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rhotic ʥꥫѸפȡnon-rhotic ʥꥹѸפȤΩϤ褯ΤƤ롥Ωñ㲽ƤȤ館뤭餤ꡤºݤˤϥꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽ⤢СꥹѸ rhotic Ѽ⤢롥ꥫѸΰǤʤ non-rhotic ȯԤʤƤ뤫ˤĤƤϹäˤꡤܺ٤Ϥޤ餫ˤƤʤ (cf. #3953. ꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽε ([2020-02-22-1]))
⤽ non-rhotic ȯ߽ФȤˤʤä /r/ üȤѲϡʤϤޤäΤMinkova (280) ϡ/r/ ü˺ѤŪҲŪװŦĤġֻ˸경줿 <r> Ʊξü˻ߤˡʣʹ˰礤η̤Ȥơrhotic non-rhotic ξȯ¸뤳ȤˤʤäƤΤ⤯
While loss of /r/ may be described as 'natural' in a phonetic sense, it is still unclear why some communities of speakers preserved it when others did not. One reason why the change may have taken off in the first place, not usually considered in the textbook accounts, is loan phonology. In Later Old French (eleventh to fourteenth century) and Middle French (fourteenth to sixteenth century), pre-consonantal [r] was assimilated to the following consonant and thereby lost in the spoken language (it is retained in spelling to this day), producing rhymes such as sage : large, fors : clos, ferme : meesme. Thus English orthography was at odds with the functional factor of ease of articulation and with the possibly prestigious pronunciation of recent loanwords in which pre-consonantal [-r] had been lost. This may account for the considerable lag time for the diffusion and codification of [r]-loss in early Modern English. Rhotic and non-rhotic pronunciations must have coexisted for over three centuries, even in the same dialects. . . . [C]onservatism based on spelling maintained rhoticity in the Southern standard until just after the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
ǿƤե "loan phonology" ͿƤΤǤϤʤȤϡ¿ʻǤ롥
ּʡײեˤ /r/ üֻˤ <r> ݻ --- /r/ üϤʤŪҲŪװȡ˻ߤ褦ˡŪװȤĹˤ錄˰깭Ū1700ǯ鸽ߤޤǤ300ǯʾˤ錄ä rhotic non-rhotic ξȯ¸³ƤȤȤˤʤ롥
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
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