#3507. NURSE Merger ([2018-12-03-1])#4068. Ѹ -ir, -er, -ur ͻβŪᥫ˥ ([2020-06-16-1]) εǡr ֤첻Ūͻ礷ƤܤѸβѲȤǤ Dobson (724) "No consonant exercises greater or more varied influence on the development of the words in ME and ModE than r." ȽҤ٤Ƥ̤ꡤѸ˾夭ƱƶϤ礭ʲѲǤ롥
βѲˤĤ Hickey ʸɤൡäޤȤƤͭפʤΤǡβսѤ褦 (99--100)
The BIRD-TERM-NURSE merger
For his discussion of short vowel centralisation before /r/ Dobson discusses /ɛ/, /ɪ/ and /ʌ/ separately and in that order. However, he sees the development of all three vowels as similar and as having taken place in the early seventeenth century, in "Standard English", though earlier "in the dialects" (Dobson 1968, 746). The centralisation took place "because of the influence of the following r to the central vowel [ə]". He continues to state that "[t]he reason for the retraction was to anticipate the pronunciation of the r, for [ə] is a vowel closely allied to the ModE [r]". Lass (2006, 91) sees the centralisation for all three ME vowels as having taken place somewhat later and mentions Nares (1794) as the first writer to say that "vergin, virgin and vurgin would be pronounced alike".
Dobson (1968, 746) states that the schwa vowel "must have been of approximately the same quality as PresE [ə] which later develops from it when the r is vocalized to [ə]". There is an important conclusion from these remarks, namely that centralisation presupposes the existence of a following /r/ so that the loss of rhoticity must be dated after the centralisation. Confirmation of this is found from prescriptive authors of the eighteenth century. For instance, John Walker in his Critical Pronouncing Dictionary of 1791 has 'bu2rd' for bird, his u2 represents schwa (in his principle 172 he states that the vowel value is the same as that in done, son). Walker also transcribes bird with "r" but we know that he favoured the retention of non-prevocalic /r/ even though he recognised that it was rapidly losing ground during his lifetime.
NURSE Merger ΥΥˤĤƲƥݥȤȴФȡΤ褦ˤʤ롥
(1) ͻ礬ϡ1718ޤǤȽ֤
(2) ɸѸǤɸѸ٤ä
(3) ޤ첻ɤ岽ͻ礷θ˸첻ͻ礷
(4) 첻ͻ /r/ ξü
Dobson, E. J. English Pronunciation 1500--1700. 1st ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1957. 2 vols.
Hickey, Raymond. "Vowels before /r/ in the History of English." Contact, Variation, and Change in the History of English. Ed. Simone E. Pfenninger, Olga Timofeeva, Anne-Christine Gardner, Alpo Honkapohja, Marianne Hundt and Daniel Schreier. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins, 2014. 95--110.
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." A History of the English Language. Ed. Richard Hogg and David Denison. Cambridge: CUP, 2006. 43--108.
Nares, Robert. Elements of Orthoepy. 1794. Reprint. Menston: Scolar P, 1968.
ɸβѲϡܥ֥Ǥ⤹Ǥ˰ä褦ˡ#3507. NURSE Merger ([2018-12-03-1]) ȸƤФƤ롥βŪᥫ˥ˤĤ Minkova (277--78) βʹƤߤ褦
A coda /-r/ is a neutralising environment. For the short vowels neutralisation of [ɪ], [ʊ], [ɛ] results in merger into the featurally neutral schwa outcome. The phonetic rationale behind this is the coarticulation of the short vowel + /-r/ which affects both segments: it lowers and centralises the vowel, while the adjacent sonorant coda becomes more schwa-like; its further weakening can eliminate the consonantal cues, leading to complete loss of the consonantal properties of /r/. The difficulty of perceiving the distinctive features of pre-/r/ vowels is attributed to the acoustic similarity of the first two formants of [ɹ], [ɻ], and [ə ? ɨ] . . . .
(coda) /r/ ϡľ첻岽ʤۣ첻ˤˤ /r/ ȤҲŪ첻˶Ť̤Ȥơ/r/ ϻҲ˼Ȥˤʤꡤľû첻ȹήбĹ첻Ȥʤ롤ȤſϸͭβŪݻƤ2ߤƱ (assimilation) Ĥˤдˤä [əː] ؤȽ뤷Ȥʤ褦ʡ餷ʤ褦ʷ̤줬ñθˤϰƤΤʤ
Ϣơ#2274. heart ֻȯ ([2015-07-19-1]) εɤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
첻 (gvs) θϡJespersen 1909ǯˤѸƳư衤110ǯδ֡Ѹˤ䲻θԤ̥λƤĹˤΤʤǤ⡤40ǯۤɤϡѲˡפǤΤơֿܡפǤΤȤܼŪܤޤäƤβ GVS ͡¦̤Ƥä˽פ5ˤޤȤȤLass Stockwell and Minkova Ȥ Krug (242--43) ꡤ5
(i) Inception: where in the vowel space did the series of change begin?
(ii) Order: what is the chronology of individual and overlapping changes?
(iii) Structural coherence: are we dealing with interdependent changes forming a unitary overarching change or with local and independent changes?
(iv) Mergers: is the assumption of non-merger, i.e. preservation of phonemic contrasts, viable for language change in general and met in the specific changes of the GVS?
(v) Dialects: how do we deal with dialects which did not undergo the same changes as southern English or in which the changes proceeded in a different order?
5ˤĤǫƤΤMcMahon Ǥ롥McMahon ϡġФñФȤϤǤʤȤʤ⡤Ρ첻ܡפθƾΤʤΤǤϤʤȷƤ롥
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles. Part 1. Sounds and Spellings. London: Allen and Unwin, 1909.
Krug, Manfred. "The Great Vowel Shift." Chapter 14 of The History of English. 4th vol. Early Modern English. Ed. Laurel J. Brinton and Alexander Bergs. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2017. 241--66.
Lass, Roger. "Rules, Metarules and the Shape of the Great Vowel Shift". English Phonology and Phonological Theory: Synchronic and Diachronic Studies. Ed. Roger Lass. Cambridge: CUP, 1976. 51--102.
Stockwell, Robert and Donka Minkova. "The English Vowel Shift: Problems of Coherence and Explanation." Luick Revisited. Ed. Dieter Kastovsky, Gero Bauer, and Jacek Fisiak. Tübingen: Gunter Narr, 1988. 355--94.
McMahon, April. "Restructuring Renaissance English." The Oxford History of English. Ed. Lynda Mugglestone. Oxford: OUP, 147--77.
herd, heard, stir, word, nurse, myrrh ʤɤ <Vr> ֻñˤơб벻Ϥ /əː(r)/ Ȥʤ롥ȯֻδط1¿פȤʤѸؽˤƤʸݤʤΤ϶Ѹ NURSE Merger 岽 (centralisation) ȤˤȤѲη̤Ǥ롥ѸޤǤϡθϤ褽ֻ˼̤첻äƤꡤȯߤ˶̤ƤȤͻ (merger) ٤Ʊ첻˵ƤޤäֻϤĤƤ첻бޤꤷƤޤäΤǤ롥
ͻ礬Ϥޤäϡ/ɪr/, /ɛr/, /ʌr/ γơˤäƤˤäƤۤʤäƤ/ɪr/, /ɛr/ ˤĤƤ15ᤫ³ǻϤޤäƤꡤ16ˤϥɥ¯ˤߤ줿ɸѸǤ16ȾФϤޤäƤ褦/ʌr/ ͻ٤17ȾФϤޤꡤĿͤˤäƤ18ޤǶ̤ݤäԤ⤢äShakespeare ϶̤ƤˡΤȤƤСɸѸˤ3Ԥͻ18ޤǤ˴λƤȤߤƤ褤p. 304--07ˡ
ʤ/ɛr/ ˤĤƤϡѸ˲Ф /ar/ Ȥδ֤ɤ줬ߤ졤ɤ줬ߤޤǼѤ줿̤Ȥơclerk Υꥹȯ /ˈklɑ:k/ ȥꥫȯ /ˈklə:rk/ ʤɤκޤƤ¾Ȥ Derby, Berkeley, sergeant, person/parson, vermin/varmin(t), university/varsity ʤɤˡˤĤƤϡ#211. spelling pronunciation ([2009-11-24-1])#1343. ѸαƺʼȤȯȸáˡ ([2012-12-30-1])#2274. heart ֻȯ ([2015-07-19-1]) εȡ
NURSE Merger ˤĤơǤϤ줬Ƥ餺ޤѸ첻ζ̤ݤƤ륱¿ȤդäƤȤХåȥɱѸǤ stirred /stɪrd/, heard /hɛrd/, word /wʌrd/ ʤɤȯߤǤ (Gramley 381) 饹αؤƤϡֻ̤ȯǤ狼䤹פȴưΤǤ롥ŪˤϥåȥɱѸ줬ֻȯ (spelling_pronunciation) ѤƤ뤫Τ褦ˤߤ뤬ŪˤϥåȥɱѸ줬ŲݻƤˤʤ
Gramley, Stephan. The History of English: An Introduction. Abingdon: Routledge, 2012.
סزˡ١Ѹ11罤۽Ź1985ǯ
ɸ3ɽơ lexical set ϡѸǤϸߤ˰ۤʤ첻ʤ r ϢˤäƤ餬Ѹ˥ʤɤ /ɔː/ ؤͻ (merger) ʥȷϡɽ硤ꥫȯʤɤǤͻ礷Ƥʤˡͻ˻ޤǤˤĤβѲͿƤꡤȯŸηаޤϰճʣǤ롥Gramley (190) ꡤʳβѲ
| THOUGHT | NORTH | FORCE | |
|---|---|---|---|
| EModE | ɒː | ɒr | oːr |
| Pre-R lengthening | - | ɒːr | - |
| Pre-R breaking and laxing | - | - | ɔər |
| Phonetic shift | ɔː | ɔːr | - |
| R-dropping | - | ɔː | ɔə |
| 1st FORCE Merger (smoothing) | - | - | ɔː |
| Mod RP | ɔː | ɔː | ɔː |
ε ([2018-07-28-1]) ˰³첻 (gvs) ꡥMinkova and Stockwell ϡGVS ȾΤƤ븽ݤ1ĤβǤϤʤ3ĤʬʤʣŪʥץȤߤƤ롥Minkova and Stockwell (34) ˤ GVS οޤϰʲ̤p. 60 οޤȤ䤹뤿˾Ѥäˡ

Minkova and Stockwell ϡ (Upper Half) ǼΤߤʰ̣ǤϢ (Chain Shifts) ǤꡤʤǼʬͻ (Mergers) βȤƶ̤Ƥ롥 ޤ¦κ٤Ǽ (Diaphones) ϳѼˤ۲Ѳɽ路ƤꡤGVS ȤΩ Center Drift Ȥ̤ѲȤƤȤ館Ƥ롥ĤޤꡤΤ Chain Shifts, Mergers, Center Drift ȤΩ3ʬ鹽Ƥꡤ褷1ĤβǤϤʤȼĥƤΤǤ롥
ơβǯޤޤǡChain Shifts 1550ǯޤǤˤϽäƤΤФơMergers 18ޤǷѵŪ˵äƤꡤCenter Drift ϸǤϰѼ³ƤȤ
Ѹ첻˾κǤ첻ܤäƤϡǯǤ⤳Τ褦˿ƤƤ롥ŪǶ¾ƤȤƤϡʲ⻲ȡ
#495. Ǥʤ첻ܡ ([2010-09-04-1])
#1404. Optimality Theory ߤ첻 ([2013-03-01-1])
#1405. ̤첻 ([2013-03-02-1])
#1422. 첻ܤϤ錄2첻ä ([2013-03-19-1])
#2081. ¸ˤ첻ܤʬϡ ([2015-01-07-1])
Minkova, Donka and Robert Stockwell. "Phonology: Segmental Histories." A Companion to the History of the English Language. Ed. Haruko Momma and Michael Matto. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008. 29--42.
3ϡѲ ԡˡ˸ءīоȸإȯŸԡ3īҽŹ2018ǯ47--70ǡ
(48) ϡѲ (phonological change) θȤ礭2̤Ƥ롥
(1) ŪưŤˤ (endogenous or internal motivations): ȤƲŪŪװ
(2) 쳰ŪưŤˤ (exogenous or external motivations): ¾졦¾ȤܿҲŪʸŪʤɤμҲŪװ
䤹ʬǤ롥 (2) θ쳰Ūװڻ뤵Ƥ¤ŦƤ¿βѲϡΤ (1) θŪװˤäƥޡȤƤ⤽ɤ餫Ȥ (1) ϡäѲ WHY ǤϤʤHOW εҤˤȤɤޤ뤳Ȥ¿βѲλξǵΤϤʤȤֻư (actuation problem) ˤǤꡤWHY ˤϤɤƤ (2) 餶ʤ
ѲѲη̤ȤƲηϤɤΤ褦˱ƶȤʬहСʲ3ʬpp. 47--48ˡ
(1) ͻ (merger): ʣβǤΩ1ĤβǤ˹Τ롥
(2) ʬ (split): ñβǤʣβǤʬ뤳ȡ⤷ʬ̤β¾βǤͻ礷ǤѤʤˤϡ켡ʬ (primary split) ȸƤ֡ʬη̡ʲǤˤϡʬ (secondary split) ȸƤ֡
(3) (shift): ʬѲ̡ηϤȤʤäˡ경٤̤ʬϢŪ˲Ѳ뤳ȡ
դΤϡ(1) (2) ϲηϤ˱ƶͿѲǤ뤬(3) ǤѲDzηϤΤΤѤ餺ƲǤΤΤʤǺʬ̤ۤˤʤȤȤػҼꥲȤС(1) (2) ǤϰػҤμѤꡤ(3) ǤϰػҤɤŪʰ֤ѤȤȤˤʤ롥
3ϡѲ ԡˡ˸ءīоȸإȯŸԡ3īҽŹ2018ǯ47--70ǡ
Ѽ֤ȯΰۤʤϡܸǡ֤ʤޤסѸ "accents" ȸƤФ롥2ĤѼȯӤȡۤʤˤ͡ʼब뤳Ȥ狼롥㤨С#1343. ѸαƺʼȤȯȸáˡ ([2012-12-30-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡꥹѸȥꥫѸȯ٤Ȥbath class 첻ƴ֤ѰۤȤȤΰۤʤȡstar four ˤƸ <r> ȯ뤫ݤȤۤʤȤϸߤ˰ۼΤΤΤ褦˴롥Ѽ֤ˤ͡ʥפȯκۤꤦȹͤ졤ΰۤʤ˴ؤ붦ŪȤΤͤ뤳ȤǤǤ롥
Trubetzkoy 1931ǯȤᤤʳ "différences dialectales phonologiques, phonétiques et étymologiques" Ȥ3ĤΰۤʤƤƤ롥Wells (73--80) Ϥ Trubetzkoy ʬΩӤ1Ĥäơ4פʤWells ѸǤȡ"systemic differences", "realizational differences", "lexical-incidental differences", "phonotactic (structural) differences" 4ĤǤ롥Ѥ뤬ʲȤȤä褦
(1) realizational differences. 2Ѽ֤ǡͭ벻ǤβŪ¸ۤʤȤ硥goat, nose ʤɤȯˤơRP (Received Pronunciation) Ǥ [əʊ] ΤȤǤ [ʌʊ] ȼ¸줿ꡤåȥǤ [oː] ȼ¸ʤɤΰ㤤롥ҲȤƤϡRP ζκǽ˸ /p, t, k/ [ph, th, kh] ӵȤƼ¸ΤФơåȥǤ [p, t, k] ̵Ǽ¸ʤɤ롥ޤ/l/ RP ǤϴĶˤäƤ dark l ȤʤΤФǤϾ clear l Ǥʤɤΰ㤤⤢롥[r] μ¸Ѱۤ褯ΤƤ롥
(2) phonotactic (structural) differences. 벻Ǥʤäꤹ벻ĶۤʤȤ硥non-prevocalic /r/ μ¸̵ͭŵ1ĤǤ롥GA (General American) ǤϤδĶ /r/ ¸뤬б RP Ǥ̵Ȥʤ (cf. rhotic) Ū¸Ūʥ٥ˤ벻˴ؤۤʤȤ롥
(3) systemic differences. ηϤۤʤäƤ뤬椨ˡġβǤб㤦褦ʾ硥RP Ǥ GA Ǥ /u/ /uː/ ϰۤʤ2ĤβǤǤ뤬åȥǤξԤϤζ̤Ϥʤ /u/ Ȥ1Ĥ礵Ƥ롥첻˴ؤ⤦1ĤСstock stalk Ȥ RP Ǥϲǥ٥Ƕ̤뤬ꥫѸ䥫ʥѸΤʤˤϲǤȤͻ礷ƤΤ⤢ (cf. #484. ǿΥꥫѸ첻ͻȿǤ MWALED ȯɽ ([2010-08-24-1])#2242. ʥѸβŪħ ([2015-06-17-1])) ҲǤСloch θҲˤĤơRP Ǥ [k] ȯ뤬åȥǤ [x] ȯ롥ϡԤѼǤ /k/ Ȥ϶̤벻ǤȤ /x/ ¸ߤ뤫Ǥ롥
(4) lexical-incidental differences. ηϤ䲻Ū¸ˡ켫ΤѰۤʤθǤˤơۤʤ벻ǡФ礬롥Ѽ֤ǰۤʤ뷹Ȥ⤢СüԸĿͤˤäưۤʤȤ⤢롥㤨Сeither 1첻ǤϡѼˤäơ뤤ϸĿͤˤä /iː/ /aɪ/ Ȥȯ롥ѼĿͤϡξ첻ǤηϤȤƤäƤ뤬either ȤФƤΤ줬ŬѤ뤫ȤۤʤäƤΡĤޤꡤ٥롤٥ΰ㤤ǤϤʤå٥ΰ㤤ȤäƤ褤
̤ˡȯεϤˤ֤θȤʤΤϡΥ٥Ǥΰ㤤Ǥ롥㤨Сaccomplish Ȥ2ζ첻 strut 첻Ǥ٤lot 첻Ǥ٤Nazi 2Ҳ /z/ /ʦ/
Wells, J. C. Accents of English. Vol. 1. An Introduction. Cambridge: CUP, 1982.
ε#2241. Dictionary of Canadianisms on Historical Principles ([2015-06-16-1]) ˰³UBC Ǥ SHEL-9/DSNA-20 Conference ä;äơʥѸꡥ
ʥѸϡ#313. Canadian English ([2010-03-06-1]) ǤŦ褦ˡŪ American English British English ˵ϤĤǤǯ AmE ؤλָ褦μФ˰ĥ뤫ϡȯʸˡáˡʤɤˤäƤۤʤ뤬ȯˤĤƤϡʥѸϥꥫѸȶ̤ΤۤɤƤȸ롥ΤʤǡBrinton and Fee (426--30) ɸ५ʥѸ (Standard Canadian English; ʲ SCE ɽ) βŪħȤưʲ8˸ڤƤ롥
(1) Canadian Raising: ̵Ҳ [aʊ] -> [ʌu], [aɪ] -> [ʌɪ] Ȥʤ롥äơout and about ϡoat and a boat ˶ʤ롥ͭҲǤϾ夲ʤᡤγƥڥǤϰۤʤ2첻ʹ롥lout/loud, bout/bowed, house/houses, mouth (n.)/mouth (v.), spouse/espouse; bite/bide, fife/five, site/side, tripe/tribe, knife/knives. åȥѼѼMartha's Vineyard Ѽ (cf. [2015-02-22-1]) ʤɤˤƤ⡤褦ʾ夲ϴѻ뤬Canadian Raising ϤȤϴطʤΩѲȹͤƤ롥
(2) Merger of [ɑ] and [ɔ]: 85%ΥʥѸüԤˤߤ븽ݡ19ȾФѲȤ졤General American ǤƱݤѻ롥βѲˤʲΥڥϤƱȤʤäƤ롥offal/awful, Don/dawn, hock/hawk, cot/caught, lager/logger, Otto/auto, holly/Hawley, tot/taught. GA Ȱۤʤꡤ[ɹ] Ǥ [ɔ] ݤäƤȤħ (ex. sorry, tomorrow, orange, porridge, Dorothy) ͻˤĤƤϡ#484. ǿΥꥫѸ첻ͻȿǤ MWALED ȯɽ ([2010-08-24-1]) ȡ
(3) Voicing of intervocalic [t]: 첻˶ޤ줿 [t] ͭ [d] 뤤 [ɾ] Ȥʤ븽ݡ̤ȤơʲΥڥϤ줾ƱȤʤ롥metal/medal, latter/ladder, hearty/hardy, flutter/flooder, bitter/bidder, litre/leader, atom/Adam, waiting/wading. SCE Ǥϡβ¾δĶؤڤǤꡤfilter, shelter, after, sister, washed out, picture ʤɤǤ뤳Ȥ롥
(4) Yod dropping: SCE ǤϡҲθΤ錄겻 [j] κ (glide deletion) GA Ʊͤ s θǤ뤬GA Ȱۤʤ [t, d, n] θǤݻȤȤŪ˼ĥƤºݤˤϡGA αƶǡԤδĶˤƤ yod-dropping ƤƤȤ (cf. #841. yod-dropping ([2011-08-16-1])#1562. Χߤ yod-dropping ([2013-08-06-1]))
(5) Retention of [r]: SCE ϰŪ rhotic Ǥ롥Ūˤ New England β (Loyalists) ˤäƤ⤿餵줿 non-rhotic ѼαƶäϤrhotic ʥꥹ̱ȤȤľܤ⤿餵줿аޤ⤢ꡤԤͥȤʤäΤ
(6) Marry/merry/Mary: ɸ।ꥹѸǤ3첻̤뤬ʥѸȥꥫѸΤĤѼǤϡMary merry [ɛr] ͻ礷marry [ær] Ȥƶ̤2ʬˡǤ롥ˡʥѸǤϱƽѼȰۤʤꡤBarry, guarantee, caramel ʤɤ [æ] 㤯Ĵ롥
(7) Secondary stress: -ory, -ary, -ery ǽ (ex. laboratory, secretary, monastery ) ǡGA Ʊͤˡ2ݤġ
(8) [hw] versus [w]: GA ηƱͤˡwhich/witch, where/wear, whale/wale, whet/wet θƬҲΩƱȤʤ롥
Τ褦˸ƤȡSCE ͭβŪħȤϡGA ȶ̤Τ¿Ȥ狼롥Ͷ̤ƤȤǡʬŪ˿ޤ㤦夲ơʥѸȼФȤȤBrinton and Fee (526) Bailey (161)) Ƹ褦ˡ"What is distinctly Canadian about Canadian English is not its unique linguistic features (of which there are a handful) but its combination of tendencies that are uniquely distributed" ȤȤ
ꥫѸȥꥹѸκˤĤƤ⡤٤ƱȤȻפäƤ롥#2186. Webޥε֥ѥõѸαƺԡס ([2015-04-22-1]) ǾҲ𤷤WEBޥ Lingua شƤǤҤ٤褦ˡŪˤꡤꥫѸȥꥹѸκۤϡñɽλѡԻѤȤƸΤǤϤʤλ٤ΰ㤤ȤƸۤˤפǤ롥Ѥ̵ͭǤϤʤʬۤΰ㤤Ѽ¾Ѽ狼̤ͭʻɸʤΤȻפҲŪʳǰǤѼפˡŪʴ⤦ȤΤǤСΤ褦̯ʺۤդʧȤɬפ
ʸ嵭2015/06/19(Fri) Bailey (162) ϡ٤ΰ㤤Ȥ˥ʥѸνѼ֤δطˤŬѤơΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥"The most useful perspective, then, is one in which Canadian English is viewed as a cluster of features that combine in varying proportions in differing communitites within Canada." (Bailey, Richard W. "The English Language in Canada." English as a World Language. Ed. Richard W. Bailey and Manfred Görlach. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1983. 134--76.)
Brinton, Laurel J. and Margery Fee. "Canadian English." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 6. Cambridge: CUP, 2001. 422--40 .
Bailey, Richard W. "The English Language in Canada." English as a World Language. Ed. Richard W. Bailey and Manfred Görlach. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1982. 134--76.
εǾҲ𤷤#2170. gravity model ([2015-04-06-1]) ϸѲŪŤͥ줿³⤢롥ΥǥǤϡŤͼ2֤εΥȳơοϤˤäޤȲꤵ뤬ºݤˤϤ2ĤΥѥΤۤˤ⤤Ĥװθɬפ롥㤨С˸¤餺ŪŤθԤäƤ Rogers ϡ(1) the phenomenon itself(2) communication networks, (3) distance, (4) time, (5) social structure 5ѿװȤƷǤƤ뤬gravity model äƤΤ (3) ȡ绨Ĥʰ̣ˤƤ (2) ΤߤǤ롥
ǤϡWolfram and Schilling-Estes (726--33) Ȥʤ顤¾װͤƤޤ "barrier effect" θʤФʤʤ㤨СɤȥåȥɤζϡΤޤפʱѸȤʤäƤ롥åȥɤζѲåȥȾˡ뤤ԻŤ뤳ȤäƤ⡤ۤƥɤζŤ뤫ɤϤ狼ʤդξǤ롥ŷͤͤζξ¦¼ǡͽۤʾ˰ۤʤäƤȤ⡤˵äθѲߤ˶ۤŤʤäȤ롥
ˡgravity model ϤȤʪؤοʸҲʳؤؤαѤǤꡤԤȤưǸ뤳ȤϤǤʤ㤨СʸʪŤͼȸŤͼ˴Ϳװϰۤʤ (cf. #2064. ʸμѼ (1) ([2014-12-21-1])#2065. ʸμѼ (2) ([2014-12-22-1])ˡ㤨СŤݤˤϡηϤؤ (embedding) ¦̤θɬפ뤬gravity model ϤΤ褦ʥѥǰƬ֤ƤʤηϤ˴ؤѥˤĤƤϡ#1779. ܿ٤ȼͽ¬ɸ ([2014-03-11-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#2011. Moravcsik ˤѤ ([2014-10-29-1])#2067. Weinreich ˤ촳Ĥηװ ([2014-12-24-1]) ȡηϴ֤ŤѤˤƤɤ٤θ̤ĤˤĤƤŪʵ⾯ʤʤȤդäƤ
ˡgravity model ŪŤˤĤƤβǤꡤҲŪŤٳ뤷ƤȤ꤬롥1ĤϰˤʣμҲṲ̄Τ̤Ǥ롥ѲϰŤȤȤϰΤ٤ƤμҲƱŤȤϸ¤餺μҲˤΤŤȤȤ⤢ꤦ롥gravity model Ūʲμ˱äŤθƤʤѲŤͻǤϼҲŪʽĤμƱ餤˽פʤΤǤϤʤ
social_network ˤС夤 (weakly_tied) ĸĿͤ佸ĤѲŤĥܿͤȤʤȤ롥gravity model ϿϤ礭Ȥ龮ȤؤȤޥΥͥåȥռƤ뤬θĿͤ佸ĤδͿߥΥͥåȥϹθƤʤȤ롥η䤦Ȥơ#882. Belfast νŹ ([2011-09-26-1])#1179. ťΥɸȤܿȡּ夤嫡ס ([2012-07-19-1])#1352. ߥ˥̩٤̻֡ ([2013-01-08-1]) ͤˤ줿
ǸˡϤξϰ褫礭ϰؤȡֵήפ "contra-hierarchical diffusion" λ𤵤Ƥ롥εǤ줿褦 Oklahoma Ǥϡ/ɔ/ -- /a/ εۼ gravity model ͽۤȤԻԤļˤؤ hierarchical ŤƤ뤬Ʊ Oklahoma ǽˡư fixin' to (= going to) ϤषļˤԻԤؤ contra-hierarchical ŤƤ뤳ȤǧƤ롥Tennessee ɡ /ɪ/ /ɛ/ εۼƱͤ contra-hierarchical ŤƤȤܸǤ⡤#2074. ѸѼαǥ ([2014-12-31-1]) Ǿˤ褦ˡؤήȤݤϰճ¿ߤ졤contra-hierarchical Ť褷ƵʻǤϤʤȤƤ롥
Wolfram, Walt and Natalie Schilling-Estes. "Dialectology and Linguistic Diffusion." The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Ed. Brian D. Joseph and Richard D. Janda. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003. 713--35.
Rogers, Everett M. Diffusion of Innovations. 5th ed. New York: Free Press, 1995.
ѲŪŤͼˤĤơȾ (wave_theory) 䤽η̤ȤƤ (cf. #1045. Ĺˤ ([2012-03-07-1])ˤ褯ΤƤ롥Ӥꤲޤ줿ФƱ߾椬Ȥ褦ˡȯϤƱ߾˼ϤŤƤȤͤǤ롥
ѲɬƱ߾³˳ȤȤϸ¤ʤषȳȤäƤ뤳ȤΤƤ롥#2034. Ⱦʤ ([2014-11-21-1])#2037. Ťȸ֡ ([2014-11-24-1])#2040. ([2014-11-27-1]) ʤɤε褦ˡΤۤȤͭǤ褦ʸѲλ롥ȤۤƱȯۤȤäƤ褤ΤˡҲؤؤʸ gravity model 뤤 hierarchical model ȸƤФƤѲŤ˴ؤǥ뤬롥 Trudgill ǡWolfram and Schilling-Estes (724) Τ褦ͿƤ롥
According to this model, which is borrowed from the physical sciences, the diffusion of innovations is a function not only of the distance from one point to another, as with the wave model, but of the population density of areas which stand to be affected by a nearby change. Changes are most likely to begin in large, heavily populated cities which have historically been cultural centers. From there, they radiate outward, but not in a simple wave pattern. Rather, innovations first reach moderately sized cities, which fall under the area of influence of some large, focal city, leaving nearby sparsely populated areas unaffected. Gradually, innovations filter down from more populous areas to those of lesser population, affecting rural areas last, even if such areas are quite close to the original focal area of the change. The spread of change thus can be likened not so much to the effects of dropping a stone into a pond, as with the wave model, but, as . . . to skipping a stone across a pond.
gravity model ϡŤϡȾΤ褦֤εΥ˰¸ǤϤʤοϤˤ¸ȤȤǤ롥ϡ2ĤŷΤΰ礦ϤΥ̩٤δؿǤ뤳ȤӤ롥ΥȿϤ2ĤѿΤȤŤͼޤȤ gravity model ϡȾळȤǤͥƤ롥ȤΤϡΥΤߤͭѿȤϤѿ̵ȤСʤȾȤʤ뤫Ǥ롥
gravity model ˱äѲλϾʤʤWolfram and Schilling-Estes (725) ˵ƤΤѸ˴ؤΤˤĤƤСLondon dzϤ줿Ƭ h-dropping ֤ϰӱۤľ East Anglia Norwich ؤӲФȤ㤬𤵤Ƥ롥Chicago [æ] 첻 [ɑ] 岽⡤ƱͤΥѥ Illinois νԻԤŤOklahoma Ǥ /ɔ/ -- /a/ εۼŤǤ롥
ξȤơgravity model ǽǤϤʤºݤŤλѻȡΥȿϰʳˤ⤤ĤѿꤻʤǤ롥gravity model θ³ˤĤƤϡεǼ夲롥
Wolfram, Walt and Natalie Schilling-Estes. "Dialectology and Linguistic Diffusion." The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Ed. Brian D. Joseph and Richard D. Janda. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003. 713--35.
ؤʬˤơ1990ǯ Optimality Theory ʺŬˤоȯŸλȸƤ٤뤫⤷ʤ1993ǯ Prince and Smolensky ˤƤȯɽư衤ܤӤƤä˲䱤ΧʬǤαѤʤǤꡤ̻ؤΩ줫Ѳ븶ȤƴԤƤ롥OT ϡʸˡդ줿ʣˤäƵҤǤȹͤ롥طФƳƼŬѤ졤̤ȤɽطϤ뤳ȤꤷƤ롥
OT δϡѲ뤤ʸˡѲȤΥդؤ (reranking of constraints) Ǥȸ뤳ȤǤĤθǤϱѸˤˤפʲѲǤ첻 (Great Vowel Shift; see [2009-11-18-1]) ؤѤƤ롥McMahon GVS ؤαѸƤΤǡƤߤ褦ʲǤϡMcMahon ȤƤŵνϾά롥
ǯŪΩ줫顤GVS ϽΤ褦ŪѲǤϤʤ̤ѲޤȤ߹蘆äΤˤʤȤФƤƤ[2010-09-04-1]ε#495. Ǥʤ첻ܡפȡˡ䤬Ƥ֤ȤΥХХǤ롥ΥХХ˯ Stockwell and Minkova Ǥꡤ GVS Ȥ٥뼫Τݱʤ˴Ƥޤ٥ǤɾƤ롥Minkova ʤɤϡΥ٥ϱѸˤѸȤƤǤϤʤػˤѸȤƤդ路ȡ긷 GVS ɽ魯ġβѲλ¤ΤΤΤȤʤ餬ǧƤꡤǽѲϹ첻2첻ǤȹͤƤǤϡJespersen ʤɤθȰפ롥
Lass GVS Ȥ٥ΰյΤȤǧƤ롥GVS γˤĤƤϡ첻ι첻ϤޤäȤ Luick Dobson θƤƤꡤ첻շξȾʬ˴ؤϢѲˤĤƤϹ¤ŪߤδͿꤷƤ롥СȾʬˤĤƤΤߥХХѤƤȤȤˤʤ롥
McMahon ϡΤ褦طʤˡMiglio (1998) Miglio and Moré ˤ OT Ѥ GVS ʬϤ⤹롥ŪŦ塤McMahon Ǥ褯 OT ζߤƤɾ Minkova and Stockwell ʬϤҲ𤹤롥Minkova and Stockwell ϡѸĹ첻οŤ4Ĥװ줾 OT ˤ˳Ƥ
(a) HEAR CLEAR: Diphthong optimization in perceptual terms
(b) *EFFORT: Diphthong optimization in articulatory terms
(c) MINIMAL DISTANCE: Optimal spacing of adjacent entities --- merger avoidance
(d) IDENT IO (CONTRAST): Vowel mergers and input-output faithfulness
(a) (b) ϲ˴ؤǡԤ2첻ٻԤĹ첻ٻȤȿġ(c) (d) ϲηϤ˴ؤǡԤϲǤͻءԤϲΩݻغѤ롥ʤMinkova and Stockwell ϲˤȤŤ (a) (b) ΤߤѲΰ⡤ѲȤѤǤȹͤƤ롥ϡOT δܤ˲ΤΤȤܼ˴ؤȴϢ롥
Minkova and Stockwell ϡ4ΰۤʤ֤ǤȤ߹碌ˤꡤ4Ĥΰۤʤ벻Ȥ롥
(1) Nucleus-glide dissimilation: IDENT IO (CONTRAST) >> HEAR CLEAR >> MINIMAL DISTANCE >> *EFFORT
(2) Nucleus-glide assimilation: IDENT IO (CONTRAST) >> *EFFORT >> MINIMAL DISTANCE >> HEAR CLEAR
(3) Chain Shift: IDENT IO (CONTRAST), MINIMAL DISTANCE >> HEAR CLEAR, *EFFORT
(4) Merger: *EFFORT >> IDENT IO (CONTRAST), MINIMAL DISTANCE >> HEAR CLEAR
GVS (3) 1Ǥ롥Ѹˤˤ͡ʲѲäƤ뤬OT ˤСƻΰۤʤȤ߹碌ȽˤȤȤˤʤ롥OT ˤ GVS β餫ˤ줿Τ褯狼ʤȤΤľʤȤǤ롥GVS ˤĤƿ1ĤεˡääȤʾˡΤ
Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Ms, Rutgers U and U of Colorado at Boulder, 1993.
McMahon, April. "Change for the Better? Optimality Theory versus History." Chapter 1 of The Handbook of the History of English. Ed. Ans van Kemenade and Bettelou Los. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006. 4--23.
2008ǯ˥ꥫϷǼ Merriam-Webster ܳŪ EFL ѤαѱѼ Merriam-Webster's Advanced Learner's English Dictionary ( MWALED ) Ǥ줿ε[2010-08-23-1]Ǥ饤Ҳ𤷤ʲ˸ܥåŽդ
| Keyword | GA | RP | Examples |
|---|---|---|---|
| lot | /lɑt/ | /lɒt/ | bomb, cot |
| palm | /pɑːm/ | /pɑːm/ | balm, father |
| thought | /θɔːt/ | /θɔːt/ | caught, taught |
| cloth | /clɔːθ/ | /clɒθ/ | loss, soft |
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