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ε ([2020-03-30-1]) ˰³ɸˤĤƤˤΤܤäƤߤޤ礦ƤޤȤСѸβˡ˿;ѲʤΤϡεȤʤűѸ³ˡǤľˡ٤п;ѲǤꡤεʿ;ѲѸˤ -n ξüˤ꼺Ƥޤä顤ȤȤˤʤޤǤ⤦Ƨ߹䤦Ƥߤޤ礦űѸȤʳˤƤľˡ٤³ˡο;ѲäȤΤϡäɤͳˤΤǤ礦
űѸƱ²ΥޥɤθŤߤƤߤޤȡ³ˡˤľˡƱͤʣʿ;ѲäȤ狼ޤѸ to bear Ϣʤư³ˡߤο;ѲɽʥޥˤLass (173) ȤȤ˰Ѥޤ礦Go ϥȸ졤OE ϸűѸ졤OIc ϸťɸؤޤ
(iii) Present subjunctive. The Germanic subjunctive descends mainly from the old IE optative; typical paradigms:
(7.24)
Go OE OIc sg 1 baír-a-i ber-e ber-a 2 baír-ai-s " ber-er 3 baír-ai " ber-e pl 1 baír-ai-ma ber-en ber-em 2 baírai-þ " ber-eþ 3 baír-ai-na " ber-e
The basic IE thematic optative marker was */-oi-/, which > Gmc */-ɑi-/ as usual; this is still clearly visible in Gothic. The other dialects show the expected developments of this diphthong and following consonants in weak syllables . . . , except for the OE plural, where the -n is extended from the third person, as in the indicative. . . .
. . . .
(iv) Preterite subjunctive. Here the PRET2 grade is extended to all numbers and persons; thus a form like OE bǣr-e is ambiguous between pret ind 2 sg and all persons subj sg. The thematic element is an IE optative marker */-i:-/, which was reduced to /e/ in OE and OIc before it could cause i-umlaut (but remains as short /i/ in OS, OHG).
鼨ΤϡŤޥǤ³ˡǤľˡƱ褦˴ʿ;Ѳꡤɽ6åȤΤˤȼθäƤȤȤǤŪ˸Ť褯ĤƤȤ뺸Υȸ줬ŵȤʤޤȤűѸǤϤȤȤʣʿ;Ѳ餫λñ㲽ޤ
Ǥϡ餫λȤϲǤ礦ΰѤǤƤޤ1ĤˤϤϤ겻ѲͿƤޤűѸˤˤơȸθ˼तθ첻Ҳ˼岽üȤȤޤη̡³ˡߤñ bere ؤȼ̤ޤ³ˡߤʣϡ3;Τθ˴ޤޤƤ n ʥȸθ baír-ai-na ȡˤ (analogy) ˤä12;Τؤ礷 beren ȤѤʣޤޤ嵭ϡʶѲưΡ³ˡߤˤĤƤǤ³ˡǤ褦ѤޤѲư⤪褽Ʊ褦ʲɤޤ (Lass 177) ̤ȤơűѸǤΤȤƿ;Ѳ³ˡηϤǤäΤǤ
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ѸβˡǤϡƻʸߤȲˤľˡˤߤ褦ʿ;ѲߤޤˡߤǤϿ;Ρʤӿˤˤ餺ưϸΤΤǤˡǤ;Ρʤӿˤˤ餺ŵŪ -ed ǽľˡƱ֤Ѥޤ
äȤ⡤ͤƤߤľˡǤ3;ñߤ -(e)s ٤ǤΤǡѸǤϿ;ѲŪ˵Ȥޤbe ưϿ;ѲʣǤľˡˤƤϿ;Ρʤӿˤ˱ƸǤ is, am, are ̤졤Ǥ were, were ̤뤫ǤˡˤƤϸǤѤ be Ѥ졤ȤʤѤ were ѤޤʸǤϲˡ If I were you . . . ʤ If I was you . . . Τ褦ǽǤʸˡǤ were Ѥ뤳ȤˤʤäƤޤˡbe ưᤰüˤĤƤϡ#2600. űѸ be ưζޡ ([2016-06-09-1])#2601. ʤ If I WERE a bird ʤΤ ([2016-06-10-1])#3284. be ưü ([2018-04-24-1])#3812. was were δط ([2019-10-04-1])ˤȤ
ѸˤδҤȤƤΤϡʤˡˤϾ嵭̤;ѲڤߤʤΤȤǤˡŪˤ³ˡ (subjunctive) ȸƤФΤǡϸԤѸȤäƤޤѸ to love ʱɽˤϢʤűѸư lufian ο;ѲɽʺɽˤįƤߤޤ礦
| űѸ lufian | ľˡ | ³ˡ | Ѹ love | ľˡ | ³ˡ | |||||||
| ?????? | ???? | ?????? | ???? | ?????? | ???? | ?????? | ???? | |||||
| | 1; | lufie | lufiaþ | lufie | lufien | | 1; | love | love | love | ||
| 2人称 | lufast | 2人称 | ||||||||||
| 3人称 | lufaþ | 3人称 | loves | |||||||||
| 1; | lufode | lufoden | lufode | lufoden | 1; | loved | loved | |||||
| 2人称 | lufodest | 2人称 | ||||||||||
| 3人称 | lufode | 3人称 | ||||||||||
ѸǤϡߤλ¤ȿФβɽ魯Τˡʤ뤤ǫɽȤơˡΤʤưβˡѤΤ§ǤǤ would, should, could, might ʤɤβˡưѤΤŵǤʲʸȡ
(1) If he tried harder, he would succeed.
(2) If we caught the 10 o'clock train, we could get there by lunchtime.
(3) If I were you, I'd wait a bit.
ޤλ¤ȿФβɽˤϡΤʤǤưβˡλѤǤ would/should/could/might have + PP ηΤŪǤ
(4) If she had been awake, she would have heard the noise.
(5) If I had had enough money, I could have bought a car.
(6) If I had known you were ill, I could have visited you.
ŪˤߤȡΤ褦ȿŪʸϸűѸ줫餢ޤѸȰۤʤΤϡűѸǤȿ¤ɽ魯ˤ餺Ĥޤ嵭 (1)--(3) Τߤʤ餺 (4)--(6) Υˤ⡤ӤƲˡʸűѸѸǤ³ˡˤѤƤȤǤĤޤꡤѸǤȤβˡⲾˡλ⡤űѸȻפ³ˡѤۤʤȤȤǤ⡤ˤƤƱͤ˲ˡwould ʤɤˡưǤϤʤˤѤȤȤդɬפǤ
űѸ⤷ Traugott (257) ꡤ2ĤȿŪʸȡˤĤƤβѤƤޤ
The past subjunctive is . . . used to express imaginary and unreal (including counterfactual) conditionality. In this case both clauses are subjunctive. Since no infexional distinction is made in OE between unreality in past, present or future, adverbs may be used to distinguish specific time-relations, but usually the time-relations are determined from the context. Example (219) illustrates a counterfactual in the past, (220) a counterfactual in the present:
(219) ... & ðær frecenlice gewundod wearð, & eac ofslagen wære (PAST SUBJ), gif his sunu his ne gehulpe (PAST SUBJ)
... and there dangerously wounded was, and even slain would-have-been, if his son him not had-helped
(Or 4 8.186.22)
... and was dangerously wounded there, and would even have been killed, had his son not helped him
(220) Hwæt, ge witon þæt ge giet todæge wæron (PAST SUBJ) Somnitum þeowe, gif ge him ne alugen (PAST SUBJ) iowra wedd
What, you know that you still today were to-Samnites slaves, if you them not had-belied your vows
(Or 3 8.122.11)
Listen, you know that you would still today be the Samnites' slaves, if you had not betrayed your vows to them
ʾꡤűѸǤ⸽ѸƱͤȿŪˤϲˡ³ˡ˲ѤƤȤǧǤޤѸޤǤˡȿ¤λؤƤߤʤΤʤΤˤäƲˡȲˡλȤʬʸˡȯãꡤˡư줬Ѥ褦ˤʤʤɤѲϤޤȿŪɽ魯Τ˾Dzˡ³ˡ߷ѤȤϱѸˤ̤ѤäƤޤѸϸűѸӤơȿ¡¡̤¸ˤɽΤˡǤϤʤλäƤΤǤ
Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. Syntax. In The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 168--289.
#3977. ֺ¡ֱѸˤȸ츻פ6֥οפΤ ([2020-03-17-1]) ǤΤ餻褦ˡ321ڡˤ15:15?18:30ˡī㡼ɶˤֱѸˤȸ츻6οꤹֱԤʤޤʥ륹ҤΤʤDzȿۤޤޤϻ֤Ķ᤹ۤɤμޤ꤬Ȥޤ
ֺ¤Ѥ饤ɻ֤Ƥޤʲ˥饤ɤγƥڡؤΥĥäƤޤ
1. Ѹˤȸ츻6 ֥ο
2. 6ο
3. ܼ
4. 1.
5. Viking θ츻
6. Υ֥ƥ罱
7. 2. ѸȸťΥɸδط
8. 3. ťΥɸ줫Ѥ줿ñ
9. ťΥɼѸ
10. ťΥɼѸβŪħ
11. ĤŪʸťΥɼѸˤĤ
12. ɤ̾θťΥɸ
13. Ѹ̾θťΥɸ
14. ťΥɸ줫ΰ̣
15. 4. ťΥɸθðʳؤαƶ
16. ʤѸθϡּưŪפʤΤ
17. 5. ܿǻ̩
18. ܿμΥǥ
19. ޤȤ
20. ʸ
418ڡˤ15:30?18:45ͽꤷƤޤʿʥ륹αƶޤޤۤǤˡ֥ΥޥȥΥޥīפꤷơ1066ǯλαѸ˾ΰյͤޤܺ٤ɤ
#1253. ťΥɸαƶܡ ([2012-10-01-1]) ǵꥹȤˡDance (1735) ȤĤܤɲäƤ¾ڤԤ벾Ȥ٥Ǥ롥
(1) the marked increase in productivity of the derivational verbal affixes -n- (as in harden, deepen) and -l- (e.g. crackle, sparkle)
(2) the rise of the "phrasal verb" (verb plus adverb/preposition) at the expense of the verbal prefix, most persuasively the development of up in an aspectual (completive) function
(3) certain aspects of v2 syntax (including the development of 'CP-v2' syntax in northern Middle English)
(4) the general shift to VO order
嵭 (1) ˤĤƤϡ#1877. ưƬ en- -en ([2014-06-17-1]) ǴϢ˿ƤΤǡ⻲ȡ
(2) ˤĤƤϡϢơ#2396. ե줫ζμѤФ뿵 ([2015-11-18-1]) ȡ
(3), (4) 츽ݤȤ櫓 (4) 礭ʲǤ롥ˤĤƤرѸˤDzۤѸθ --- ǼƱѸؤ֤ˡؽ2011ǯˤ54ǤƤ롥˰ʲε碌Ƥɤ
#1170. ťΥɸȤθܿȶޤο ([2012-07-10-1])
#3131. Ϣ11֤ʤѸSVOθʤΤԡˡס ([2017-11-22-1]) Ϣܵؤľܥפ
#3160. Ϣ12֤ʤѸSVOθʤΤʸԡˡס ([2017-12-21-1]) Ϣܵؤľܥפ
#3733.رѸ춵٤Ϣ5֤ʤѸϸ礬ʤ˷ޤäƤΤס ([2019-07-17-1])
Ǹ˥ꥹȤ˲äΤ˺Ƥ⤦1Ĥιܤä
(5) the spread of the s-plural
ϡ伫Ȥܺ٤ƤǤ롥ܤ Hotta
Dance, Richard. "English in Contact: Norse." Chapter 110 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1724--37.
δ졡رѸˤDzۤѸθ --- ǼƱѸؤ֤ˡ١ؽ2011ǯ
Hotta, Ryuichi. The Development of the Nominal Plural Forms in Early Middle English. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo, 2009.
űѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤƤϡܿɤΤ褦˥ǥ벽뤫Ȥ꤬Ĺ餯Ƥܥ֥ϢפʵƤ
#1179. ťΥɸȤܿȡּ夤嫡ס ([2012-07-19-1])
#1223. Ѹϥ쥪줫 ([2012-09-01-1])
#1249. Ѹϥ쥪줫 (2) ([2012-09-27-1])
#1250. Ѹϥ쥪줫 (3) ([2012-09-28-1])
#3001. ʤűѸϸťΥɸִʤäΤ ([2017-07-15-1])
#3972. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation ([2020-03-12-1])
#3980. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation (2) ([2020-03-20-1])
ܿ˴ؤ Thomason and Kaufman Ǥư衤Ū˸ܿˤ "contact-induced changes" (or "borrowing") "shift-induced interference" 2ΥפȤƤꡤűѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤƤ⤽δƸƤʤƤ2ؤʬˤĤƤϡ#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1])#3968. ܿ2סimitation adaptation ([2020-03-08-1]) ȡˡ
Τ褦͡ʥǥ벽ˡʤǡɤ줬äθܿθ¤ǤФƤΤФ Dance (1727) λŦ˼
It is worth stressing that when scholars refer to "the Anglo-Norse contact situation", this must be understood as shorthand for a long period of contacts in diverse local settings. It would have encompassed the widest possible variety of interactions, from the most superficial (trade, negotiation) to the most intimate (mixed communities, intermarriage), and every shade of relative political/cultural "dominance" by one group of speakers or the other. Accordingly, one should be wary of assuming that all the (putative) effects of this contact arose from a single type of encounter (or a series of encounters on a simple chronological cline of intensity), even if historical distance has effectively turned them into one cluster of phenomena.
ξܿϻŪˤŪˤ¿ͤäΤǤꡤ1Ĥʿͤ뤳ȤˤդʤФʤʤȤåθܿǥ벽褦ȤʤС֤ȤǥκפȤǥꤹΤŬڤ⤷ʤ
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Dance, Richard. "English in Contact: Norse." Chapter 110 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2nd vol. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1724--37.
2֤ε ([2020-03-23-1], [2020-03-24-1]) ˰³ɸεˤĤƵޤƥʸˡѸ modus ˤĤĴ٤ƤߤȡȻפȤޤOED mode, n. θ츻˼Τ褦ʸڤޤ
In grammar (see sense 2), classical Latin modus is used (by Quintilian, 1st cent. a.d.) for grammatical 'voice' (active or passive; Hellenistic Greek ĦάȦŦҦς ), post-classical Latin modus (by 4th-5th-cent. grammarians) for 'mood' (Hellenistic Greek ἔæʦ˦ɦҦς ). Compare Middle French, French mode grammatical 'mood' (feminine 1550, masculine 1611).
Ĥޤꡤmodus ϸŵΥƥǤŪʡˡפΰ̣ѤƤΤΡŵƥǤϤष̤ưʸˡƥǤ֡ (voice) ΰ̣ѤƤȤȤˤʤޤʸˡƥɽ魯Ѹ췲ƱƤ뤫Τ褦˸ޤϤɤФ褤Ǥ礦
¤ voice ȤѸ켫Τˤ褦ʻ𤬤ޤ#1520. ʤư֤Ρ֡פ voice ʤΤ ([2013-06-25-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡѸˤơvoice ϸŪʡ֡פΰ̣Ѥˡ̤ưʸˡƥǤֿ;Ρ (person) ɽ魯Ȥ⤢ޤ̾ʸˡƥǤֳʡ (case) ɽ魯Ȥ⤢ޤ˥ƥѸƤߤޤȡ֡פɽ路Ѹ1Ĥ genus ޤθϸ gender ȯŸ̾ʸˡƥǤ (gender) ̣ȤʤäƤޤ
ʾ夫鸫ƤΤϡդѸ췲κƱŪˤϤäȤȤǤͤƤߤСߤǤư̾ʸˡƥɽ魯ѸƤߤȡˡ (mood) (aspect) (voice) (gender) (case) ʤɡ鸫Ǥϰ̣ȽȤޤʤΤ褦ѸܸǤѸǤˤƤƤΤʤΤ¿Ȥ˵դޤŪʬ䤹Τϻ (tense)(number); (person) 餤ǤϤʤǤ礦
Ѹ mood/mode, aspect, voice, gender, case ܸΡˡסס֡ססֳʡפʤɤϡաʤȯݡˤΡˡס¦̡סּ٤̣롤̣ŪˤϤʤ¤ʷ̾ȤäƤ褯kind, type, classּסַספʤɤȸƤ褤ʪǤȤȤϡϤޤصŪʬ̾ˤ˲餫ѶŪʰ̣ǽ餫ɤ߹ޤƤ櫓ǤϤʤäȤǽޤ
ޤȤޤ礦2֤εǡˡפֵʬפ뤤ϡ֥⡼ɡפȤߤƤޤβϡѸεȤ餤ɬƤޤmode ϸ츻ȤƤϡˡ٤̣̾ˤϤѶŪʰ̣ϤۤɴޤޤƤʤäȹͤ뤫ǤҤ٤ȤϤޤѸεȤεǤäơդǤˤ衤䤿ˡֵʬפ֥⡼ɡפȤѶŪʰ̣ɤ߹Dzᤷ褦Ȥ뤳ȼΤ꤬櫓ǤϤޤºݤΤȤŪˤСˡסֵʬס֥⡼ɡפȤϤʤոƤΤǤϤʤȡ伫ȤפäƤޤ
ε ([2020-03-23-1]) ˰³ˡ (mood) ˤĤƤǤεϡmood mode Ϥˡפΰ̣Ѥ졤ˡȤϡֵʬפǤ֥⡼ɡפǤ⤢뤫餽Ԥȹͤ줽˻פޤºݤˤϡξñϸ츻ۤʤޤmood mode ˤ̤פȤϽҤ٤ޤ츻ƱȤϸޤǤˤϾ𤬤ޤ
mode ͤޤ礦ñϥƥ modus ̤ޤƥǤ "manner, mode, way, method; rule, rhythm, beat, measure, size; bound, limit" ʤ͡ʰ̣ɽ路ޤ̤аĸ *med- (to take appropriate measures) ˤɤĤϡּʡˡʤ֤ˡפۤɤä褦ǤΥƥñϤθե mode Ȥʤꡤ줬Ѹ mode ȤƼѤƤޤѸǤ1400ǯ˲ѸȤơ֥ǥʤΰפΰ̣ǽФޤ1450ǯˤϸؤΡˡפΰ̣ǤѤ졤ѸȤ夷ޤν OED ˤȰʲ̤Ǥmoode ȤֻѤƤ뤳ȤդƤ
mode, n.
. . . .
2.
a. Grammar. = mood n.2 1.
Now chiefly with reference to languages in which mood is not marked by the use of inflectional forms.
c1450 in D. Thomson Middle Eng. Grammatical Texts (1984) 38 A verbe..is declined wyth moode and tyme wtoute case, as 'I love the for I am loued of the' ... How many thyngys falleth to a verbe? Seuene, videlicet moode, coniugacion, gendyr, noumbre, figure, tyme, and person. How many moodes bu ther? V... Indicatyf, imperatyf, optatyf, coniunctyf, and infinityf.
mood θ츻ҤȤƤߤޤ礦ߡֵʬࡼɡפ̣뤳αñϼѸǤϤʤűѸǤűѸ mōd ʿʬࡼɡˤѽиȤäƤ褯#1148. űѸ˭ʸϡ ([2012-06-18-1]) Ǥߤ褦˿ʣιǤȤѤƤޤ̤аĸ *mē- (certain qualities of mind) ˤɤĤ mode ȤϵۤˤƤ뤳ȤʬȻפޤ
ơ mood Ѹǡˡפΰ̣Ѥ줿ΤϡOED ˤ1450ǯΤȤǡʲ̤Ǥ
mood, n.2
. . . .
1. Grammar.
a. A form or set of forms of a verb in an inflected language, serving to indicate whether the verb expresses fact, command, wish, conditionality, etc.; the quality of a verb as represented or distinguished by a particular mood. Cf. aspect n. 9b, tense n. 2a.
The principal moods are known as indicative (expressing fact), imperative (command), interrogative (question), optative (wish), and subjunctive (conditionality).
c1450 in D. Thomson Middle Eng. Grammatical Texts (1984) 38 A verbe..is declined wyth moode and tyme wtoute case.
ŤǤ礦c1450νФʸ˵ mode ΤΤƱǤĤޤꡤƥͳ mode ȱѸ mood ־ʰֻ moode ħŪˤˤäơʸˡѸȤƱѸǻȤФΥߥǡ㺮ˤʤäƤޤä褦ʤΤǤOED ϼ¤ΤȤֿפ mood, n.1 ȡˡפ mood, n.2 ̸ФȤΩƤƤΤǤԤθ츻 "Originally a variant of mode n., perhaps reinforced by association with mood n.1." Ȥ褦ˡɤϤ㺮ȲᤷƤޤ̣Ūˤϡֵʬס֥⡼ɡդȤơξñ줬ӤĤȹͤޤäơˡפֵʬס֥⡼ɡפȲ᤹븫ϡθ츻ŪƱͿƤΤΡΤȤ1450ǯˤ櫓Ǥͳ郎Ȥ⤤뤷ʤȤ⤤̯ʻǤ͡εǡˡפֵʬפ뤤ϡ֥⡼ɡפȤߤ֤ʤʤޤǤƤϤΤΡ¤ϼäդ褦ʲפȽҤ٤ΤϡΤ褦طʤäǤ
ǤϡɸεФϲʤΤǤ礦ܤäơƥʸˡѸȤƤ modus ɤΤ褦ʰ̣礤ǻȤƤΤʬСˡ (mood, mode) οˤĤʤꤽǤεǡ
ؤǤϡˡ (mood) ȸƤФưʸˡƥ (category) פȤʤޤ¾ưʸˡƥȤƤϻ (tense) (aspect) (voice) ޤŪ˴طȤǤ̾ʸˡƥǤ (number) ; (person) ⤢ޤΥƥƯơưη֤ޤȤΤħǤκѤϡưγ (conjugation)뤤ϤŪˤưζ (inflection) ȸƤФƤޤ
ĸˡȤƤϡ#3331. ĸ줫饲ޥĸؤưʸˡƤκ ([2018-06-10-1]) Ǥߤ褦ľˡ (indicative mood)³ˡ (subjunctive mood)̿ˡ (imperative mood)ˡ (optative mood) 4郎̤ƤޤäȸޥɤǤϺǽ3˽̸˸űѸޤǤˤϺǽ2ؤȽƤޤʸˤ̿ˡΰˤĤƤϡ#3620. ̿ˡפǧָ᤺̿ˡפȤФ褤 (1) ([2019-03-26-1])#3621. ̿ˡפǧָ᤺̿ˡפȤФ褤 (2) ([2019-03-27-1]) ȡˡˡűѸʹߡ³ˡϿΰӤéꡤޤǤŪʲɽ魯ɽƤϤޤѤʤʤäƤޤΤ褦ʻ𤫤顤αʸˡǤŪʡ³ˡפȤƤ³⡤ֲˡפȾΤΤŪȤʤäƤޤʤ뤤ϡֽˡפȤƤ̾ʸˡȤ⤤ޤˡ
ơѸˡȤƤϡľˡ (indicative mood) Ȳˡ (subjunctive mood) 2ζ̤ߤ뤳ȤˤʤޤΩܼϲǤ礦̤ˤϡǽŪ˥ǥեȤľˡФơˡüԤ̿Ф벿餫οŪ٤ɲ줿ΤȤޤ餫οŪ٤ȤΤۣʸǤ˿줿ǤʤСŪʲפŵǤIf I were a bird, I would fly to you. ˤ벾ˡ were ϡüԤֻĻǤפȤŪʲοŪ٤äƤ뤳ȤޤäƤߤСۥɤäƤ뤳ȤɸǤ
Ʊͤˡˡ߷ go Ѥ I suggest that she go alone. ȤʸˤƤ⡤üԤƬΤʤǴ˾ȤƤˤʤͤǤפȤ̿ꡤޤäƤʤ줫μ¤˵뤫ɤ狼ʤ̿Ǥ뤳Ȥư֤ˤäƼƤޤۤɥѥȤ϶ʤΤΡۥɤɸǤ
ˡפȤѸֿŪ١פȤⲿȤפ碌֤ɽǤѸȤƤ mood Ǥ顤üԤΡֵʬפǤȤȤ館Τ⤢٤ͭʲǤĤޤꡤˡȤüԤ̿ɤΤ褦ʡֵʬפǽҤ٤ƤΤʤƤϡŪʵʬסˤɸΤǤ롤ȤǤ뤤 mood mode ֥⡼ɡ֡פˤ̤ºݤξñȤѸȤƤˡΰ̣ѤޤΤǡüԤΡ֥⡼ɡפȸƤ褵Ǥˡϡۥ⡼ɤɸΤȤȤǤ
ˡˤĤƤϾ嵭Τ褦ʡֵʬפ뤤ϡ֥⡼ɡפȤ礭ְ㤤ϤʤȻפޤβϡѸˤ֤äƤߤȡʤʤޤǤƤϤΤΡ¤ϼäդ褦ʲȤȤʬäƤޤˤĤƤεǡ
ɸȴϢơDurkin (191--92) ƤťΥɸѸ롥űѸƱ졤ťΥɸƱʤĸѸ˼Ѥ줿ˡͤޤǤ˸ťɸǤθǤ롥Ȥ櫓β֤ӤƤ餤
| OE | Scandinavian | Cf. Old Icelandic |
|---|---|---|
| sċyrta (> shirt) | skirt | skyrta |
| sċ(e)aða, sċ(e)aðian | scathe | skaði, skaða 'it hurts' |
| sċiell, sċell (> shell) | (northern) skell 'shell' | skel |
| ċietel, ċetel (> ME chetel) | kettle | ketill |
| ċiriċe (> church) | (northern) kirk | kirkja |
| ċist, ċest (> chest) | (northern) kist | kista |
| ċeorl (> churl) | (northern) carl | karl |
| hlenċe | link | hlekkr |
| ġietan | get | geta |
| ġiefan | give | geva (OSw. giva) |
| ġift | gift | gipt (OSw. gipt, gift) |
| ġeard (> yard) | (northern) garth | garðr |
| ġearwe | gear | gervi |
| bǣtan | bait 'to bait' | beita |
| hāl (> whole) | hail 'healthy' | heill |
| lāc | northern laik 'game' | leikr |
| rǣran (> rear) | raise | reisa |
| swān | swain | sveinn |
| nā (> no) | nay | nei |
| blāc | bleak | bleikr |
| wāc | weak | veikr |
| þēah | though | þó |
| lēas | loose | louss, lauss |
| ǣġ (> ME ei) | egg | egg |
| sweoster, swuster | sister | systir |
| fram, from (> from) | fro | frá |
ɸϡѸˤǤϸŤƤǤ롥ΤꤿΤȤϤ狼ʤȤɤǤ⤢롥
ε#3980. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation (2) ([2020-03-20-1]) Ǽ夲 Warner ϡξԤǤȤξǵʤƤ뤬ΤɤȤ꤬뤳ȤϽʬ˰ռƤ롥ºݡޤ͡ʰոФƤȤ˿졤ŵƤƤ (375) ⤷ʤΤǡʲˤβսѤƤ
How mutually comprehensible were the two languages? There is a range of views on this. 'The Englishmen and Northmen could easily understand each other in their own languages." says Björkmann (1900--2: 8), and Jespersen agreed. Haugen (1976: 138) writes that the languages were 'closely related and probably mutually intelligible,' Tristram (2004: 94) that 'with a little effort' speakers of Anglian and Norse 'were very well able to communicate in their everyday dealings.' Poussa thinks that 'communication between speakers of the different languages [would have been] possible, but not easy.' (1982: 27). Kastovsky (1992: 328--9) and Hansen (1984) think that mutual intelligibility was not high and that bilingualism would have been required.
Warner (375--76) ٻƤΤϼȤ Townend θ
This area has recently been carefully re-examined by Townend (2000, 2002) and his claim that the languages were 'adequately mutually comprehensible' is rather convincing. He reminds us that in the mid-to-late ninth century we are only 400 years from the common North-West Germanic attested in runic inscriptions in southern Scandinavia and Jutland; a dialect area whose language was 'largely uniform' (Nielsen 1989: 5), and in which 'the evidence of both dialect grouping and the runic language supports the notion of a North-West Germanic continuum which contained (in proximity) speakers of the antecedents of both Norse and English' (Townend 2002: 25). We should not think in terms of Late West Saxon and Icelandic, the common citation forms: the English dialect is Anglian, which is closer to Norse, and Icelandic is 400 years later. So, for example, the suggestion made by Kastovsky (1992: 329) and Milroy (1997: 319) that the suffixed definite article of Norse would have contributed to difficulty of communication is unlikely to be relevant, since this development is not recorded until the eleventh century (Townend 2002: 183 note 1; 198 note 15)
ʤ伫ȤΩ Townend Warner ˶ִñƤβäǤФ褽̤ˤʤפǤ롥
Warner, Anthony. "English-Norse Contact, Simplification, and Sociolinguistic Typology." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 118 (2017): 317--404.
Björkmann, Eric. Scandinavian Loan-Words in Middle English. Halle: Niemeyer, 1900--02.
Jespersen, O. Growth and Structure of the English Language. 9th ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 1938.
Haugen, Einar. The Scandinavian Languages: An Introduction to their History. London: Faber, 1976.
Tristram, H. "Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or What was Spoken Old English Like?" Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 40 (2004): 87--110.
Poussa, P. "The Evolution of Early Standard English: The Creolization Hypothesis." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 14 (1982): 69--85.
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Semantics and Vocabulary." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 290--408.
Hansen, B. H. "The Historical Implications of the Scandinavian Linguistic Element in English: A Theoretical Evaluation." Nowele 4 (1984): 53--95.
Townend, M. "Viking Age England as a Bilingual Society." Cultures in Contact: Scandinavian Settlement in England in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Ed. Dawn Hadley and J. D. Richards. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000. 89--105
Townend, M. Language and History in Viking Age England. Turnhout: Brepols, 2002.
Nielsen, Hans Frede. Germanic Languages: Origins and Early Dialectal Interrelations. Tuscaloosa/London: U of Alabama P, 1989.
Milroy, James 1997. "Internal versus External Motivations of Linguistic Change." Multilingua 16 (1997): 311--23.
[2020-03-12-1]˰³Ƥꡥkoineisation ȤϡűѸȸťΥɸθ᤹ܿ뿷Ǥ롥ȤƤϡײŪ˷Ƥ줿˥塼ξͤƤߤȤ褤ܤΤ˥˥塼졤ϤサԤäƤ롥ܸ͡餳ʹ뤬֤ФĤˤĤ (mixing) ġ¤Ρ֤ɤĤʬʿಽդȤñ㲽Ƥ椯ΰϢβ koineisation Ǥcf. #1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1])#3150. ܿϸñˤ뤫ʣˤ뤫 ([2017-12-11-1])ˡ
koineisation ȤܤΤϡܿˤ礭ʱƶϤ Thomason and Kaufman ̤2ܿסʤ shift-induced interference contact-induced changes ΤȤۤʤ륿פȤƤ뤫ʤ2ζ̤ˤĤƤϡ#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1])#3968. ܿ2סimitation adaptation ([2020-03-08-1]) ȡˡ
űѸȸťΥɸܿ koineisation פǤܳŪƤ Warner ʸɤϤ빥Ǥ롥Warner koineisation ꡤξüԤưפˤȤϤʤ˸ߤ˽ʬǽäȤˤƤ롥ξǡߥ˥ˤüԤɤ accommodation selection Ż뤷 (344)
In ... koineization, English and Norse were both used in the same conversation. Speakers tend to accommodate to their interlocutors, so situations developed in which there was mixing of forms with considerable variation. Over time particular forms were selected, and they survived.
ϥԡɴȤǼ㴳ĤȤΤ⡤Kerswill ˤСkoineisation 2--3Τ˴λΤŵȤ뤫űѸȸťΥɸܿˤѲϰ̤ˤϤʤꥹԡǥ˵äȤ뤬ͿѲ¿ϡˤޤǤ®٤ˤϵڤФʤ
˴ؤơWarner ϸܿξˤäƤ koineisation λ֤뤳ȤƤ롥ĤޤꡤűѸ졦ťΥɸΥ̤ʣǴʥפ koineisation ʤΤǤϤʤȤͻ (351)
The speed of koineization depends on interaction within groups, and can also be slow .... Examples from new towns involve dialects which are quite close to one another, and groups that are relatively compact. Norse and OE are at the limits of mutual comprehension, which means that change is a much bigger job linguistically, and the English-Norse situation will have involved considerable socio-geographical variation and complexity across a period of time, reinforced by continuing inmigration of speakers of Norse in particular area, but as a series of situations involving communities of different sizes and cultural mix, speaking a series of koines which are at various removes from OE and ON, and which become dialects while still containing variation. All this took time.
Warner λ¾ΤޤȤȤʤäƤ1Ƥ (385)
So I believe that there is a coherent interpretation of the history of contact between English and Norse in which they are adequately mutually comprehensible. A (perhaps considerable) period of rudimentary dialect mixing and leveling was followed by an increase in interaction, by the weakening of distinctive elements of cultural identities of speakers of Norse and OE, and by a general willingness to disregard linguistic boundaries .... Then koineization, in which child peer groups especially in larger villages and urban areas may have played a focusing role in stabilizing variation, led to the amalgamation of English and Norse. This will have taken place at different times in different places: early in the Lindisfarne glosses, but considerably later in areas with a denser Norse population reinforced by immigration. Notice that this account includes a mechanism for simplificatory change and selection in the largely automatic accommodation which attends face-to-face interaction between speakers of similar linguistic systems, given appropriate social and psychological circumstances. So there is an apparently motivated connection between the linguistic situation (with its social and psychological components) and the overall type of outcome, and if my interpretation of this situation is appropriate, inflectional simplification at some level should reasonably (but not certainly) be anticipated.
Ǹ Warner ˤ koineisation Ȥ "a process of koineization (dialect mixing, levelling and simplification, driven by mutual accommodation and selection)" (393) ѤƤ
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Warner, Anthony. "English-Norse Contact, Simplification, and Sociolinguistic Typology." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 118 (2017): 317--404.
Kerswill, P. "Koineization and Accommodation." The Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Ed. J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill, and N. Schilling-Estes. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004. 668--702.
ѸθäˤϸťΥɸ줫μѸ줬¿ޤޤƤ롥ϸťΥɸȤ8Ⱦʹߥ˿꽻11ޤĹ餯ѸüԤܿƤ̤Ǥ롥ܿλ濴ϤäƸűѸȤäƤťΥɸμѸ¿ºݤʸ˸ƤΤѸäƤǤ롥λֺݤˤĤƤϡ#2869. ťΥɸ줫μѤϸűѸǤäƤ⡤ʸڤѸ ([2017-03-05-1])#3263. ʤťΥɸ줫μѸ¿Ѹ˽ФΤ ([2018-04-03-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥ
ȤϤ1100ǯʸڤťΥɸñ줬ʤ櫓ǤϤʤ츻ǧλˤäƿޤޤ¤ΤȤ100Ȥ⡤150Ȥ⡤185Ȥ⤤뵬Ϥdzǧ (Dance 1731, Durkin 179) θűѸθťΥɸѸħϡ¿Ѹޤ¸³ʤäȤȤȤϡѸˤĤäƤʤ櫓ǡꥹȤįƤԥʤΤ¿Ǥ⡤ޤǻĤäƤפʸʤ櫓ǤϤʤDurkin (180--82) ΥꥹȤΰįƤߤ褦
ޤդȤʬθ줬Ωġbarþ, barda, cnear, flēge, scegð Ϥμ̾ǤʤŪˤɤΤ褦ؤΤɬ餫ǤϤʤˡhā ΤΤؤˡhamele ʥˡwrang(a) ҡˡhæfen ʹ= havenˤʤɤ⤢롥
ˡȷӤĤ뷳ˡΧҲ顤ʾ˴ؤ줬롥marc ʽ̡ʾñ̤ȤƤΥޥ륯= markˡhūsting ʽ= hustingsˡhūscarl ʲȿáˡbryniġe ʺӤˡgrið ʿ¡ˡlagu ˡΧ= lawˡ(hūs)bōnda ʼ͡= husbandˡfēolaga ֡= fellowˤʤɡ
¾loft ʶˡrōt ʺ= rootˡscinn 桨= skinˡtacan (롨= take) ʤɽפʸޤޤƤ롥
ޤ굤Ťʤ (loan_translation or calque) ȤܤޤСä㤬롥æsċman ꡤ±ˡhāsæta ʤˡstēor(es)mann ʿ͡ˡwederfest ʰŷǽйҤǤʤˤϡ줾ťɸ askmaðr, háseti, stýrimaðr/stjórnamaðr, veðrfastr б餯ѤλǤϤʤȹͤ롥
μѸˤĤƤϡ¿ɬפ˱ ("need-based") ѤäȤäƤ褤Ӥơ#302. űѸΥեѸ ([2010-02-23-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
Dance, Richard. "English in Contact: Norse." Chapter 110 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1724--37.
Durkin, Philip. Borrowed Words: A History of Loanwords in English. Oxford: OUP, 2014.
ѸˤˤơָťΥɸפ뤤 "Old Norse" (old_norse) Ȥ̾ȤȤդʤФʤʤΤϡ̾2ĤΰۤʤؼоݤȤȤ
1Ĥϡ̥ޥ췲Τ¸ǸŤλȤƤθťɸ12ʹߡˤƱ췲ɽȤƻؤˡ⤦1ĤϡȤ櫓Ѹ˸ʸ̮ˤơ8ȾФ11ˤƱѸȤ륢ͤ쥤ɤܿؤˡǤ롥
2ĤλؼоݤϡޤäƻʤȤ1ʾۤʤ롥ޤŪˤԤϥɡԤ̥ޥ췲Τʤξ롼פˤޤΤΡ§ȤƥʥӥȾǤ롥OED οǤǤϤѸκ뤿ˡԤʸȤǡ˶Ū "Old Icelandic" ȡԤʸʤȤǡˤŪ "early Scandinavian" ȸƤʬƤ褦θ̩ʻȤʬϳΤΤפѸˤʤΤǡʸ̮ΤǤС⤳ޤ̤ "Old Norse" ȸƤǤƤ⺹٤Ϥʤ̤ռƤɬפϤ
Durkin (175) Ū˻ŦƤ伫ȤϤޤ2Ĥ "Old Norse" ΤȤ̤ƤȻפŪ˶̤٤ȤʹƥϥäȤ
One important, albeit slightly arcane, initial question concerns terminology. Traditionally, the term 'Old Norse' has been used to denote two different things: (i) the language of the earliest substantial documents in any Scandinavian language, namely the rich literature largely preserved in Icelandic manuscripts dating from the twelfth century and (mostly) later; and (ii) the language that was in contact with English in the British Isles. In fact this is somewhat misleading, since English was in contact with the ancestor varieties of both West Norse (Norwegian and Icelandic) and East Norse (Danish and Swedish), but at a time earlier than our earliest substantial surviving documents for any of the Scandinavian languages, and at a time when the differences between West and East Norse were still very slight. Thus it is only rarely that English words can be attributed to either West or East Norse influence with any confidence. In this book I follow the terminology used in the new edition of the OED, using 'early Scandinavian' as a catch-all for the early West Norse and East Norse varieties which were in contact with English, and distinguishing this from 'Old Icelandic' denoting the language of the early Icelandic texts, and from 'Old Norwegian', 'Old Danish', 'Old Swedish' denoting the oldest literary records of each of these languages.
̾ȤΤϤȤ˥ȥåǡդƤʤФʤʤ롥Ϣơ#3558. ȸ̾ε ([2019-01-23-1])#864. Ʒ줿̾ ([2011-09-08-1]) ʤɤ⻲ȡ
Durkin, Philip. Borrowed Words: A History of Loanwords in English. Oxford: OUP, 2014.
321ڡˤ15:15?18:30ˡī㡼ɶˤֱѸˤȸ츻6οꤹֱԤʤޤݤϰʲ̤Ǥ
8Ⱦͤϥνޤߤ̲ǤťΥɸȤƤϡθ奤꽻ޤϤǸťΥɸȱѸϷ㤷ܿ뤳ȤˤʤޤƸťΥɸαƶޤ줿Ѹϸäʸˡˤ礭ѼκפϸѸˤޤƤޤʤä顤ߤαѸλѤϤʤΤǤϡγưȸťΥɸˤĤƳѤĤġ̤ܿεФǡѸˤߤťΥɸθŪʰ仺ܤޤ
ťΥɸ (old_norse) ˤĤơܥ֥ǤϢ¿äƤޤʲפʵ˥ĥäƤޤ
#59. ѸˤˤťΥɸΰյä ([2009-06-26-1])
#111. ѸˤˤťΥɸȸťեαƶӤ ([2009-08-16-1])
#169. get give Ϥʤ /g/ äƤΤ ([2009-10-13-1])
#170. guest host ([2009-10-14-1])
#340. ťΥɸ줬ѸͿƶ Jespersen ɾ ([2010-04-02-1])
#818. ɤ˻ĤťΥɸ̾ ([2011-07-24-1])
#827. she θ츻 ([2011-08-02-1])
#881. ťΥɸǤ͡ ([2011-09-25-1])
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#1938. Ϣ -by ˤ̾ϸťΥɸΤΤ ([2014-08-17-1])
#2354. ťΥɸαƶŪեαƶʸŪ ([2015-10-07-1])
#2591. ťΥɸϤĤޤǥɤǻȤƤ ([2016-05-31-1])
#2625. ťΥɸ줫μѸ ([2016-07-04-1])
#2692. ťΥɸѸ˴ؤ Gersum Project ([2016-09-09-1])
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#2869. ťΥɸ줫μѤϸűѸǤäƤ⡤ʸڤѸ ([2017-03-05-1])
#2889. ΰưθưϡ ([2017-03-25-1])
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#3606. ֺ¡̲ȱѸס ([2019-03-12-1])
ʥ륹 (COVID-19) ήԤƤޤ֤©뤳ȤäƤޤѸ˥֥ļԤȤƤϡλ˵ڤ衼åѤˤ⤿餵줿ҲҤǤ (black_death) ˿ʤ櫓ˤϤޤƤ夲뼡Ǥ
ȤϤȤϲ⤢ޤܥ֥ǤϡѸˤˤ¤ΰյˤĤƤǤ¿εǸƤƤޤʲ˥ĥޤΤǡҴϢ뵭ɤȤ櫓ϡ#3058. ֱѸˤˤ¤ΰյפΤޤȤ饤ɡ ([2017-09-10-1]) Ǥϡ2017ǯ92ī㡼ɶdzֹֺ¡ˤưȱѸѲפ3Ȥơֹ¤ȱѸפܤβäƤˤȤŤƤޤåΤߤܤƤޤݥȤϲƤϤǤ
#119. ѸˤΤϥޥͥߤ!? ([2009-08-24-1])
#139. ¤ȱѸδطˤĤƺơ͡ ([2009-09-13-1])
#144. Υ40 ([2009-09-18-1])
#1206. ɤˤѸˤ붵λϤޤ ([2012-08-15-1])
#2990. Black Death ([2017-07-04-1])
#3053. ¤ˤ鼫ͳ̱ء ([2017-09-05-1])
#3054. ¤ˤҲήưȽοʿ ([2017-09-06-1])
#3055. ¤ˤԤ̻ ([2017-09-07-1])
#3056. ¤ˤȵѳ ([2017-09-08-1])
#3057. "The Pardoner's Tale" ˤߤ¡ ([2017-09-09-1])
#3058. ֱѸˤˤ¤ΰյפΤޤȤ饤ɡ ([2017-09-10-1])
#3061. ѤѤȤǰȯˤĤơ ([2017-09-13-1])
#3062. 1665ǯΥڥȤ˴ؤ Samuel Pepys εϿ ([2017-09-14-1])
#3065. ԻԲ¡ء ([2017-09-17-1])
#3196. Ѹμפʽǯɽ ([2018-01-26-1])
#3212. ¡Ƨmemento mori ([2018-02-11-1])
#3780. Foley ˤɸѸȯŸפεҡ ([2019-09-02-1])
1348ǯ˽ƥꥹӲФ¤ϡ1066ǯΥΥޥˤ겼ƤѸϰ̤Τˤä礭äȤΤѸˤǤդˤС⤷¤ʤäСѸ϶ޤǤ˥ɤιȤƤϰ̤Ǥʤä뤤ϲȤƤä٤äȤˤʤޤϤޤСαѸŪŸʤä뤤٤줿뤤ϰۤʤȤäƤȤȤˤʤޤǤСɼԤγѸʤɳؤǤʤä⤷ޤαѸ˥֥¸ߤʤä⤷ޤ
嵭ϱѸˤΰ̤Ȥ館ǤȻͤƤޤǹ¤ήԤ˾̾ʻȤƤޤˤ褯ΤƤˡθ̤յɾ䤹Ȥ¦̤⤢ΤǤϤʤȡʼơ˹ͤƤޤѸ (reestablishment_of_english) ߤϡΥޥľϤޤäƤꡤθäȤǤϤΤ¤˿ʤǤȤΤŪ¤Ǥ¤ϤΤ褦ʽδʷˡ14ȾФȤߥ֤ȤȤǤ礦¤ϱѸ˰äȤϤޤ¿װ1ĤäȤǤ礦
Ǥϡ¾¿װȤϲǤ礦ˤĤƤϡѸ˴ؤ reestablishment_of_english εɤǤФȻפޤΤʤǤȤ櫓פʵˤΤߡʲ˥ĥäƤޤ
#131. Ѹ ([2009-09-05-1])
#138. ¤ȱѸδطˤĤƺƹ͡ ([2009-09-12-1])
#139. ¤ȱѸδطˤĤƺơ͡ ([2009-09-13-1])
#706. 14ѸϽˡ ([2011-04-03-1])
#1207. Ѹνդ ([2012-08-16-1])
#1821. եȱѸ ([2014-04-22-1])
#2334. ѸȵIJȯŸ ([2015-09-17-1])
#3058. ֱѸˤˤ¤ΰյפΤޤȤ饤ɡ ([2017-09-10-1])
#3894. ֱѸ˥ץ饹ޥʥ˹װפε⤷ä ([2019-12-25-1])
ε#3974. ؤ⤦ɤˡ٤ܼ ([2020-03-14-1]) Ƨޤܻ˥С⤪Ϥ롥ŵϡؤ⤦ɤܻˡ٤ܸˤ˴ؤƤϡ#3389. ܸ٤ܼ ([2018-08-07-1]) ȡΡɤĤǤСɤ
ޤDZѸˤܤˤʬ˴ؤơʽŪʿܼĤǤƤ#3430. ʪ졡ꥹˡʾ岼ˡ٤ܼ ([2018-09-17-1])#3555. إץȥѹˡʸػˡ٤Ρֱѹˡפܼ ([2019-01-20-1])#3556. إץȥѹˡʸػˡ٤Ρֱʸػˡפܼ ([2019-01-21-1])#3567. إꥹʸػ٤ܼ ([2019-02-01-1])#3828. ؿեˡ٤ܼ ([2019-10-20-1]) ʤɤǤ롥
礭ʻˤܼƤȻפäΤǡؤ⤦ɤˡ٤˼äˤ路Ťߤˤϡ褯ǤʽܼŬΡɤĤǤСɤ
ؤ˴ؤǯɽաŵˤʤä褦ʡǤɤʪȤ˰ʤإӥ奢ˡ٤ɤ2009ǯθ The Math Book ˮǤ롥250γơˤĤƼ̿źƤꡤإͥˤ礫ʤ̥ϤˤϤޤäƤޤäܤθHP
ɤǤѸˤʤäƤ⤷ʤȻפä250ΥɤˤĤƤϱѸǤܼñ˽롥ȤȤǡʲξǤܼޤȤƤߤΤǤϷݤʤΤǡܥ֥βεȰä줽ʥɤˤĤƤϡĥäƤءʤޤ༫ʳءˤ˴ϢءѸءѸˤˤĤƤϡޤ˼夲ƤΤǡ
űѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤơܥ֥ǤϤطʤħӤӵƤ1ĤƶȤơθܿ koineisation ǤϤʤȤ롥koine koineisation ϤȤơϢܿɽ魯Ѹ졦ǰγˤϰƤꡤϲä koineisation ȸƤ֤ȤȤϤʤФʤʤʲδϢ뵭ͤޤǤ˵ƤΤΡϤΤ䤳ˤĤƤϿꤷʤǤ
#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1])
#3150. ܿϸñˤ뤫ʣˤ뤫 ([2017-12-11-1])
#3178. ȳ̿ԻѼء ([2018-01-08-1])
#3499. "Standard English" "General English" ([2018-11-25-1])
#1391. lingua franca (4) ([2013-02-16-1])
#1690. pidgin ȤδϢ ([2013-12-12-1])
#3207. ɸѸȸɸಽ˴ؤ뤤ĤνѸ ([2018-02-06-1])
Fischer et al. (67--68) koineisation ˤĤƤ Kerswill Ȥά˲⤷ƤȤޤȤƤݥȤ4Ĥ롥
(1) 23Τ˴λΤŵǤꡤȤ1Ǥⴰλ뤳Ȥ
(2) (mixing)ʿ (levelling)ñ㲽 (simplification) 3ʤ
(3) ܿ2ѼŵŪ˷³ʤ pidgin creole Ȱۤʤ
(4) 줫Ѽ郎ŪȤȤʤҿ櫓Ǥʤ
űѸȸťΥɸܿǰƬˡ(2) ˵Ƥ3ĤβˤĤƤ1βǤ뺮 (mixing) ͡ʥ٥Ǥߤ뤬űѸο;̾ΥѥΤʤ they, their, them ʤɤθťΥɸǤƤʤɤŵǤ롥dream Τ褦˷֤ϱѸỤ̄ϸťΥɸŪȤ̣ (semantic_borrowing) λʤɤ롥Ѹäδؤ¿θťΥɸñ줬ǤȤΤ⺮Ȥ롥
2βǤʿ (levelling) ϡʣä۷֤μबꡤ1Ĥη֤˼̤ƤѲؤűѸǤϷ se sēo, þæt ʤɳƼη֤˶ޤѸˤ þe ؿʿƤäǵäƤ뤳Ȥϡkoineisation 1ȤƤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥
3βǤñ㲽 (simplification) ϡƻޤζ̤줿ꡤưѲ2饹̤ʤɡʸˡƥζ̤ʤʤ褦ʥؤʸˡ (gender) ξü⤳ˤ롥
Τ褦ˤߤƤȡΤ˸űѸȸťΥɸܿˤϡ̣ħĤ롥 koineisation ȸƤ֤٤ɤѸȤȤʤ뤬ŦƤħˤǼǤȤ¿
Ϣơ#3969. ƥ졤ťΥɸ졤ȸ졤ե줬Ѹ˵ڤܤƶӤ ([2020-03-09-1]) ⻲ȡ
Kerswill, P. "Koineization and Accommodation." The Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Ed. J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill, and N. Schilling-Estes. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004. 668--702.
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
ɸˤĤƤϡ#3842. Ѳθʣ¿ ([2019-11-03-1]) ĥäεǤǤ͡ƤҤȤ Fischer et al. (31) ꡤݤȤƴϢսѤθѲˤ multiple_causation ȥɤǤ뤳Ȥʬ䤹Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
The current trend in theory formation is for this multifactorial view of causality to be formulated more and more explicitly. This is true both of models that accommodate multiple language-internal causes, typically with roots in the grammaticalization literature ..., and of models that seek to combine language-internal and language-external explanations of change ....
䤬ޤǸѲ "multiple causation" ˤĤƼĥƤΤϡѤκǸˤ褦˸ŪŪι碌ǰƬˤƤΤȤäʤۤɡѤȾФˤ褦˸ŪäƤ⤽ϰǤϤʤ㪴ŪǤȤȤ "multiple" ͤ뤳ȤǤ뤷ǤаѤǿƤʤ쳰Ū "multiple" ʤϤɤΥ٥ˤƤʣŪװȤƸѲβĩȤΤΥȥɤȤäƤ褤ѲˤȤʣʸݤ뤿ˤϡ¸μưϤȤʤоݤĩȤޤޤɬפˤʤäƤƤȤ
Fischer et al. (54) ΥХμ줿1ѤƤ
Methodologically, it is most sound to give heed to and study quite a number of aspects of both an external and an internal kind, having to do with the type of contact, the socio-cultural make-up of the speech-community, and the state of the conventional internalized code that individuals in the community have developed during the period of language acquisition and beyond.
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
θ礭2ĤʬȤС챿 (linguistic performance) Ż뤹ɤȸǽ (linguistic competence) Ż뤹ɤ2ĤȤʤ챿ѤȸǽϤΩϡѥ (parole) ȥ (langue) ΩȤäƤ褤E-Language I-Language ΩȤäƤ褤ɤ˱ѸȤۤʤ뤬褽褦ʤΤǤ롥
챿ѤŻ뤹ɤϡʸˡ (grammaticalisation theory) 乽ʸʸˡ (construction_grammar) ɽǧθ (cognitive_linguistics) Ǥ롥ǽϤ˽Ť¦ɽʸˡ (generative_grammar) Ǥ롥ξɤθѤ͡¦̤180ٰۤʤꡤԤΩƤȤäƤ褤Fischer et al. (32) ɽѤΩ⤫Ӿ夬餻Ƥߤ褦
| EMPHASIS ON PERFORMANCE/LANGUAGE OUTPUT | EMPHASIS ON COMPETENCE/LANGUAGE SYSTEM | |
|---|---|---|
| (a) | product-oriented | process-oriented |
| (b) | emphasis on function (in CxG also form) | emphasis on form |
| (c) | locus of change: language use | locus of change: language acquisition |
| (d) | equality of levels | centrality (autonomy) of syntax |
| (e) | gradual change | radical change |
| (f) | heuristic tendencies | fixed principles |
| (g) | fuzzy categories/schemas | discrete categories/rules |
| (h) | contiguity with cognition | innateness of grammar |
ε#3968. ܿ2סimitation adaptation ([2020-03-08-1]) Ƴܿ (contact) ʬ뿷ʽѸѤơѸˤˤƸܿμפʻƤ4ΡʼҲ˸ŪƶӡоȤƤߤȤϤäƤ⡤ΥꥸʥǤϤʤFischer et al. (55) ޤȤƤƤΤƸƤˤʤ4Ȥϥƥ졤ťΥɸ졤ȸ졤եǤ롥
| Parameters (social and linguistic) | Latin Contact --- OE/ME period and Renaissance | Scandinavian Contact --- OE(/ME) period | Celtic Contact --- OE/ME period and beyond (in Celtic varieties of English) | French Contact --- mainly ME period |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| (1) Type of language agentivity (primary mechanism) | Recipient (imitation) | Source (adaptation) | Source (adaptation) | Recipient (imitation) |
| (2) Type of communication | Indirect | Direct | Direct | (In)direct |
| (3) Length and intensity of communication | Low | High | Average (?) | Average |
| (4) Percentage of population speaking the contact language | Small | Relatively large | Relatively large | Small |
| (5) Socio-economic status | High | Equal | Low | High |
| (6) Language prestige | High | Equal | Low | High |
| (7) Bilingual speakers (among the English speakers) | Yes (but less direct) | No | No | Some |
| (8) Schooling (providing access to target language) | Yes | No | No (only in later periods) | Some |
| (9) Existence of standard in source/target language | Yes/Yes | No/No | No/No (only in later periods) | Yes/No |
| (10) Influence on the lexicon of the target language (types of loanword) | Small (formal) | Large in the Danelaw area (informal) | Small (except in Celtic varieties of English) (informal) | Very large (mostly formal) |
| (11) Influence on the phonology of the target language | No | Yes | Yes? (clearly in Celtic varieties of English) | Some |
| (12) Linguistic similarity with target language | No | Yes | No | No |
ܿ (contact) ʬह͡뤬 (borrowing) ȸˤ봳 (shift-induced interference) ̤ˡΤƤ롥#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1]) ǤߤȤ褽Ԥ L2 θŪ L1 ذư븽ݡԤ L1 θŪ L2 ذư븽ݤƤ褤
ΩϢưΤȤơimitation adaptation Ȥ̤ͤ롥ѸˤˤܿλͤƤߤ褦Ѹ͡ʸ줫ƶƤξˤϱѸ켫ȤϱƶμǤ뤫 recipient-language ȤȤǤ롥θϱƶθǤ뤫 source-language ȤȤǤ롥
ơѸüԡʽġˤŪ source-language üԡʽġˤ鲿餫θäȤγư (imitation) ȸƤФ롥source-language üԡʽġˤѸظ夹Ȥβ餫θѸػۤȤȤ뤬ˤȤäƤϱѸؤν뤤Ŭ (adaptation) ȸƤǤ褤ư̤γ٤ߤСξѸϱƶμǤϤΤΡɤ¦ѶṲ̄Ƥ뤫ˤꡤrecipient-language agentivity source-language agentivity Ȥʬ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥ϡ¦ dominant ȤˤؤäƤ
Van Coetsem ϤνǰӤĤƹͤFischer et al. (52) ڤơVan Coetsem θƤߤ褦
One important distinction is between 'shift-induced interference' or 'imposition' ... and 'contact-induced changes' (often termed 'borrowing' in a more narrow sense). Contact-induced changes are especially prevalent when there is full bilingualism, and where code-switching is also common, while shift-induced interference is usually the result of imperfect learning (i.e. in cases where a first language interferes in the learning of a later adopted language). To distinguish between contact-induced change and shift-induced interference, Van Coetsem (1877: 7ff.) uses the terms 'recipient-language agentivity' versus 'source-language agentivity', respectively, and in doing so links them to aspects of 'dominance'. Concerning dominance, he refers to (i) the relative freedom speakers have in using items from the source language in their own (recipient) language (here the 'recipient' language is dominant), and (ii) the almost inevitable or passive use that we see with imperfect learners, when they adopt patterns of their own (source) language into the new, recipient language, which makes the source language dominant. In (i), the primary mechanism is 'imitation', which only superficially affects speakers' utterances and does not involve their native code, while in (ii), the primary mechanism is 'adaptation', where the changes in utterances are a result of speakers' (= imperfect learners) native code. Not surprisingly, Van Coetsem (ibid: 12) describes recipient-language agentivity as 'more deliberate', and source-language agentivity as something of which speakers are not necessarily conscious. In source-language agentivity, the more stable or structured domains of language are involved (phonology and syntax), while in recipient-language agentivity, it is mostly the lexicon that is involved, where obligatoriness decreases and 'creative action' increases (ibid.: 26).
Ѹ졦ǰмΤ褦ˤʤ
| imitation | vs | adaptation |
| recipient-language agentivity | vs | source-language agentivity |
| borrowing or contact-induced change | vs | shift-induced interference |
| full bilingualism | vs | imperfect learning |
| mostly lexicon | vs | phonology and syntax |
ɸˤĤƤϡʲεޤ͡ʵ˼夲Ƥ
#307. ѥѤ ([2010-02-28-1])
#367. ѥѤ (2) ([2010-04-29-1])
#428. The Brown family of corpora Ѿա ([2010-06-29-1])
#1280. ѥɽ ([2012-10-28-1])
#2584. ˱Ѹ쥳ѥɽ ([2016-05-24-1])
#2779. ѥϱѸ˸˻Ȥ뤱ɤ ([2016-12-05-1])
ѥѤѸʻˡ˸ϤޤޤˤʤäƤƤꡤسǤ뤵褦ˤʤä餳ѤˤäǧƤȤǤ롥ݤϤ褽֤Ȥʤ뤬ϱѸγ路 Fischer et al. (14) ꡤ4Ŧ褦
(i) there can be tension between what is easily retrieved through corpus searches and what is thought to be linguistically most significant; a historical syntactic case in point involves patterns of co-reference of noun phrases . . . ; these have been largely neglected because they involve information status, which is currently not part of any standard annotation scheme;
(ii) when a data search yields large numbers of hits, there may be a temptation to interpret corpus results merely as numbers, which is a severely reductive approach; in cases of grammaticalization, for example, changes in frequency may act as tell-tale signs . . . , but an exclusive quantitative focus will mean that one is ignoring the changes in meaning and context that form the core of the process;
(iii) the substantial amounts of data that can be collected from a corpus can also blind researchers to the dangers of making generalizations about the language as a whole on the basis of a partial view of it; this is a particularly relevant problem for diachronic research, because we only have very incomplete evidence for the state of the language in any historical period . . . ;
(iv) trying to achieve greater representativness by collecting and comparing data from various corpora can also be tricky: principles guiding text inclusion vary widely, there is little standardization in user interfaces, and they can require a significant time investment to learn to operate.
4θդĶСΤ褦ˤʤ롥
(i) ѥǿԤ䤹꤬Ūˤɬ̣ΤǤϤʤ⤷ʤդ٤
(ii) ŪʴŻ뤹븦ˤΩŪʴᤴƤޤ
(iii) ʥѥǤäȤƤ⡤ representative Ǥ櫓ǤϤʤʤ˸ؤˤ "bad-data problem"
(iv) ѥԻԤ䥤եԤΰտޤĤǡˡƽϤ٤
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
Fischer et al. (4--6) ˱ѸμפŪѲΰɽ롥ѤʤΤǡ"Overview of syntactic categories and their changes" ꤵ줿ΰƸƤĤįǤ⡤ѸˤɤΤ褦꤬ΤĤ롥
| Changes in: | Old English | Middle English | Modern English | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| case form and function: | genitive | various functions | genitive case for subjective/poss.; of-phrase elsewhere | same |
| dative | various functions/PP sporadic | increase in to-phrase; impersonal dative lost | same | |
| accusative | main function: direct object | accusative case lost, direct object mainly marked by position | same | |
| determiners: | system | articles present in embryo form, system developing | articles used for presentational and referential functions | also in use in predicative and generic contexts |
| double det. | present | rare | absent | |
| quantifiers: | position of | relatively free | more restricted | fairly fixed |
| adjectives: | position | both pre- and postnominal | mainly prenominal | prenominal with some lexical exceptions |
| form/function | strong/weak forms, functionally distinct | remnants of strong/weak forms; not functional | one form only | |
| as head | fully operative | reduced; introduction of one | restricted to generic reference/idiomatic | |
| 'stacking' of | not possible | possible | possible | |
| adjectival or relative clause | relative: se, se þe, þe, zero subject rel. | new: þæt, wh-relative (except who), zero obj. rel. | who relative introduced | |
| adj. + to-inf. | only active infinitives | active and passive inf. | mainly active inf. | |
| aspect-system: | use of perfect | embryonic | more frequent; in competition with 'past' | perfect and 'past' grammaticalized in different functions |
| form of perfect | BE/HAVE (past part. sometimes declined) | BE/HAVE; HAVE becomes more frequent | mainly HAVE | |
| use and form of progressive | BE + -ende; function not clear | BE + -ing, infrequent, more aspectual | frequent, grammaticalizing | |
| tense-system: | 'present' | used for present tense, progressive, future | used for present tense and progr.; (future tense develops) | becomes restricted to 'timeless' and 'reporting' uses |
| 'past' | used for past tense, (plu)perfect, past progr. | still used also for past progr. and perfect; new: modal past | restricted in function by grammaticalization of perfect and progr. | |
| mood-system: | expressed by | subjunctive, modal verbs (+ epistemic advbs) | mainly modal verbs (+ develop. quasi-modals); modal past tense verbs (with exception features) | same + development of new modal expressions |
| category of core modals | verbs (with exception features) | verbs (with exception features) | auxiliaries (with verbal features) | |
| voice-system: | passive form | beon/weorðan + (inflected) past part. | BE + uninfl. past part | same; new GET passive |
| indirect pass. | absent | developing | (fully) present | |
| prep. pass. | absent | developing | (fully) present | |
| pass. infin. | only after modal verbs | after full verbs, with some nouns and adject. | same | |
| negative system | ne + verb (+ other negator) | (ne) + verb + not; rare not + verb | Aux + not + verb; (verb + not) | |
| interrog. system | inversion: VS | inversion: VS | Aux SV | |
| DO as operator | absent | infrequent, not grammaticalized | becoming fully grammaticalized | |
| subject: | position filled | some pro-drop possible; dummy subjects not compulsory | pro-drop rare; dummy subjects become the norm | pro-drop highly marked stylistically; dummy subj. obligat. |
| clauses | absent | that-clauses and infinitival clauses | new: for NP to V clauses | |
| subjectless/impersonal constructions | common | subject position becomes obligatorily filled | extinct (some lexicalized express.) | |
| position with respect to V | both S (...) V and VS | S (...) V; VS becomes restricted to yes/no quest. | only S (adv) V; VS > Aux SV | |
| object: | clauses | mainly finite þæt-cl., also zero/to-infinitive | stark increase in infinitival cl. | introduction of a.c.i. and for NP to V cl. |
| position with respect to V | VO and OV | VO; OV becomes restricted | VO everywhere | |
| position IO-DO | both orders; pronominal IO-DO preferred | nominal IO-DO the norm, introduction of DO for/to IO | IO-DO with full NPs; pronominal DO-IO predominates | |
| clitic pronouns | syntactic clitics | clitics disappearing | clitics absent | |
| adverbs: | position | fairly free | more restricted | further restricted |
| clauses | use of correlatives + different word orders | distinct conjunctions; word order mainly SVO | all word order SVO (exc. some conditional clauses) | |
| phrasal verbs | position particle: both pre- and postverbal | great increase; position: postverbal | same | |
| preposition stranding | only with pronouns (incl. R-pronouns: þær, etc.) and relative þe | no longer with pronouns, but new with prep. passives, interrog., and other relative clauses | no longer after R-pronouns (there, etc.) except in fixed expressions | |
űѸʬˤĤƤϡ#1433. 10θűѸƥȤʬۡ ([2013-03-30-1]) ϿޤǤNorthumbrian, Mercian, Kentish, West-Saxon Ȥ줤ʬƤ褦ˤߤ뤬űѸͭιä𤬤ꡤºݤˤ¿ȤդƤɬפ롥Hogg (4) 3Ƥ롥
. . . it is important to recognize that it is open to several major caveats and objections. Firstly, it is well known that these dialects refer only to actual linguistic material, and therefore there are large areas of the country, most obviously East Anglia, about whose dialect status we cannot know directly from OE evidence. Secondly, the nomenclature adopted is derived from political structures whereas most of the writing we have is to be more directly associated with ecclesiastical structures. Thirdly, the type of approach which leads to the above division is a product of the Stammbaum and its associated theories, whereas modern dialectology, either synchronic or diachronic ... demonstrates that such a rigidly demarcated division is ultimately untenable. It would be preferable to consider each text as an 'informant', ... which is more or less closely related to other texts on an individual basis, with the classification of texts into dialect groups being viewed as a process determined by the purposes of the linguistic analysis at hand, rather than as some a priori fact. . . .
ޤȤСűѸξڵ (evidence) ʬۤϰˤäƥХХǤ̤⾯ʤȡϰ¸ߤطʤˤμҲŪʻԾܤǤ뤳ȡ͡٤ܿäϤǤ뤳Ȥ3Ǥ롥ʬ褦ȤݤƬˤǤ뤳Ȥưפ롥ѤκǸƤ褦ˡűѸʬϡ̤θʬϤΤβιʪȤȤ館ƤΤǤ롥Ǥϡʬ (periodisation) ˤᤤȤ롥
Hogg, Richard M. A Grammar of Old English. Vol. 1. 1992. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
[2020-02-24-1] εǼ夲ˤĤ³ԤϤ롥
űѸ <ea>, <eo>, <ie> ֤32Ż (digraph) ϡ줾ŪˤûǤĹǤΤɽ路ƤȤ롥ĤޤꡤűѸǤƱ2Ż֤Ƥʤ⡤Ūˤϡû2첻פȡĹ2첻סʸʸǤϤФ1첻Ĺ (macron) դɽˤ̤ƤȤȤľ˲᤹С<ea> [ɛɑ], <ēa> [ɛːɑ], <eo> [eo], <ēo> [eːo], <ie> [ie], <īe> [iːe] Τ褦бطȲƤ褵줬ŪˤʤäƤΤ⤿ǤϤʤűѸʸؤˤƺǤʣĿǤ롥
¤ΤȤĹû2첻ΤűѸνˤϳ경2첻ǤϤʤʤäƤޤǤϸαѸ첻ˤˤۤȤɱƶͿƤʤ櫓Ǥꡤ츫Ȥʤۤ礭ˤʤΤʬˤϸűѸβηϤ˴ؤˤȤɤޤ餺ŪʰյǤꡤ餳褬ҡȥåפƤΤʲMinkova (178--79) ˽äơ2첻Ĺûζ̤äȤȿФƤߤ褦
ޤεˤҤ٤褦ˡŪˤä2첻Ĺûζ̤ϤޤǤ롥Τ褦ʤޤ첻ηϤűѸΤ˺ƷƤ褤ΤȤ꤬롥Τ褦첻ηϤʤȤޤǤϤʤΤΡˤޤȤС⤽ⲾŪʺƷθȤƵƤ褤ΤϡʤʤȿˤȿǤ롥
⤦1Ĥεϡ32첻Ȥ̤2첻 [ej] ϡäĹûζ̤ƤʤȤȤ˰͵롥츻ŪˤϤ2첻Ĺûζ̤ƤűѸǤϸ츻ŪˤĹϤ hēȝ (hay) ûϤ weȝ (way) äΩʤƤʤȤС32첻ˤĤƤĹûζ̤ϤʤäȤǽ⤤ΤǤϤʤ
3ĤˡβˤȤƤߤȡû2첻פϤ䤬û첻ͻ礷ƤȤˤʤ롥Ĥޤꡤû2첻פ2Ż֤ƤΤǴ㤤䤹¤ϤȤ1⡼첻äΤǤϤʤŪ˹ͤȡĹ2첻פϼ¤2⡼̤2첻ˤʤΤǤϤʤ
Ǹˡ⤽2첻Ĺûζ̤¾ڤǾ (minimal_pair) ¤Ƥ뤳Ȥ¤ƤѻȡǤȤưۤʤȤˤ餺Ȥ⡤̤βˤ롥
ϰ¦Ҳ𤷤ˤʤξرĤơΩƤƷ㤷깭Ƥ롥2첻2첻٤
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
ɸϡѸǤʤȤܸǤⲿǤ褤ΤѤǤʤǤ롥ֻ֤ФƸűѸ줬ѸˤʤäסŪ˸űѸ줫鸽ѸؤѲƤפȤΤŪʸջȤȤƼŪ˲ѤäΤȡΩߤޤäƹͤʤѸ줬ѤäΤȤäƤ⡤ѸβѤäȤΤѸʸˡäȯѤäΤȸ뤫⤷ʤѤäƤʤܤ¿롥⤽ѤäƤʤʬʤСʳȸʳѸȤƱθȤ¸ߤ³Ƥȼĥ뤳ȤϤǤʤѸˤѤäƤʬѤʤäʬΤȤȡָűѸ줬ѸˤʤäѤäפȤϡѤäʬˤΤܤȤȤˤʤΤ
ѸʸˡäȯѤäΤǤϤʤѤäΤϱѸäüԽĤθѤǤ롤Ȳ᤹뤳ȤǤ롥θϡ줽ΤΤǤϤʤüԤΤ֤ѲѤȤäƤ伫ȤϡθԤθ˿ƶᴶФƤ롥
ɤΤȤɸϡѸȤϲѲȤϲȤŪ䤤ؤȴԸ졤ԤϼθѲ˴Ѥ˽äƲ餫ФȤˤʤΤ
Ritt (37--38) ϡʪĤͤʤ "selfish sounds" θѤ˴ŤơѲΤ褦˲⤷Ƥ롥ǫʲǤϤ롥
What is usually called 'Old English' represents a heterogeneous (yet most probably inherently ordered) pool of competences 'in' Old English. These competences will each have been different from one another, but will have shared a sufficient number of properties for making communication among 'Old English' speakers possible. 'Present Day English' represents another pool of competences, once again heterogeneous in an orderly way. Importantly, the mix of competence properties that characterises the pool constituting 'Present Day English' differs considerably from the mix of properties that characterises the 'Old English' competence pool. Some properties that can be found in one pool are absent in the other, and of those which are present in both some will be distributed differently. We assume that these differences are due to 'language change'. This implies that some causal link can be established between the 'Old English' competence pool on the one hand and the 'Present Day English' pool on the other. Most probably, such a link is established via behavioural and textual manifestations of language, as well as by competences of 'intermediate' stages of English. It is supposed that temporally later competences assume their characteristic properties by interpreting the textual output produced on the basis of earlier competences. Linguistic change happens because later competences do not always appear to assume quite the same properties as earlier competences. Thereby, the mix of properties that characterises the competence pool of a speech community is continually altered --- albeit only slightly --- as one new competence after the other assumes first its adult, and ultimately its final state. At the same time earlier competences are continually removed from the pool as the speakers who host them die. Over time, these processes may amount to such differences as those which distinguish 'Present Day English' from 'Old English'. This, then, is what we refer to when we say that 'Old English' has become, or changed into 'Present Day English'.
Ritt ϡָǽǤΰίޤ꤬ɼǤüԤ˴ƤפȤѤäƤ롥顤ѲˤĤƤäʸĤ˻ä "meme" ˸ΩƤ Neo-Darwinian ŪʸѤˤĤƤϡʲε⻲ͤˤ줿
#1402. Ѹ줬ǯ֡첻Ҳ岽Ƥͳ ([2013-02-27-1])
#1403. drift Ū Ritt λߡ ([2013-02-28-1])
#3215. ɡȸѲ (1) ([2018-02-14-1])
#3216. ɡȸѲ (2) ([2018-02-15-1])
#3217. ɡȸѲ (3) ([2018-02-16-1])
Ritt, Nikolaus. Selfish Sounds and Linguistic Evolution: A Darwinian Approach to Language Change. Cambridge: CUP, 2004.
Ϣε Ritt ˰͵ʤ顤űѸ줫ѸˤϢ첻̤˴ؤѲ˾ƤƤŪˤϡ첻Ĺû˴ؤʲ4ĤѲǤ롥
ƱĹ (Homorganic Lengthening; homorganic_lengthening)
Ҳû (Shortening before Consonant Clusters; shocc)
3û (Trisyllabic Shortening; trish)
Ѹ쳫Ĺ (Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening; meosl)
褳첻ѲϤ줾ΩݤȤƲᤵƤε#3961. 3ûλ ([2020-03-01-1]) κǸǤ줿̤ꡤ¤䴰Ūʴطˤꡤ1Ĥζή (drift) ȤȤ館ФƤƤ롥Ritt Ϥ Early Middle English Quantity Adjustment ȸƤǤ롥
2ĤĹˤĤƤϡ#3958. Ritt ˤѸ쳫Ĺθ ([2020-02-27-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡ1ĤδؿȤƤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥ƤθǤƤ
2ĤûˤĤƤΩƤ뤳ȤǤ롥ûĹϸ䴰ŪǤꡤû¥ʤĶǤĹ졤εդޤǤ롥ȡûθϡĹθžФ褤ȤȤˤʤ롥Ritt (95--96) εƤûθϼ̤ꡥ
The probability of vowel shortening was proportional to
a. its height
b. syllable weight
c. the overall weight of the weak syllables in the foot
and inversely proportional to
a. the (degree of) stress on it
b. its backness
c. coda sonority
ޤСĹûθȤ߹碌ơ礭1Ĥ Early Middle English Quantity Adjustment θΩƤ뤳ȤǤ (Ritt 96)
Ritt βοĺϡΤ褦˲ĶȲѲδطΨȤư츫ߤΩѲӤĤƤߤˤ롥
Ritt, Nikolaus. Quantity Adjustment: Vowel Lengthening and Shortening in Early Middle English. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ε#3960. Ҳûλ ([2020-02-29-1]) ǿ줿 SHOCC (= Shortening before Consonant Clusters) Ȥ褽Ʊ⤦1Ĥ첻ûȤơ3û (Trisyllabic Shortening (= TRISH)) ȤѲ롥3ˤƶΤ1Ĺ첻ûȤΤ꼰ȼΤ褦ˤʤ롥
V [-long]/__C(C)σσ
Ritt (99--100) ꡤѸǤη֤ˤ褦Ѹη֤ӤǤΤΤߤ롥
| heafodu PL | 'head' |
| cicenu PL | 'chicken' |
| linenes GEN | 'linen' |
| æniȝe PL | 'any' |
| ærende | 'errand' |
| æmette | 'ant' |
| suþerne | 'southern' |
| westenne DAT | 'waste (desert)' |
| deorlingas PL | 'darling' |
| feorþinȝas PL | 'farthing' |
| feowertiȝ | 'forty' |
| freondscipe | 'friendship' |
| haliȝdaȝ | 'holiday' |
| alderman | 'alderman' |
| heringes PL | 'herring' |
| stiropes PL | 'stirrup' |
| Monenday | 'Monday' |
| Thuresday | 'Thursday' |
| seliness | 'silliness' |
| redili | 'readily' |
| bretheren PL | 'brethren' |
| evere | 'ever' |
| othere ACC | 'other'' |
| redeles PL | 'riddle' |
| boseme ACC | 'bosom' |
| wepenes PL | 'weapon' |
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