ꥹΤΤʤ濴ŪʱѸȤС֥ƥΥɤΥɥ濴Ȥ륤ɸѸΤȤؤΤ̤Ǥ롥ʳΥɤ䡤륺åȥɡɡ¾ʤɤޤȤƼϰȸƤ֤ȤˤȡμϰαѸѼˤϤФиŤħ (relic features) ѻ롥ŪħȤơCorrigan (355) 3Ĥͭ̾ʻƤ
(1) "FOOT/STRUT split"
Ū /ʊ/ 濴ϰ /ʊ/ /ʌ/ ʬѲ17岽 (centralisation) ȸƤФǡˤ첻Ǥ1Ȥˤʤ롥ϰǤʬϵäƤʤ foot strut Ѥ餺 /ʊt/ ǵӱƧࡥ#1297. does, done 첻 ([2012-11-14-1]) Ͽޤ褦ˡʬ̵ͭʬۤΤǤ롥
(2) "non-prevocalic /r/"
ܥ֥Ǥ rhotic ¿εˤƤ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) ϿޤǺܤƤ뤬Ǥ첻֤ʤŪ r ¸³Ƥ뤬濴Ǥϼ¸ʤåȥɤ䥢ɤ rhotic Ǥʤ륺Ǥϰ non-rhotic Ǥˡ
(3) "h-dropping"
Cockney ȯȤƤ褯ΤƤ h æ븽ݡ¤ Cockney ˸¤餺Ѹʹߡ濴ϰǹԤʤƤh-dropping ϰѼȤƤħǤϤʤҲѼȤƤħȤߤ뤳Ȥ¿ϰѼǤϤޤ긫ʤȤ¤⤢ꡤȤñǤϤʤȷϤδؤıѸѼǤϰŪ˸Ƭ h ݻƤ롥
Τ褦˼ϰϸŤħݻƤ뤳Ȥ¿ŪʴʬۤǽʬʤΤϰϡŪʰ̣ǼդǤǤʤȷϸ졦ؤˤıѸѼ郎ԤʤƤϰȤ̱²Ūʰ̣ǤդǤ롥Corrigan Ͼ嵭ħȸزˤΤȶĥƤ櫓ǤϤʤǾҲ𤷤Ƥ롥
Corrigan, Karen P. "The Atlantic Archipelago of the British Isles." Chapter 17 of The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes. Ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. New York: OUP, 2017. 335--70.
#3507. NURSE Merger ([2018-12-03-1])#4068. Ѹ -ir, -er, -ur ͻβŪᥫ˥ ([2020-06-16-1]) εǡr ֤첻Ūͻ礷ƤܤѸβѲȤǤ Dobson (724) "No consonant exercises greater or more varied influence on the development of the words in ME and ModE than r." ȽҤ٤Ƥ̤ꡤѸ˾夭ƱƶϤ礭ʲѲǤ롥
βѲˤĤ Hickey ʸɤൡäޤȤƤͭפʤΤǡβսѤ褦 (99--100)
The BIRD-TERM-NURSE merger
For his discussion of short vowel centralisation before /r/ Dobson discusses /ɛ/, /ɪ/ and /ʌ/ separately and in that order. However, he sees the development of all three vowels as similar and as having taken place in the early seventeenth century, in "Standard English", though earlier "in the dialects" (Dobson 1968, 746). The centralisation took place "because of the influence of the following r to the central vowel [ə]". He continues to state that "[t]he reason for the retraction was to anticipate the pronunciation of the r, for [ə] is a vowel closely allied to the ModE [r]". Lass (2006, 91) sees the centralisation for all three ME vowels as having taken place somewhat later and mentions Nares (1794) as the first writer to say that "vergin, virgin and vurgin would be pronounced alike".
Dobson (1968, 746) states that the schwa vowel "must have been of approximately the same quality as PresE [ə] which later develops from it when the r is vocalized to [ə]". There is an important conclusion from these remarks, namely that centralisation presupposes the existence of a following /r/ so that the loss of rhoticity must be dated after the centralisation. Confirmation of this is found from prescriptive authors of the eighteenth century. For instance, John Walker in his Critical Pronouncing Dictionary of 1791 has 'bu2rd' for bird, his u2 represents schwa (in his principle 172 he states that the vowel value is the same as that in done, son). Walker also transcribes bird with "r" but we know that he favoured the retention of non-prevocalic /r/ even though he recognised that it was rapidly losing ground during his lifetime.
NURSE Merger ΥΥˤĤƲƥݥȤȴФȡΤ褦ˤʤ롥
(1) ͻ礬ϡ1718ޤǤȽ֤
(2) ɸѸǤɸѸ٤ä
(3) ޤ첻ɤ岽ͻ礷θ˸첻ͻ礷
(4) 첻ͻ /r/ ξü
Dobson, E. J. English Pronunciation 1500--1700. 1st ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1957. 2 vols.
Hickey, Raymond. "Vowels before /r/ in the History of English." Contact, Variation, and Change in the History of English. Ed. Simone E. Pfenninger, Olga Timofeeva, Anne-Christine Gardner, Alpo Honkapohja, Marianne Hundt and Daniel Schreier. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins, 2014. 95--110.
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." A History of the English Language. Ed. Richard Hogg and David Denison. Cambridge: CUP, 2006. 43--108.
Nares, Robert. Elements of Orthoepy. 1794. Reprint. Menston: Scolar P, 1968.
ɸβѲϡܥ֥Ǥ⤹Ǥ˰ä褦ˡ#3507. NURSE Merger ([2018-12-03-1]) ȸƤФƤ롥βŪᥫ˥ˤĤ Minkova (277--78) βʹƤߤ褦
A coda /-r/ is a neutralising environment. For the short vowels neutralisation of [ɪ], [ʊ], [ɛ] results in merger into the featurally neutral schwa outcome. The phonetic rationale behind this is the coarticulation of the short vowel + /-r/ which affects both segments: it lowers and centralises the vowel, while the adjacent sonorant coda becomes more schwa-like; its further weakening can eliminate the consonantal cues, leading to complete loss of the consonantal properties of /r/. The difficulty of perceiving the distinctive features of pre-/r/ vowels is attributed to the acoustic similarity of the first two formants of [ɹ], [ɻ], and [ə ? ɨ] . . . .
(coda) /r/ ϡľ첻岽ʤۣ첻ˤˤ /r/ ȤҲŪ첻˶Ť̤Ȥơ/r/ ϻҲ˼Ȥˤʤꡤľû첻ȹήбĹ첻Ȥʤ롤ȤſϸͭβŪݻƤ2ߤƱ (assimilation) Ĥˤдˤä [əː] ؤȽ뤷Ȥʤ褦ʡ餷ʤ褦ʷ̤줬ñθˤϰƤΤʤ
Ϣơ#2274. heart ֻȯ ([2015-07-19-1]) εɤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
ѸΡĹ첻 /r/פ뤤ϡ2첻 /r/פβϢϡѸˤƤĤθߤ̩ܤʲѲФƤʲMinkova (279) ƤƸ褦ǰƬˤ륿ॹѥϡѸ줫18?19ˤƤǤ롥
| Late ME to EModE | Schwa-insertion | Length adjustment | /-r/-loss | Examples |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| -əir ? -ʌir | -aiər | -aɪər | -aɪə | fire (OE fȳr) |
| -eː̝r ? -iːr | -iːər | -ɪər | -ɪə | deer (OE dēor) |
| -ɛːr ? -e̝ːr ? -iːr | -iːər | -ɪər | -ɪə | ear (OE ēare) |
| -ɛːr ? -eːr | -eːər | -ɛər | -ɛə | pear (OE pere) |
| -æːr ? -ɛːr | -ɛːər | -ɛər | -ɛə | hare (OE hara) |
| -ɔːr | -ɔː(ə)r | -ɔ(ː)(ə)r | -ɔ(ː)(ə) | oar (OE ār) |
| -oːr | -ɔː(ə)r | -ɔ(ː)(ə)r | -ɔ(ː)(ə) | floor (OE flōr) |
| -oː̝r ? -uːr | -uːər | -ʊər | -ʊə | poor (AN pover, pour) |
| -əur ? -ʌur | -auər | -aʊər | -aʊə | bower (OE būr) |
rhotic ʥꥫѸפȡnon-rhotic ʥꥹѸפȤΩϤ褯ΤƤ롥Ωñ㲽ƤȤ館뤭餤ꡤºݤˤϥꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽ⤢СꥹѸ rhotic Ѽ⤢롥ꥫѸΰǤʤ non-rhotic ȯԤʤƤ뤫ˤĤƤϹäˤꡤܺ٤Ϥޤ餫ˤƤʤ (cf. #3953. ꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽε ([2020-02-22-1]))
⤽ non-rhotic ȯ߽ФȤˤʤä /r/ üȤѲϡʤϤޤäΤMinkova (280) ϡ/r/ ü˺ѤŪҲŪװŦĤġֻ˸경줿 <r> Ʊξü˻ߤˡʣʹ˰礤η̤Ȥơrhotic non-rhotic ξȯ¸뤳ȤˤʤäƤΤ⤯
While loss of /r/ may be described as 'natural' in a phonetic sense, it is still unclear why some communities of speakers preserved it when others did not. One reason why the change may have taken off in the first place, not usually considered in the textbook accounts, is loan phonology. In Later Old French (eleventh to fourteenth century) and Middle French (fourteenth to sixteenth century), pre-consonantal [r] was assimilated to the following consonant and thereby lost in the spoken language (it is retained in spelling to this day), producing rhymes such as sage : large, fors : clos, ferme : meesme. Thus English orthography was at odds with the functional factor of ease of articulation and with the possibly prestigious pronunciation of recent loanwords in which pre-consonantal [-r] had been lost. This may account for the considerable lag time for the diffusion and codification of [r]-loss in early Modern English. Rhotic and non-rhotic pronunciations must have coexisted for over three centuries, even in the same dialects. . . . [C]onservatism based on spelling maintained rhoticity in the Southern standard until just after the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
ǿƤե "loan phonology" ͿƤΤǤϤʤȤϡ¿ʻǤ롥
ּʡײեˤ /r/ üֻˤ <r> ݻ --- /r/ üϤʤŪҲŪװȡ˻ߤ褦ˡŪװȤĹˤ錄˰깭Ū1700ǯ鸽ߤޤǤ300ǯʾˤ錄ä rhotic non-rhotic ξȯ¸³ƤȤȤˤʤ롥
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
첻³ʤĶ r ϡŵŪ˥ꥫѸǤϴȯ (rhotic)ꥹѸǤȯʤ (non-rhotic) ϱѸαƺΤʤǤǤ褯ΤƤ㤤Ǥ롥ŪʱѸˤǤϡκۤε17ʹߤΥꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νпϤˤ롥Ǥ֤ʤϿޤȤȤˡ#2261. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (1) ([2015-07-06-1])ӡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) ȡ#453. ꥫѸνˤ r ([2010-07-24-1]) Ȥ줿ۤƱرѸˤDzۤѸθ --- ǼƱѸؤ֤ˡؽ2011ǯˤرѸΡ֤ʤפϤƤαѸˡʸҡ2016ǯˤǤ֤ⷫƤ
non-rhotic ȯ̱ȤȤ˥ꥫΰϰ˻ۤ줿Ȥ嵭Ūʲϡ¤Ϥʤñ㲽ΤǤꡤ¾ϤäʣǤ롥ºݡɥն non-rhotic ȯήԤäƤΤ18ȾФΤȤǤꡤꥫ̱17ˤϡޤ non-rhotic ϰŪǤϤʤääơ嵭ˤϥʥɺΤˤĤ Minkova (281) βʹ
The development of North American rhotic accents is to a considerable extent a function of settlement patterns in colonial times. Though the original settlers on the East coast were mostly from the south and east of England, which are now non-rhotic, they arrived in the colonies long before 'dropping the -r' had become fashionable and codified there. The problem is not explaining where American rhoticity came from, --- it came from Southern and East Midland England originally, and later waves of settlers from Scotland and Ireland vigorously reinforced it --- but rather why non-rhoticity shows up anywhere in America. Since it only shows up in centres of education along the East Coast, not including Philadelphia, which has always been, and continues to be, rhotic, it may be that in the major political and trading centres, namely Boston, New York, Norfolk, Savannah, Alexandria and Charleston, the newly fashionable British r-less accent took root and was reinforced by regular travel to Britain. The Civil War is a watershed in the perception of rhoticity as prestigious: prior to it r-lessness was associated with the Bostonian and Virginian elite, but after 1870 New York was increasingly rhotic, the British model was much less important and rhoticity grained prestige.
ꥫѸ rhotic ȯʬۤ뤳Ȥϡ¿פʤ̱λˤϡɤΤɤǤǤˤޤ rhotic ŪǤꡤ줬ꥫˤΤޤۤ줿ȹͤФ褤ष non-rhotic ȯˤƥꥫΰϰ˸ƤΤȤΤȤʤ롥̱ꡤnon-rhotic ȯ饢ꥫˤ⤿餵줿ȤΤϡˤҤ٤褦˥ʥǤ롥षɥȷӤĤζ Boston, New York, Virginia ʤɤθɥȤǤܿ³䤬ƥɥ夷Ƥ non-rhotic ȯΤε¦Ǥ뤳ȤˤʤäȹͤۤʤΤ⤷ʤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
դˤĤݤʤɤθɤߤŵŪ filler Ȥơɸθ줬롥er uh ȯ纹ʤ /ə, əː, ʌ/ ǰפƤȤäƤ褤ڥ礭ۤʤꡤǤ̡δ (interjection) ȤưƤ롥ŪˤСer ꥹѸ졤uh ꥫѸŵŪ filler Ǥ롥
ʬۤϡƤߤФʤۤɤǼǤ롥ɸŪˤ non-rhotic Ǥ륤ꥹȯʶŪˤ RP ʤɡˤǰƬˤСer Ȥڥ첻ΤߤȯбƤΤ̤ΤȤǤ롥rhotic ʰ̥ꥫѸʶŪˤ General American ʤɡˤǰƬˤȡer Υڥ첻ΤߤȯбΤˤΤ⤷ʤꥫѸǤϡer Υڥȯδ֤Ե§ȤȤǡuh Ȥ̤֤ȯפ줿ΤǤϤʤCook (183) դλ˿Ƥ롥
. . . characters who hesitate in British novels say 'er', whereas those in American novels say 'uh', though the sound is doubtless the same. The American correspondence of <er> would have to be /ər/, whereas <uh> can correspond to /ə/ in a more straightforward way.
ʤer uh ɤߤ˺ݤ뿴ŪŪʺѤη̤Ȥȯ줿ڥ˽ηΤϤʤ꿷OED ˤȡer Ͻ㤬1862ǯuh 1962ǯǤ롥
Ѽ֤ΥڥκۤϤޤȵ뤳ȤǤ뤬cf. #244. ֻαƺΥꥹȡ ([2009-12-27-1])ˡȯ non-rhotic/rhotic ΰ㤤ڥκ̩ۤܤ˴ϢƤ뺣Τ褦ϤۤȤɸȤʤäȤ er uh ϥڥκۤǤϤʤܼŪˤϸκۤǤȵ뤳Ȥϲǽ⤷ʤ
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
ܸǡֹͱѸפȸ蘆ƤѸѼϡҲؤǤ AAVE (= African American Vernacular English) ȸƤ֤Ȥ¿¾ˤ Black English Vernacular, African-American English, Afro-American (English), (American) Black English, black English ʤ͡ʸƤԤʤƤ뤬ʲ AAVE ̤
ܥ֥Ǥϡ#1885. AAVE ʸˡŪħȵ ([2014-06-25-1]) ޤ aave γƵ AAVE θŪħ䵯ˤĤƾҲ𤷤ƤǯΤ褦 AAVE ˴ؿΤߤʤɤ˸뤳Ȥ⤢ꡤˤ錄ꡤ⤦ηŪ AAVE θŪħҲ𤷤ƤMcArthur αѸŵ BLACK ENGLISH VERNACULAR ι (133--35) ˰͵ʤ顤ȯʸˡáѤʤɤ̤˾Ҳ𤷤ƤͽǤ롥
ϥȥȤ AAVE ΤΤǤϤʤѰ (variation) ħŤѼǤ뤳ȤޤĴǡȯħؤȿʤߤAAVE ϡƹιͤ¿ȤѸѼǤ롥ˤϼβѼ郎ꡤҲؤˤäƤۤʤ뤷Իԡļˤ̤ˤäƤۤʤ롥ŪɸŪʡפΤ顤Ƥ餺ޤäĶ鳰˽ФʤϤͤˤää¤ΤĤפΤޤɸŪ AAVE ȤäƤ⡤ɸѸƱͤϰˤ뺹ۤ¸ߤ롥 AAVE ϡͤäѸθˡǤ뤷 AAVE ƱͤǤ롥ĿͤˤäƤ⡤¤ζ AAVE ѼɸѸ˶ᤤѼȤθ (style-shifting) Фи졤ʼҲ˸ŪΤʵҤϺˤ롥
ǤϡŵŪ AAVE ȯħĤƤ
(1) ŪʥꥫƱͤˡnon-rhotic Ǥ롥car "ca" Τ褦ˡparty "pahty" Τ褦ȯ롥ޤҲ˵ /l/ æhelp "hep" ˡself "sef" ˤʤ롥r l ϡWe're coming We'll be here ʤɤˤƤæ"We comin" "We be here" Τ褦ˤʤ롥
(2) -ing ˤơ/ŋ/ /n/ ִ롥coming, running ϡä "comin", "runnin" Ȥʤ롥
(3) λҲϽ̸롥desk, test, cold Ϥ줾 "des", "tes", "col" Ȥʤ롥
(4) /d/ Ҳˤæ롥looked, talked ϡ"look", "talk" ȤʤäƤޤ
(5) Ƭ /ð/ ϤФ /d/ ȯ졤that day, this house "dat day", "dis house" Ȥʤ롥
(6) /θ/ ϤФ /f/ ȯ졤booth, south "boof", "souf" Ȥʤ롥
(7) 2ˤơФ1˶롥ȤСɸѸȰۤʤ "pólice", "défine" ʤɤȯ롥
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
ѸˤǤϰ̤ˡ첻äĹ첻ˤѲϿ¿ƤΤΡҲѲŪޤäȤcf. #1402. Ѹ줬ǯ֡첻Ҳ岽Ƥͳ ([2013-02-27-1])ˡ첻ȻҲηоˤĤƤϡѸαΧ (prosody) 礭ؤäƤȤ롥Τ˻ҲѲˤΩäΤʤǤ⤢ƥ㡼ʤΤȤСMinkova and Stockwell (36) ˰͵ơʲ5ܤ
Simplification of long consonants
Phonemicization of the voiced fricatives [v, ð, z]
Vocalization or loss of [ɣ], [x], [ç] and distributional restrictions on [h]
Loss of [-r] in some varieties of English
Simplification of the consonant clusters [kn-], [gn-], [wr-], [-mb], [-ng]
1ܤ "Simplification of long consonants" Ȥ degemination Ȥ⤤ǡűѸ줫ѸˤˤꡤűѸ gyldenne "golden" Ѹ gyldene ʤɤȤʤäθѸؤαƶȤƤϡ#1854. ̵ѲѤư set -- set -- set, etc. ([2014-05-25-1]) #1284. û첻ܻҲξˤϻҲŤͤ -ing ղäȤֻ§ ([2012-11-01-1]) Ȥ줿
2ܤ "Phonemicization of the voiced fricatives [v, ð, z]" ϡfricative_voicing ȸƤФǤ롥#1365. űѸˤ뼫IJˤϤޤ줿̵ͭ ([2013-01-21-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡ̵ͭΥڥñʤ۲δطäեѸʤɤαƶˤꡤξԤۤʤ벻ǤȤΩ뤳Ȥˤʤä/v/ βDzˤĤƤϡ#1222. ե줬ѸβǤͿʱƶ ([2012-08-31-1])#2219. vane, vat, vixen ([2015-05-25-1])#2230. Ѹ̵ͭʸ ([2015-06-05-1]) ȡ
3ܤ "Vocalization or loss of [ɣ], [x], [ç] and distributional restrictions on [h]" ϡĶˤʣѲ뤲Ȥؤ㤨СűѸ dragan, sagu; hlot, hræfn, hnecca; boh, heah, sohte; toh, ruh, hleahtor 줾Ѹ draw(en), saw(e); lot, raven, neck; bow(e), hei(e), sout(e); tuf, ruff, lauhter ʤɤȤʤäƤheir, honest, honour, hour ʤɤθƬ h ꤵ⡤ȴؤʡ#214. ʻҲ /h/ ([2009-11-27-1]) h γƵȡˡ
4ܤ "Loss of [-r] in some varieties of English" ϡnon-prevocali r Ǥʡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) γƵȡˡ
5ܤ "Simplification of the consonant clusters [kn-], [gn-], [wr-], [-mb], [-ng]" ϡƻҲüλҲæ벻Ǥ롥λҲбʸߤֻ˻ĤäƤΤǡǧ䤹#122. /kn/ ǻϤޤñ ([2009-08-27-1])#34. thumb ֤ȯ ([2009-06-01-1]), #724. thumb ֤ȯ (2) ([2011-04-21-1]) ΤۤŪˡ#1290. ۻۻ⤿餷üΰ ([2012-11-07-1])#2518. Ҳۻ ([2016-03-19-1]) ȡ
ʾΤ褦ˡ첻٤ƼϾʤȤϤҲѲ⤳ߤƤߤȸѸβֻˤʤαƶڤܤƤΤȴ롥
Minkova, Donka and Robert Stockwell. "Phonology: Segmental Histories." A Companion to the History of the English Language. Ed. Haruko Momma and Michael Matto. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008. 29--42.
ɸ the Falkland Islands ʥեɽ; Falklands Ȥ) ȤС1982ǯΥեʶ褬۵롥ξ塤Φ480ۤβ⤫֤νϥꥹο̱ϤŪͭĥ륢를ǯ˷ŪߤȤȯʶǤ롥ꥹϥå㡼ΤȤǥ를ȹ䤷ǡä를ݤꥹ̱ռ줿ΤȤ¦ͥꥹٻλफΤ褦ʻݤ᤺θɬ⥤ꥹˤȤä˧ʤξɤ˿ɴͤλԤФä

եɽˤƤߤ褦ˤ West Falkland East Falkland 2Ĥμ礿礬롥˥ꥹϽ̱2100ͤۤɽǤ롥1690ǯꥹĹ John Strong ˾ΦȤεϿĤäƤ롥̾ϡ Strong Ĺ Viscount Falkland ˤʤ̾դΤȤ1765ǯ˺ǽεサϤߤΤ de Bougainville Ψ줿եͤǤꡤꥹ͵サϤηߤϤ줫1ǯ٤줿1767ǯˤϥڥեサϤθŪ˥ꥹͤɤʧäꥹͤ櫓ǤϤʤä1811ǯ٤ϥڥサϤűह뤳ȤȤʤä
θ塤1816ǯ˥ڥΩ̤를1820ǯ˥եɽͭʥ를ǤϽ Las Islas Malvinas ȸƤǤ롥ϡˬ줿 Saint-Malo пȤΥ֥ȥ͵դˤʤǥե Les îles Malouines ̾դ줿ΤΥڥ̾Ǥˡ1831ǯ˥ꥫηϤ East Falkland Υ를サϤ⤷1833ǯˤϥꥹƥ를ͤɤʧä1841ǯꥹϥեɽĤǤ̿1885ǯޤǤ2Ĥ1800ͤۤɤΥꥹͼҲ夲ơ1892ǯ˥ꥹ̱ϤȤʤä
ʹߡԤǤ East Falkland Port Stanley Ǥϡȥꥢ˥塼ɤαѸȤ֤̤äѸѼ郎ȯãƤߤ˿ܿäȤϻפʤӴϫƯԤȥꥢ˥塼ɡեɽΤƤȤ¤ꡤη̤ȤƸߤαѸѼ˻ƤʬȤȤ⤷ʤޤWest Falkland θġ¼äѼϡĤνпϤǤ륤ꥹȷӤĤȤʤեɽѼǤ non-prevocalic r ˴ؤƤ non-rhotic Ǥ롥
ʾ塤Trudgill and Hannah (123--24) McArthur (397) εҤ˰͵ƽCIA: The World Factbook ˤ Falkland Islands Ethnologue ˤ Falkland Islands ⻲ȡ
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
Trudgill, Peter and Jean Hannah. International English: A Guide to the Varieties of Standard English. 5th ed. London: Hodder Education, 2008.
ž (metathesis) ˤĤơ#60. ž ( metathesis ) ([2009-06-27-1]) ϤȤƤĤεǼ夲ƤžϡĴԹˤ뤢θְ㤤ȤäƤ褤ΤǤꡤ̤ˤߤ븽ݤǤ롥žϡƸβ (phonotactics) Ȥ̩ܤʴط褦Ǥꡤηϸ֤ǰͤǤϤʤ㤨СѸξ硤űѸžߤ¤ꡤɸθ§ӤƤ롥
ƣ (8--9) ϡűѸ˴ѻʲ̤˵Ƥ롥
(a) ܤ r 첻θ
bridd > bird "bird"
drit > dirt "dirt" ʱʪ
frost > forst "frost"
þridda > þirda "third"
(b) ¾θ
æspe > æpse "aspen-tree"
ascian > axian "ask"
botle > bold "house"
cosp > cops "fetter"
frosc > frox "frog"
sedl > seld "seat"
spatl > spald "spittle" ñա
tusc > tux "tusk" ʲ
wlisp > wlips "lisping" 餺ȯ뤳ȡ
ΤɸѸDzžФȯѤƤΤϡ(a) bird, dirt, third ΤߤǤ롥ΤȤ顤ʬβžΤΤäȤ狼롥ɸŪʥǤϡ non-prevocalic r ȯʤʤäƤ뤿ᡤߤǤϡֻαƶ̵뤹ʤС˲žξ֤벻ŪưŤϤʤ
ֱѸβžľ٤礦2˸¤פȤƷǤɬפΤϡ㤨ܸǤϤޤäۤʤ郎ŬѤ뤫ܸβžξ硤षľ٤礦ҲؤϤʤ첻ӱۤƻҲؤΤ̤Ǥ롥֤⤮ߡפȡ֤褴ߡסŤĤߡפȡĤŤߡס֤֤֤㤬ޡפȡ֤֤֤㤬ޡס֤餿פȡ֤ʤˡס֤Сפȡ֤ϡʤФˡס֤Ĥפȡ֤Ĥ⤴פʤɤˤƤϡ̾ǽȾ狼ˤǸǤ tsugomori tsumogori Ȥ褦ˡľ٤äƤʤ첻֤˶ g m 2ҲؤƤ롥
žˤϡ줾θβηȿǤƤǽ⤤
ƣ ظդΤܤ롡ˤĤ줿Ѹܸ١ҡ2010ǯ
#2198. 衼åѽ͡ r ([2015-05-04-1]) /r/ ͡ʶŪ¸̻ŪȯãѤ衼åѽΤʤǤ⡤Ѹ /r/ μ¸ϤʤüǤꡤŵŪˤϻܶ (alveolar approximant) [ɹ] ܶ (retroflex approximant) [ɻ] ȤĴ롥ŪʸˤСűѸѸǤ /r/ ˤư (coronal trill) [r] ȤƼ¸줿ȤƤ뤬⤷θȤƤ⡤ˤƤθˤˤ [r] ߤüĴؤȯãΤȤʤ롥
Erickson (185) ϡĴؤδ餳ꡤʲȯãƤƤ롥
0. Origin: coronal trill
1. Trill lenites to tap before homorganic consonants
2. Coronals change from dental to alveolar; tongue simultaneously acquires sulcal shape
3. Tap lenites to retroflex approximant before homorganics
4. Approximant articulation generalized to syllable coda
5. Approximant articulation generalized to all positions
ޤޥ /r/ 0 ˼ư [r] äӸŪˤ⡤Ūˤ¬ȤäƤ褵ŵŪʼ¸ϡʣդ뤨Τä[t], [d], [n], [s], [z], [l] ʤɤλѤƱﲻ³ĶǤϡդ뤨ϰ٤ñư [ɾ]ˤȤʤ뷹1ʳˡ
ˡñư˸³ [t], [d], [n], [s], [z], [l] ʤɤĴ֤ԤؤѲ褬Ԥΰ֤ޤǸह뤳Ȥˤꡤ̤ϥåˤܤ2ʳˡΥå幽ˤꡤʳ3μܶ [ɻ] ؤΰܹԤưפˤʤ롥ѸˤǤС1600ǯˤʳäȤ (Erickson 191)
ʾ /r/ ĴȯãϡƱﲻ³Ķ˸¤Ƥ줬δĶˤȤ4ʳˡ˲ΰ֤ˤ餺̤˳Ȥä5ʳˡ
ѸɸѼǤϡʾȯãʳΤɤǻߤޤäΤ褦ĴΤ⤢Сʬ줷̤ȯãΤ⤢äޤɸѼˤƤ⡤¸ˤ٤ѰۤϤä嵭ȯãȤƿ뤳ȤˤꡤΡְæפ⤪褽̵ʤǤȤΤ Erickson μĥǤ롥
/r/ ĴȴϢơErickson (184) ޥˤ r ˤĤƽҤ٤Ƥ륳ȤҲ𤷤ƤɥĸΤۤåȥǤʹ "Northumbrian burr" ȸƤФ r ϡ#1055. uvular r θ춭ۤ ([2012-03-17-1]) Ǹ褦ˡե줫ŤȤ뤳Ȥ¿ºݤˤŤβǽͤᤤ˥ɥĸ [ʁ] ԤƤȤ⤢ꡤŤǤϤʤȯãȤ⤢褦
Erickson, Blaine. "On the Development of English r." Studies in the History of the English Language: A Millennial Perspective. Ed. Donka Minkova and Robert Stockwell. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2002. 183--206.
#2261. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (1) ([2015-07-06-1])#2262. ꥹ饢ꥫؤΰ̱νп (2) ([2015-07-07-1]) ˰³Ƥꡥ[2015-07-07-1]ǤϡFisher Ȥ Gramley ˤŪʿ⼨ʤ顤̱οפñ˳ǧ Fisher Ȥ David Hackett Fischer ˤ Albion's Seed (1989ǯ) ˵äƤ褦ˡ D. H. Fischer ȤؼԤϡꥫѸ˸ԤãǤ Hans Kurath, George Philip Krapp, Allen Walker Read, Albert Marckwardt, Raven McDavid, Cleanth Brooks ˰͵ĤġŪʿפοʤ顤ꥹѸȥꥫѸϢ³ĥƤΤǤ롥
Fischer εҤꤷ Fisher ޤȤʢ֤꤬̾Ƥƺ𤹤Τա˽̱ˤˤĤơʲ˰Ѥ褦 (Fisher 60) ̱Ϥؤΰ̱95%ʾ夬ꥹǤꡤ4Ȥˤ狼ƹԤ줿Ȥ
1. 20,000 Puritans largely from East Anglia to to New England, 1629--41, to escape the tyranny of the crown and the established church that led to the Puritan revolution;
2. 40,000 Cavaliers and their servants largely from the southwestern counties of England to the Chesapeake Bay area and Virginia, 1642--75, to escape the Long Parliament and Puritan rule;
3. 23,000 Quakers from the North Midlands and many like-minded evangelicals from Wales, Germany, Holland, and France, to the Delaware Valley and Pennsylvania, 1675--1725, to escape the Act of Uniformity in England and the Thirty Years War in Europe;
4. 275,000 from the North Border regions of England, Scotland, and Ulster to the backcountry of New England, western Pennsylvania, and the Appalachians, 1717--75, to escape the endemic conflict and poverty of the Border regions, and especially the 1706--7 Act of Union between England and Scotland, which brought about the "pacification" of the border, transforming it from a combative society in need of many warriors to a commercial and industrial society in need of no warriors, with the consequent large-scale displacement of the rural population.
Fischer Ūʥꥫؤν̱ˤεҤפˤä䶯ȤȤϱѸѼϢ³ͤǤ˽פʾǤ롥
ꥹѼ狼饢ꥫѼؤϢ³ݤɬˤʤΤϡnon-prevocalic /r/ Ǥ롥ˤĤƤϡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) ȡ#453. ꥫѸνˤ r ([2010-07-24-1]) ǹ碌Ƴ#1267. ꥫѸ "colonial lag" Ϥ뤫 (2) ([2012-10-15-1]) ʣ˸ڤȤFisher (75--77) ⿵ŤΩ줫餳ФƤ롥Τˡ250ǯۤ non-prevocalic /r/ ξüɥդǻϤޤäȤȤȡꥫؤΰ̱17Ⱦ˻ϤޤäȤȤϡʥʴطǤϤΤǤ⡤˸ŪϢ³˴ؤڡʼĥϿ٤ǤΤΡDZѸ˸ˤϢ³βǽդʧäƤȤϾɬפȤⴶƤ롥
Gramley, Stephan. The History of English: An Introduction. Abingdon: Routledge, 2012.
Fisher, J. H. "British and American, Continuity and Divergence." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 6. English in North America. Ed. J. Algeo. Cambridge: CUP, 2001. 59--85.
Ѽ֤ȯΰۤʤϡܸǡ֤ʤޤסѸ "accents" ȸƤФ롥2ĤѼȯӤȡۤʤˤ͡ʼब뤳Ȥ狼롥㤨С#1343. ѸαƺʼȤȯȸáˡ ([2012-12-30-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡꥹѸȥꥫѸȯ٤Ȥbath class 첻ƴ֤ѰۤȤȤΰۤʤȡstar four ˤƸ <r> ȯ뤫ݤȤۤʤȤϸߤ˰ۼΤΤΤ褦˴롥Ѽ֤ˤ͡ʥפȯκۤꤦȹͤ졤ΰۤʤ˴ؤ붦ŪȤΤͤ뤳ȤǤǤ롥
Trubetzkoy 1931ǯȤᤤʳ "différences dialectales phonologiques, phonétiques et étymologiques" Ȥ3ĤΰۤʤƤƤ롥Wells (73--80) Ϥ Trubetzkoy ʬΩӤ1Ĥäơ4פʤWells ѸǤȡ"systemic differences", "realizational differences", "lexical-incidental differences", "phonotactic (structural) differences" 4ĤǤ롥Ѥ뤬ʲȤȤä褦
(1) realizational differences. 2Ѽ֤ǡͭ벻ǤβŪ¸ۤʤȤ硥goat, nose ʤɤȯˤơRP (Received Pronunciation) Ǥ [əʊ] ΤȤǤ [ʌʊ] ȼ¸줿ꡤåȥǤ [oː] ȼ¸ʤɤΰ㤤롥ҲȤƤϡRP ζκǽ˸ /p, t, k/ [ph, th, kh] ӵȤƼ¸ΤФơåȥǤ [p, t, k] ̵Ǽ¸ʤɤ롥ޤ/l/ RP ǤϴĶˤäƤ dark l ȤʤΤФǤϾ clear l Ǥʤɤΰ㤤⤢롥[r] μ¸Ѱۤ褯ΤƤ롥
(2) phonotactic (structural) differences. 벻Ǥʤäꤹ벻ĶۤʤȤ硥non-prevocalic /r/ μ¸̵ͭŵ1ĤǤ롥GA (General American) ǤϤδĶ /r/ ¸뤬б RP Ǥ̵Ȥʤ (cf. rhotic) Ū¸Ūʥ٥ˤ벻˴ؤۤʤȤ롥
(3) systemic differences. ηϤۤʤäƤ뤬椨ˡġβǤб㤦褦ʾ硥RP Ǥ GA Ǥ /u/ /uː/ ϰۤʤ2ĤβǤǤ뤬åȥǤξԤϤζ̤Ϥʤ /u/ Ȥ1Ĥ礵Ƥ롥첻˴ؤ⤦1ĤСstock stalk Ȥ RP Ǥϲǥ٥Ƕ̤뤬ꥫѸ䥫ʥѸΤʤˤϲǤȤͻ礷ƤΤ⤢ (cf. #484. ǿΥꥫѸ첻ͻȿǤ MWALED ȯɽ ([2010-08-24-1])#2242. ʥѸβŪħ ([2015-06-17-1])) ҲǤСloch θҲˤĤơRP Ǥ [k] ȯ뤬åȥǤ [x] ȯ롥ϡԤѼǤ /k/ Ȥ϶̤벻ǤȤ /x/ ¸ߤ뤫Ǥ롥
(4) lexical-incidental differences. ηϤ䲻Ū¸ˡ켫ΤѰۤʤθǤˤơۤʤ벻ǡФ礬롥Ѽ֤ǰۤʤ뷹Ȥ⤢СüԸĿͤˤäưۤʤȤ⤢롥㤨Сeither 1첻ǤϡѼˤäơ뤤ϸĿͤˤä /iː/ /aɪ/ Ȥȯ롥ѼĿͤϡξ첻ǤηϤȤƤäƤ뤬either ȤФƤΤ줬ŬѤ뤫ȤۤʤäƤΡĤޤꡤ٥롤٥ΰ㤤ǤϤʤå٥ΰ㤤ȤäƤ褤
̤ˡȯεϤˤ֤θȤʤΤϡΥ٥Ǥΰ㤤Ǥ롥㤨Сaccomplish Ȥ2ζ첻 strut 첻Ǥ٤lot 첻Ǥ٤Nazi 2Ҳ /z/ /ʦ/
Wells, J. C. Accents of English. Vol. 1. An Introduction. Cambridge: CUP, 1982.
#2242. ʥѸβŪħ ([2015-06-17-1]) εˤơ(5) Retention of [r] ˤĤƼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤SCE Standard Canadian EnglishͤϰŪ rhotic Ǥ롥Ūˤ New England β (Loyalists) ˤäƤ⤿餵줿 non-rhotic ѼαƶäϤrhotic ʥꥹ̱ȤȤľܤ⤿餵줿аޤ⤢ꡤԤͥȤʤäΤ
non-prevocalic /r/ ˴ؤͽ۳ʬۤŸ⤦Ĵ٤ƤߤʥѸ졤Ȥ櫓 New England ѼŪʴطο߽ΥʥѸѼǡ̤Ȥ rhotic ȤʤäƤäΤϡʤʤΤBailey (144) ˤȡ2ĤͳȤ
Two factors doubtless account for the eventual disappearance of New England r-less pronunciations in the Maritimes. One must certainly be the migration that brought other varieties of English to Canada. Since most of the newcomers were from northern England, Scotland, and Ireland (where [r] after vowels was and is a systematic feature of pronunciation), they provided an English that competed with that of the American Loyalists, and apparently these migrants were more influential than those from the south of England, where r-loss was well established in prestige dialects by the early nineteenth century. But a more important reason is to be found in the growing sense of national identity among the new Canadians. Their institutions may have been American in origin, but as keepers of the true Loyalist faith they despised the rebels and were staunch in their defense against attempts by the United States to annex Canada in the War of 1812. In the years that followed, they continued to resist threats of annexation from the south, and though they had not yet formed a nation, they constituted a community. By maintaining Loyalist traditions, they believed that they were preserving Loyalist language. In fact, they reversed the process of change already well established at the time of their exodus northward.
1ĤϡNew England ΰ̱Τۤˤ⡤ľܥ֥ƥ礫äƤ̱ǤȤƤ롥ԤˤϤȤ櫓ɡåȥɡɤνпȼԤ¿θζǤϡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) Ǹ褦ˡˤ⸽ߤˤ rhotic Ѽ郎ȤƹԤƤ롥
פͳϡNew England 饫ʥذ̱ (Loyalists) 褦ˤʤä "national identity" ˤȤޤ줳ꥫǤꡤNew England ǤäɤȤƥʥƨƤϡषʥʻ礷褦ȴꥫ罰Фȿ餻1812ǯ˱ƴ֤褬ȯƤϡϤޤޤꥫФȿᡤrhotic ȯѤ뤳Ȥˤäơnon-rhotic ȯǤ夵ĤĤä New England ȡҲŪ˵Υ֤ȤΤǤϤʤ ("sociolinguistic distancing")
/r/ ˴ؤѲξܺ٤ˤĤʤΤǡŬڤɾ뤳ȤϤǤʤʤȤѸνѼˤ non-prevocalic /r/ ҲŪʲͤӤӤ䤹ȤŪʻ¤Ǥ롥ˤĤƤϡ#406. Labov New York City /r/ ([2010-06-07-1])#1050. postvocalic r ΥϿޤˤĤ ([2012-03-12-1])#1371. New York City ˤ non-prevocalic /r/ ʸŪѰۤĴ ([2013-01-27-1])#1535. non-prevocalic /r/ μҲŪʲ͡ ([2013-07-10-1]) Ȥ줿
Bailey, Richard W. "The English Language in Canada." English as a World Language. Ed. Richard W. Bailey and Manfred Görlach. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1982. 134--76.
ɸϡ#1701. ꥫؤΰ̱νпϡ ([2013-12-23-1]) Ǽ夲ϿޤĤIJ⤹롥
ꥫѸˤϡ17˻Ϥޤ륤ꥹ礫νΰ̱ȡθΥꥫǤΰܽˤ礭ؤäƤ롥ꥹͤˤ륢ꥫؤο̱ϡ1607ǯ Jamestown ηߤ˻Ϥޤ뤬ο̱˷ȤäΤϼȤƥпȼԤäǽԤȤθŪ礭 Jamestown ˤ⤿餵졤˥ꥫ˳Ȥ줿
1620ǯ Plymouth ˤɤ夤 "Pilgrim fathers" ˤ⡤ʤ˽пȼԤ¿äϡԤƱͤˡ褽ħȤƿΦϤäΤǤꡤNew England 濴Ȥϰˤħ夵
1680ǯ夫ϥ䥦륺Υ (Quakers) Pennsylvania Pennsylvania ʤɤؤϡ18ȾФ˥åȥɷϥɿ (Scots-Irish) ¿ήθưϤȤʤäޤ19ȾФˤ¿ΥɿͤꡤؤŸ饤ʳϰ褫äƤ̱ϡɸŪȤ륤ꥹȤƿΦˤäƤΤνΥꥫˤ礿Ȥʤ (Midland dialect) μäΤǤ롥
ꥹ礫ΰ̱νпϤǰƬˡ嵭ޤȤȼΤ褦ˤʤ롥ɸŪʥȤпȼԤϡɸѼꥫ New England ؤɸŪʥ륺åȥɡɤνȤпȼԤϡɸѼꥫ Pennsylvania ؤȹ绨Ĥ˿ȡʲϿޤ̤Ǥ롥

Τ褦ʥꥫѸ (1607--1790) ˤ̱θ̤ϡ奢ꥫѸ non-prevocalic /r/ ʬۤˤ褯ȿǤƤȸ롥#453. ꥫѸνˤ r ([2010-07-24-1]) Ͽޤ˼̤ꡤ绨ĤˤäƥꥫιϰǤ car, four ʤɤθ /r/ ȯ롤ʤ rhotic Ǥ롥ϡ#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1]) Ǹ褦ˡΥɼϰ non-rhotic Ǥ뤳Ȥб롥ꥫ New England Ǥϡ褽 non-rhotic Ǥ롥ϡɤ濴褽 rhotic Ǥ뤳Ȥ礹롥[2010-07-24-1]ǿ줿Ȥꡤʬۤ϶ȤȤǤϤʤŪϢ³٤
̱ηʬۤˤäƤϡ̱νпϤȷȤƤܤ뤳ȤפǤ롥Ϣơʲε⻲ȡ
#1698. ꥫαѸγȻȤΰŪʥѥ ([2013-12-20-1])
#1699. ꥫȯαѸγȻǯɽ ([2013-12-21-1])
#1700. ꥹȯαѸγȻǯɽ ([2013-12-22-1])
#1702. ֳϰؤΰ̱νпϡ ([2013-12-24-1])
#1711. ֳϰαѸγȻ ([2014-01-02-1])
ε#2241. Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles ([2015-06-16-1]) ˰³UBC Ǥ SHEL-9/DSNA-20 Conference ä;äơʥѸꡥ
ʥѸϡ#313. Canadian English ([2010-03-06-1]) ǤŦ褦ˡŪ American English British English ˵ϤĤǤǯ AmE ؤλָ褦μФ˰ĥ뤫ϡȯʸˡáˡʤɤˤäƤۤʤ뤬ȯˤĤƤϡʥѸϥꥫѸȶ̤ΤۤɤƤȸ롥ΤʤǡBrinton and Fee (426--30) ɸ५ʥѸ (Standard Canadian English; ʲ SCE ɽ) βŪħȤưʲ8˸ڤƤ롥
(1) Canadian Raising: ̵Ҳ [aʊ] -> [ʌu], [aɪ] -> [ʌɪ] Ȥʤ롥äơout and about ϡoat and a boat ˶ʤ롥ͭҲǤϾ夲ʤᡤγƥڥǤϰۤʤ2첻ʹ롥lout/loud, bout/bowed, house/houses, mouth (n.)/mouth (v.), spouse/espouse; bite/bide, fife/five, site/side, tripe/tribe, knife/knives. åȥѼѼMartha's Vineyard Ѽ (cf. [2015-02-22-1]) ʤɤˤƤ⡤褦ʾ夲ϴѻ뤬Canadian Raising ϤȤϴطʤΩѲȹͤƤ롥
(2) Merger of [ɑ] and [ɔ]: 85%ΥʥѸüԤˤߤ븽ݡ19ȾФѲȤ졤General American ǤƱݤѻ롥βѲˤʲΥڥϤƱȤʤäƤ롥offal/awful, Don/dawn, hock/hawk, cot/caught, lager/logger, Otto/auto, holly/Hawley, tot/taught. GA Ȱۤʤꡤ[ɹ] Ǥ [ɔ] ݤäƤȤħ (ex. sorry, tomorrow, orange, porridge, Dorothy) ͻˤĤƤϡ#484. ǿΥꥫѸ첻ͻȿǤ MWALED ȯɽ ([2010-08-24-1]) ȡ
(3) Voicing of intervocalic [t]: 첻˶ޤ줿 [t] ͭ [d] 뤤 [ɾ] Ȥʤ븽ݡ̤ȤơʲΥڥϤ줾ƱȤʤ롥metal/medal, latter/ladder, hearty/hardy, flutter/flooder, bitter/bidder, litre/leader, atom/Adam, waiting/wading. SCE Ǥϡβ¾δĶؤڤǤꡤfilter, shelter, after, sister, washed out, picture ʤɤǤ뤳Ȥ롥
(4) Yod dropping: SCE ǤϡҲθΤ錄겻 [j] κ (glide deletion) GA Ʊͤ s θǤ뤬GA Ȱۤʤ [t, d, n] θǤݻȤȤŪ˼ĥƤºݤˤϡGA αƶǡԤδĶˤƤ yod-dropping ƤƤȤ (cf. #841. yod-dropping ([2011-08-16-1])#1562. Χߤ yod-dropping ([2013-08-06-1]))
(5) Retention of [r]: SCE ϰŪ rhotic Ǥ롥Ūˤ New England β (Loyalists) ˤäƤ⤿餵줿 non-rhotic ѼαƶäϤrhotic ʥꥹ̱ȤȤľܤ⤿餵줿аޤ⤢ꡤԤͥȤʤäΤ
(6) Marry/merry/Mary: ɸ।ꥹѸǤ3첻̤뤬ʥѸȥꥫѸΤĤѼǤϡMary merry [ɛr] ͻ礷marry [ær] Ȥƶ̤2ʬˡǤ롥ˡʥѸǤϱƽѼȰۤʤꡤBarry, guarantee, caramel ʤɤ [æ] 㤯Ĵ롥
(7) Secondary stress: -ory, -ary, -ery ǽ (ex. laboratory, secretary, monastery ) ǡGA Ʊͤˡ2ݤġ
(8) [hw] versus [w]: GA ηƱͤˡwhich/witch, where/wear, whale/wale, whet/wet θƬҲΩƱȤʤ롥
Τ褦˸ƤȡSCE ͭβŪħȤϡGA ȶ̤Τ¿Ȥ狼롥Ͷ̤ƤȤǡʬŪ˿ޤ㤦夲ơʥѸȼФȤȤBrinton and Fee (526) Bailey (161)) Ƹ褦ˡ"What is distinctly Canadian about Canadian English is not its unique linguistic features (of which there are a handful) but its combination of tendencies that are uniquely distributed" ȤȤ
ꥫѸȥꥹѸκˤĤƤ⡤٤ƱȤȻפäƤ롥#2186. Webޥε֥ѥõѸαƺԡס ([2015-04-22-1]) ǾҲ𤷤WEBޥ Lingua شƤǤҤ٤褦ˡŪˤꡤꥫѸȥꥹѸκۤϡñɽλѡԻѤȤƸΤǤϤʤλ٤ΰ㤤ȤƸۤˤפǤ롥Ѥ̵ͭǤϤʤʬۤΰ㤤Ѽ¾Ѽ狼̤ͭʻɸʤΤȻפҲŪʳǰǤѼפˡŪʴ⤦ȤΤǤСΤ褦̯ʺۤդʧȤɬפ
ʸ嵭2015/06/19(Fri) Bailey (162) ϡ٤ΰ㤤Ȥ˥ʥѸνѼ֤δطˤŬѤơΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥"The most useful perspective, then, is one in which Canadian English is viewed as a cluster of features that combine in varying proportions in differing communitites within Canada." (Bailey, Richard W. "The English Language in Canada." English as a World Language. Ed. Richard W. Bailey and Manfred Görlach. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1983. 134--76.)
Brinton, Laurel J. and Margery Fee. "Canadian English." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 6. Cambridge: CUP, 2001. 422--40 .
Bailey, Richard W. "The English Language in Canada." English as a World Language. Ed. Richard W. Bailey and Manfred Görlach. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1982. 134--76.
źȾΰˤơr μ¸ϡԤդ뤨 (alveolar trill) [r] ȤƤʤ롥褯ΤƤ褦 r ѰۤȤ櫓פʰˤɸŪʼ¸ [r] ǤϤʤȤܤͤ롥ѸǤϻܶ (alveolar approximant) [ɹ] 䤽ܶ (retroflex approximant) [ɻ] ŵŪʼ¸ǤꡤեǤϸ (uvular fricative) [ʁ]ɥĸǤϸդ뤨 (uvular trill) [ʀ] ɸŪǤ롥ѰŪ r ⡤ȤȤ [r] ŪȯŸΤȹͤƤꡤŪˤϼΤ褦ʲȤƼƤʿp. 34 )
(1) Ѹˤơ첻³ʤ r [r] 17ޤǤ˻ܶ [ɹ] ˼ޤꡤθ塤Ԥ˰̲ơ첻Ԥ r ޤǤ⤬ [ɹ] ȯ˻ä
(2) եˤƤϡ17դ˥ѥʸإ˽ήԤüˤäֺͽ (les précieuses) ˸դ碌롤 r [ʀ] ήԤήԤ˥ե˹ޤꡤǥɥĸȥǥޡʬŪ˥ǥʥȾꥢȵڤ
(3) (2) β塤r դ뤨 [ʀ] ˸ [ʁ] ˴Dz̵ܤˤƤϡ̵ΰ۲ [χ] Ѥ˻ä
(2) ˤĤƤϡܥ֥Ǥ#1055. uvular r θ춭ۤ ([2012-03-17-1]) ǿ줿ޤѸˤ r ˤĤƤϡ#1817. Ѹ /l/ /r/ (2) ([2014-04-18-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
嵭Ǥϡ(2) (3) ϻŪϢ³ƤΤΡ(1) ϤȤΩѲȤƤ롥Τ褦ˡ r ΰ۲ʬۤŪȯŸϡޤʬŪ˴ϢŤ뤳ȤϤäƤ⡤ΤȤƷӤĤ褦ȤߤϤʤäϤ餹٤Ƥ1Ĥ r ȯŸήΤʤ˰֤Ť褦ȤƤ롥ꤹС (60) ϼΤ褦ȯŸꤷƤ롥ʸǤϡȯŸĴŪ˲ǽǤ뤳ȤƤ롥
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ε#2026. intrusive r (2) ([2014-11-13-1]) Ǹ奤ɤʬۤ礵Ƥ븽ݤ1Ĥܤ⤦1Ĥε®ʬۤȤƤ벻ѲǤ [l] 첻Ҳ𤷤褦벻Ķˤ [l] 첻βӤӤ뷹ǸȤʤäƤƤꡤ礷Ƥ (Trudgill 63--66; Ͽޤ Trudgill 64 Ȥ˺)

ɽȤƵΤmilk ȯǤ롥 [mɪlk] ȯ[mɪʊlk] Ф [mɪʊk] ؤѲƤƤ롥[l] (ä dark l; cf. #1817. Ѹ /l/ /r/ (2) ([2014-04-18-1])) Τĸľ첻˱ƶͿơ[ɪ] [ɪʊ] Ѥ [l] ϾäƹԤȤǤ롥첻θ [l] ³ĶǹäƤꡤhill, roll, ball ʤɤǤƱݤǧ롥ŪˤƱ (assimilation) 1ǤꡤۤȤǤʤɥä˸˵äƤꡤ쥤ɤ濴˱ƶϤϤƤȤ̣Ǥϡfill feel Ȥ [fɪʊ ? fɪʊl] ˹줷Ƥꡤdoll dole [dʌʊ] ؼ̤pull Paul [pʌʊ] ͻ礷ƤޤäƤ롥
250ǯۤ non-prevocalic /r/ æɥդǵꡤϤ礷ƤȤͤȡ non-prevocalic /l/ æɥ濴˻ϤޤäƤȤȤϼŪǤ롥塤ɤΤ깭ϰس礷ɸˤɸܤ褦ˤʤǽ롥
Trudgill, Peter. The Dialects of England. 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000.
#500. intrusive r ([2010-09-09-1]) Ǹ "The idea(r) is . . . ." ʤɤ˸ r ˤĤơθݤϡRP ޤѸνʬۤƤ롤߿ʹθѲǤ롥ñΤǤ뤤ϻҲ³Ȥˤ /aɪˈdɪə/첻³ĶǤ /aɪˈdɪər/ Ѱۤ붦Ūݤ֤ȤȤʬۤƤȤǤ̻ŪݤǤ⤢롥
εǽҤ٤褦ˡintrusive r ΤϡŵŪ /ɔː/, /ɑː/, /ɜː/, /ə/ Τ줫첻ǽˤƤǤ롥ѰۤüԤˤȤäƤϡθδ첻ˤ /r/ ޤޤƤꡤ첻³ĶǤ /r/ Τޤ¸뤬ʳδĶǤ /r/ æǡʤȤƼ¸Ȥ§ߤƤȹͤ롥
Ѱۤ뤤ѲطʤǺѤƤ륫饯ͤƤߤ褦Ūɸ।ꥹѸѼǤϡ㤨 ear δ첻 /ɪər/idea δ첻 /aɪˈdɪə/ Ǥꡤ/r/ ̵ͭ˴ؤΤ˶̤Ƥñ첻³ĶʳǤ /ɪə/ ȤǼ¸뤿ˡ줾δ첻ˤ /r/ ̵ͭˤĤơɽŪʥҥȤ뵡ʤΤϤС첻 /ə/ ǽ /ər/ ǽΤۤŪ¿Ȥ⤢ꡤ (analogy) θ̤ idea ʤɤδ첻 /r/ 뤳ȤȤʤäˤꡤear idea ɽŪˤƱǼ¸뵡¿ˤ⤫餺ۤʤ첻⤿ʤФʤʤȤôȤʤ֤ä줿Ȥˤʤ롥
Υ饯ϡɽŪʥҥȡפηǡǤ롥첻³ĶʳȤ櫓ñΤǼ¸ݤˡear idea ȤǸζ̤ʤȤˤꡤߤδ첻Τˤ̤ʤϤȤǽȤʤ롥դ˸С¸벻˶̤硤ʤ줾 /ɪər/, /aɪˈdɪə/ ȯѼˤƤϡΥ饯꤬ư뤭äʤˡintrusive r ʤͽ¬롥ơºݤˤͽ¬Ȥ狼äƤ롥non-prevocalic /r/ ѼǤ intrusive r Ƥ餺Τ褦ѼüԤϡ¾ѼǤ intrusive r ̯ʸݤȤȤ館Ƥ褦Trudgill (58) ΥȤ̣
. . . of course it [intrusive r] is a process which occurs only in the r-less accents. R-ful accents (as they are sometimes called), in places like the southwest, USA and Scotland, do not have this feature, because they have not undergone the loss of 'r' which started the whole process off in the first place. Speakers of r-ful accents therefore often comment on the intrusive-'r' phenomenon as a peculiar aspect of the accents of England. One can, for example, hear Scots ask 'Why do English people say "Canadarr"?'. English people of course do not say 'Canadarr', but those of them who have r-less accents do mostly say 'Canadarr and England' /kænədər ən ɪŋglənd/.
r ȯ̵ͭˤĤƤϡ#406. Labov New York City /r/ ([2010-06-07-1])#452. ɱѸνˤ r ([2010-07-23-1])#453. ꥫѸνˤ r ([2010-07-24-1])#1050. postvocalic r ΥϿޤˤĤ ([2012-03-12-1])#1371. New York City ˤ non-prevocalic /r/ ʸŪѰۤĴ ([2013-01-27-1])#1535. non-prevocalic /r/ μҲŪʲ͡ ([2013-07-10-1]) ۤrhotic ȡ
Trudgill, Peter. The Dialects of England. 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000.
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