As Leslie Savan suggests in her book on contemporary US language, Slam Dunks and No-Brainers (2005), the pressure was always on the outsider to make adjustments: 'The sweep of American history tilted towards the establishment of a single national popular language, in part to protect its mobile and often foreign-born speakers from the suspicion of being different.' Putting it more positively, one could say that success was achievable not so much as a prize for conformity but for adaptation to challenging new conditions, among which would be acquiring enough of the dominant language to get by --- before getting ahead.
褦ʡꥫˤ绨Ĥʰ̣ǤΡָŪ층פȤ٤ϡ¤ϥꥫѸˤʤŪ층פȤϢ褦˻פ롥ԤˤĤƤϡ#591. ꥫѸ줬ͤǤͳ ([2010-12-09-1]) ȡ
Gooden, Philip. The Story of English: How the English Language Conquered the World. London: Quercus, 2009.
AAVE εˤĤơCreolist Hypothesis Anglicist Hypothesis ԤΩƤаޤ˴ؤơ#1885. AAVE ʸˡŪħȵ ([2014-06-25-1]) ǾҲ𤷡ǴϢʲεƤ
#1886. AAVE ʬ ([2014-06-26-1])
#1850. AAVE ˤư츽߷ -s ([2014-05-21-1])
#1841. AAVE ε founder principle ([2014-05-12-1])
Tagliamonte (9) ꡤξˤĤΤ褯ޤȤƤս꤬äΤǡѤȤ
Among the varieties of English that arose from the colonial southern United States is that spoken by the contemporary descendants of the African populations --- often referred to as African American Vernacular English or by its abbreviation AAVE. This variety is quite distinct from Standard North American English. One of the most vexed questions of modern North American sociolinguistics is why this is the case. Early African American slaves would have acquired their variety of English either en route to the United States or more likely on the plantations and homesteads of the American South. But it is necessary to determine the nature of the varieties to which they were exposed. The fact that AAVE is so different has often been traced to the dialects from Northern Ireland, Scotland and England. However, they have as often been traced to African and Caribbean creoles. There is a long history of overly simplistic dichotomies on this issue which can be summarized as follows: (1) a 'creole origins hypothesis', based on linguistic parallels between AAVE and Caribbean creoles; (2) an 'English dialect hypothesis', based on linguistic parallels with the Irish and British dialects spoken by early plantation staff. In reality, the answer probably lies somewhere in between. Many arguments prevail based on one line of evidence or another. Perhaps the most damning is the lack of evidence of which populations were where and under what circumstances. / The debate over the origins of AAVE still rages on with no consensus in sight . . . .
ƿ̱νʣʸܿȤθŪ;ȤäƤϡ줳100ǯ³Ƥꡤޤ˲ܽ褬ΩäƤʤܿ˴Ϳο͡˴ؤ롤̩˼Ҳؤθ椬ɬפȤƤ롥
Tagliamonte, Sali A. Roots of English: Exploring the History of Dialects. Cambridge: CUP, 2013.
ѸˤƻƱ flat_adverb ñˤλѤˤĤơ#982. ꥫѸθѽФ flat adverb ([2012-01-04-1])#983. flat adverb μ ([2012-01-05-1])#993. flat adverb ˤĤƤ줳 ([2012-01-15-1])#996. flat adverb ΤӤӤʡ ([2012-01-18-1])#997. real bad ȡ֤Фס ([2012-01-19-1]) ʤɤǿƤȤƥꥫѸθ졦¯϶ɽȤѤ뷹ȽҤ٤
ɸѸǤ flat adverb ϤۤΩʤȤ뤬ɸѸγܤСλѤ20ȾˤƤ𤵤Ƥ (Tagliamonte 73--74) ФСɸŪסָŪסֶܤΤʤס罰ŪפʤɤΥ졼٥뤬Ž뤬DZΧԹǡֻŪפˤѤ롥˥ԥ졤쥪졤ꥫѸä Appalachian and Ozark EnglishˤǤʹ뤷Tristan da Cunha Channel Islands αѸʤνѼdzǧƤ롥ꥹǤ⡤ʲ˸褦˽Ǥ̤˻ѤƤ뤷Estuary English ǤŵŪʹ롥Ĥޤꡤ¿αѸѼ flat adverb ѤƤΤΤ٤Ƥ1ĤṲ̄ȤϸڤʤŪ flat adverb η³Ȥ륱ϾʤʤȻפ롥
Tagliamonte ϡ"Roots Archive" ȸƤФ륤ꥹˤåѥˤꡤCumnock (south-west Scotland), Cullybackey (Northern Ireland), Maryport (Cumbria) 3Ǥ flat adverb λΨĴflat adverb ٤ȡб -ly ٤Ȥ碌100%761ˤȤȤԤΨϡCumnock 49%Cullybackey 47%Maryport 18%ä (Tagliamonte 77) ˤä flat adverb λΨ˥ХĥϤ뤷ޤ켫Τۤʤ褦ˤƤ褷٤㤯ʤȡޤ flat adverb ϶ŪŪʰ̣Ѥ뤳Ȥ¿ȤʬäȤʺǸˤĤƤϡ#1174. Ѹñ -ly Υڥ ([2012-07-14-1]) ȡˡΤ褦ɸѼܤСflat adverb ϸߤߤȤäƤ褵
flat adverb ˤˤĤƤϡ˥ĥäΤۤ#984. flat adverb ϥƥϤηƻ줬ƻ ([2012-01-06-1])#998. Ѹ flat adverb -ly adverb ([2012-01-20-1])#1172. ѸΥƥñ ([2012-07-12-1])#1190. Ѹˤȯã ([2012-07-30-1]) ʤɤ⻲ȡ
Tagliamonte, Sali A. Roots of English: Exploring the History of Dialects. Cambridge: CUP, 2013.
μפʱѸѼʬहߤϡȤƼҲŪʻ͡ˤʤƤܥ֥Ǥ⡤model_of_englishes εǼ夲Ƥ̤Ǥ롥ŪʴʬȤƤϡTrudgill and Hannah ˤ벻˴ŤΤΤƤ롥ŪˤС礭 'English' type 'American' type 2ʬˡǤꡤľŪǿͤˤ䤹ξQŪ˸ʬबȤƤϡŪʸϤٻȤȤǤ롥 'American' type 'English' type 2ʬˡϡѶŪŪʻС绨Ĥˤäƥ 'northern' type 'southern' type 2ʬˡ뤳Ȥդ
Trudgill and Hannah (10) ϡŪܤ٤Ȥưʲ10ơѸѼ
Key
1. /ɑː/ rather than /æ/ in path etc.
2. absence of non-prevocalic /r/
3. close vowels for /æ/ and /ɛ/, monophthongization of /ai/ and /ɑu/
4. front [aː] for /ɑː/ in part etc.
5. absence of contrast of /ɒ/ and /ɔː/ as in cot and caught
6. /æ/ rather than /ɑː/ in can't etc.
7. absence of contrast of /ɒ/ and /ɑː/ as in bother and father
8. consistent voicing of intervocalic /t/
9. unrounded [ɑ] in pot
10. syllabic /r/ in bird
11. absence of contrast of /ʊ/ and /uː/ as in pull and pool
10 9 8 7 6 5 6 7 8 9 11 10 11 5 1 2
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | Northern | | | | |
| | | | | | Canada | | | | | Ireland | Scotland | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | `----------+----------' | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | `--------+---+---+---+--------------+--------------' | |
| | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | `----------, | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | USA | | | ,----------+---+------------------' |
| | | | | | | | | Republic | | |
| | | | `------------' | | | of | | ,------------------'
| | | | | | | Ireland | | |
| | | `--------------------' | | | | | England ,--------------------------------- 3
| | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | Wales | ,----------------------- 4
| | | | | | | | | South | Australia New
| | `----------------------------' | | | | | Africa | Zealand
| | | | | | | `----------------------- 4
| | | | | | |
| `------------------------------------+----------' | | `--------------------------------- 3
| | | |
`----------------------------------------+--------------' `--------------------------------------------- 2
|
`---------------------------------------------------------------- 1
We have attempted to portray the relationships between the pronunciations of the major non-Caribbean varieties in [this] Figure 1.1. This diagram is somewhat arbitrary and slightly misleading (there are, for example, accents of USEng which are close to RP than to mid-western US English), but it does show the two main types of pronunciation: an 'English' type (EngEng, WEng, SAfEng, AusEng, NZEng) and an 'American' type (USEng, CanEng), with IrEng falling somewhere between the two and ScotEng being somewhat by itself.
Ǹ˿Ƥ褦ˡIrish English 2ʬˤޤ뤳ȡŤˤ Scots English ȼϩԤäƤ뤳Ȥ϶̣
Trudgill, Peter and Jean Hannah. International English: A Guide to the Varieties of Standard English. 5th ed. London: Hodder Education, 2008.
#2261. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (1) ([2015-07-06-1])#2262. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (2) ([2015-07-07-1]) ˰³Ƥꡥ[2015-07-07-1]ǤϡFisher Ȥ Gramley ˤŪʿ⼨ʤ顤̱οפñ˳ǧ Fisher Ȥ David Hackett Fischer ˤ Albion's Seed (1989ǯ) ˵äƤ褦ˡ D. H. Fischer ȤؼԤϡꥫѸ˸ԤãǤ Hans Kurath, George Philip Krapp, Allen Walker Read, Albert Marckwardt, Raven McDavid, Cleanth Brooks ˰͵ĤġŪʿפοʤ顤ꥹѸȥꥫѸϢ³ĥƤΤǤ롥
Fischer εҤꤷ Fisher ޤȤʢ֤꤬̾Ƥƺ𤹤Τա˽̱ˤˤĤơʲ˰Ѥ褦 (Fisher 60) ̱Ϥؤΰ̱95%ʾ夬ꥹǤꡤ4Ȥˤ狼ƹԤ줿Ȥ
1. 20,000 Puritans largely from East Anglia to to New England, 1629--41, to escape the tyranny of the crown and the established church that led to the Puritan revolution;
2. 40,000 Cavaliers and their servants largely from the southwestern counties of England to the Chesapeake Bay area and Virginia, 1642--75, to escape the Long Parliament and Puritan rule;
3. 23,000 Quakers from the North Midlands and many like-minded evangelicals from Wales, Germany, Holland, and France, to the Delaware Valley and Pennsylvania, 1675--1725, to escape the Act of Uniformity in England and the Thirty Years War in Europe;
4. 275,000 from the North Border regions of England, Scotland, and Ulster to the backcountry of New England, western Pennsylvania, and the Appalachians, 1717--75, to escape the endemic conflict and poverty of the Border regions, and especially the 1706--7 Act of Union between England and Scotland, which brought about the "pacification" of the border, transforming it from a combative society in need of many warriors to a commercial and industrial society in need of no warriors, with the consequent large-scale displacement of the rural population.
Fischer Ūʥꥫؤν̱ˤεҤפˤä䶯ȤȤϱѸѼϢ³ͤǤ˽פʾǤ롥
ꥹѼ狼饢ꥫѼؤϢ³ݤɬˤʤΤϡnon-prevocalic /r/ Ǥ롥ˤĤƤϡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) ȡ#453. ꥫѸνˤ r ([2010-07-24-1]) ǹ碌Ƴ#1267. ꥫѸ "colonial lag" Ϥ뤫 (2) ([2012-10-15-1]) ʣ˸ڤȤFisher (75--77) ⿵ŤΩ줫餳ФƤ롥Τˡ250ǯۤ non-prevocalic /r/ ξüɥդǻϤޤäȤȤȡꥫؤΰ̱17Ⱦ˻ϤޤäȤȤϡʥʴطǤϤΤǤ⡤˸ŪϢ³˴ؤڡʼĥϿ٤ǤΤΡDZѸ˸ˤϢ³βǽդʧäƤȤϾɬפȤⴶƤ롥
Gramley, Stephan. The History of English: An Introduction. Abingdon: Routledge, 2012.
Fisher, J. H. "British and American, Continuity and Divergence." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 6. English in North America. Ed. J. Algeo. Cambridge: CUP, 2001. 59--85.
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