ҲŪʸ̮ǵ뤳Ȥ¿Ѹ (world_englishes) ȡȤƤκŬ (Optimality Theory; ot) 2ĤȤ߹碌ƹͤƤߤ뤳ȤʤɡޤǤʤäUffmann ޤˤΤ褦ͤƤ롥
"World Englishes and Phonological Theory" ȤȤˤϡ͡ʱѸѼβ٤ơŬˤŪ褦ȤΤȻפäɤ⤽櫓ǤϤʤ褦ˤɸȤƤϤΤ褦ʤȤͤƤΤ⤷ʤͤǤϡ Vernacular Liberian English (cf. #1697. Liberia ι ([2013-12-19-1])) ȤL2ѸѼβħL1ʤΥˤۤ줿Ȥͳ褹ȤΤˡŬѤƤ롥
ɷŪʸäܿ (contact) ȤƼҲŪȡηϤ˴ؤŪȤŬΥ𤷤ƷӤĤȤФ褤ʸξԤηӤĤɬ䤫줿櫓ǤϤʤޤǺβȤƼˤȤɤޤäƤϤ롥Ǥ⡤̤ȤƤͭ˾Uffmann (79--80) ϼΤ褦˸̤Ƥ롥
We also still do not have a clear idea of how the social factors in language contact interface with the formal properties of a grammar. With respect to creoles, Uffmann . . . suggests that there are three main processes at work whose relative weighting will depend on the exact nature of the contact situation: (a) transfer of substrate rankings, (b) levelling across substrates, which will be levelling to the unmarked (unless the marked option is shared by a majority of speakers), that is, choosing the ranking from the pool of grammars in which markedness constraints are ranked highest, and (c) acquisition of the superstrate grammar, as reranking via constraint demotion . . . . How does this proposal transfer to other contact varieties?
In this context, a particularly interesting model to look at could be the Dynamic Model of postcolonial Englishes proposed in Schneider (2007; this volume). It is interesting not only because it is the best developed framework to date to account for all postcolonial varieties, from settler varieties, via nativized varieties, to pidgins and creoles. Its special relevance lies in the fact that it links sociolinguistic and socio-historical conditions to identify construction and to linguistic effects. Why and how then do specific contact settings yield specific linguistic outcomes? How could this proposal tie in with Uffmann's model of constraint transfer, levelling to the unmarked and reranking (as acquisition)? This chapter cannot answer these questions. It can only serve as a call for more serious research in this field. Linking World Englishes to phonological theory and applying the models of phonological theorizing to varieties of English from around the world can be an exciting endeavour, and it is to be hoped that it can enrich our understanding of both the processes that lead to the emergence of new Englishes and of the fundamental principles that underlie phonological computation and processing.
ǤϡܿҲŪѥζ١ظαƶŪ¸ߡȤäؤüüޤǤʤŬΥȤ1Ĥ֤˼̤ƤȤ롥
ŬˤĤƤϡ#3848. "Optimality Theory" ([2019-11-09-1])#3867. Optimality Theory --- äʹΥˡθ줿 ([2019-11-28-1])#1581. Optimality Theory Ρϡס ([2013-08-25-1])#3910. Ŭ (Optimality Theory) Υɽɤ ([2020-01-10-1]) ȡ
ΰѤǻȤƤ Schneider "Dynamic Model" ˤĤƤϡε#4497. ݥȥ˥ѸѼ˴ؤ Schneider Dynamic Model ([2021-08-19-1]) ȡ
Uffmann, Christian. "World Englishes and Phonological Theory." Chapter 4 of The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes. Ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. New York: OUP, 2017. 63--83.
Schneider, Edgar W. "Models of English in the World." Chapter 3 of The Oxford Handbook of World Englishes. Ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. New York: OUP, 2017. 35--57.
Ŭ (Optimality Theory; ot) ˤĤơ#3848. "Optimality Theory" ([2019-11-09-1])#3867. Optimality Theory --- äʹΥˡθ줿 ([2019-11-28-1])#1581. Optimality Theory Ρϡס ([2013-08-25-1]) Ǵñ˾Ҳ𤷤Ƥ伫Ȥ˾ܤ櫓ǤϤޤäʤºݡOT äʵˡǤɽɤ⤪ܤĤʤΤǡCarr and Montreuil (259) ˰͵ơɤٶƤߤ
ʲñʤѡOT ŪʸϴΤǤϤʤȤȤǡ
The most common faithfulness constraints are I-O, i.e. they evaluate the matching between input and output. Any candidate which does not diverge from the input is considered the faithful candidate. Any candidate which diverges from the input in order to satisfy some markedness constraint (M) violates some faithfulness constraint (F).
The prototype situation runs like this. If /a/ is the input, but surfaces as [b] because [b] is easier to pronounce than [a], then there is some markedness constraint of the type *a (= avoid [a]). The faithful candidate is [a], but it is defeated by constraint *a, leaving [b] as the winning candidate. While [b] is unfaithful to /a/, and violates a faithfulness constraint IDENT-a, it still wins in a grammar where markedness dominates faithfulness (M >> F). Informally, IDENT-a says: 'do not change the features of /a/'. Constraints are universal, so both *a and IDENT-a will be found in all grammars, but a language where /a/ is realized as [a] will have the same two constraints in the opposite order: F >> M.
Tableaus read from left to right, with the dominating constraints on the left. Violations are indicated by an asterisk. Exclamation marks indicate fatal violations and the cells to the right are shaded to indicate that the information they contain does not play a role in the evaluation, i.e. the decision has been made on the basis of the information contained in the white cells. The hand ☞ indicates the optimal candidate, the winner. It is clear to see that in an F >> M scenario, the faithful candidate is selected as the winner . . . .
| Input /a/ | Markedness: *a | Faithfulness: IDENT-a |
| (faithful) [a] | *! | |
| ☞ (optimal) [b] | * |
| Input /a/ | Faithfulness: IDENT-a | Markedness: *a |
| ☞ (faithful and optimal) [a] | * | |
| [b] | *! |
̤˸ѲμΤäȹͤ뤳Ȥ¿ʹ¤礭Ȥĥ褦ˤʤäƤܥ֥Ǥ⤳ˤĤƤĤεƤ
#1932. Ѳ monitoring (1) ([2014-08-11-1])
#1933. Ѳ monitoring (2) ([2014-08-12-1])
#1934. audience design ([2014-08-13-1])
#1935. accommodation theory ([2014-08-14-1])
#1936. ʹΤѲ ([2014-08-15-1])
#2150. Ѳˤʹ ([2015-03-17-1])
#2586. Ѳˤäʹ䤪Ӵط ([2016-05-26-1])
#3378. ŪФ߽Ф4װ ([2018-07-27-1])
Ǹ2ĤεΤ褦ˡȤ櫓ѲˤƤäʹ䤬뤵褦ˤʤäƤƤ롥äϾǤڤĴȤߵäƤ뤬ޤ˴άȯǤʹʤ줬롥ʹäФƴŪˡޤάƤʡषΤǫĴƤ졤Ȥץå㡼ƤΤǤ롥ΥˡȿƤꡤ줬äƤȤǸ줬ΩäƤȤ롥Ѳ⡤礤礭ʤ٤˵Τȹͤ롥
#3848. "Optimality Theory" ([2019-11-09-1]) ǾҲ𤷤Ŭ (Optimality Theory) ϡ嵭2ĤΥˡΥХθƤ롥OT δŪʹͤ⤷ Carr and Montreuil (258--59) ꡤϢ
The basic architecture of the model is straightforward: a set of constraints CON represents the priorities obeyed by the grammar of a language. These constraints are violable, universal and ranked in a hierarchy. A generating function GEN provides the output candidates for a given input and an evaluation function EVAL determines the relative desirability of each output; most critically it determines which of these outputs is the optimal candidate, the 'winner'.
. . . .
OT . . . attempts to explain why outputs may differ from inputs. It does so by encoding markedness directly into the grammar. Most constraints are formulated negatively and penalize the markedness of undesirable results; they point to marked structures or articulations, and their paraphrases read like lists of what not to do; for instance 'avoid (marked) sonority differentials', 'avoid (marked) complex articulations', 'avoid (marked) labial codas'. These markedness constraints make no reference to the input, they simply evaluate the intrinsic desirability of outputs.
Be penalising marked constructs, markedness constraints optimise language towards ease of articulation and simple structures. Assimilations and mergers usually respond to the desire to minimise effort. But this is counterbalanced by the need to keep articulations clear, words distinct and intonations contrastive. Effective communication, and language use in general, attempts to reach a satisfactory equilibrium between the drive to simplify phonetic forms and the need to be understood. In OT, this balance is achieved by pitting against each other markedness constraints and faithfulness constraints.
δ餹ȡŬܻؤֺŬפȤϡäʹȿˡ¤Ĵ̤ȤƤνϤؤȤǤ롥
Carr, Philip and Jean-Pierre Montreuil. Phonology. 2nd ed. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
ʸˡ (generative_grammar) ˤơʣε§ȤƤꡤ̤Хåƥ硤֤ɤε§ͥס֤ɤ餬ŬѤΤפȤ꤬뤳ȤԲǤ롥ΥȤȯۤФȴ֤ʤֺŬפ "Optimality Theory" ʺŬˤΤɬȤäƤ褤⤷ʤꤽˤⲿ餫ε§ꤹʬǤСˤ餺ȤȯۤޤΤϼΤ褦˻פ롥伫ȡ˴ؿϤȤϤ褷ɸؼԤǤϤʤȤȯۤˤ϶Ф롥
Crystal (342--43) ˤȡŬ (= Optimality Theory = ot) Ȥϼ̤ꡥ
optimality theory (OT) In phonology a theory developed in the early 1990s concerning the relationship between proposed underlying and output representations. In this approach, an input representation is associated with a class of candidate output representations, and various kinds of filter are used to evaluate these outputs and select the one which is 'optimal' (i.e. most well-formed). The selection takes place through the use of a set of well-formedness constraints, ranked in a hierarchy of relevance on a language-particular basis, so that a lower-ranked constraint may be violated in order to satisfy a higher-ranked one. The candidate representation which best satisfies the ranked constraint hierarchy is the output form. For example, in English the negative prefix in- (e.g. insufficient) has two output forms, im- before bilabials (as in impossible, immodest), and in- elsewhere (inarticulate, involuntary, etc.). The coexistence of these forms means that there is conflict between the class of faithfulness constraints (which require identity between input and output) and the class of constraints which impose restrictions on possible sequences have identical place of articulation --- which needs to be resolved by an appropriate ranking of the relevant constraints. Optimality theory thus aims to account for a wide range of phenomena by specifying the interaction of a small number of universal constraints, which apply variously across languages in producing phonological representations. A particular constraint may achieve high ranking in one language (i.e. its output accounts for many surface forms) and low ranking in another (i.e. its output accounts for only a small class of forms). Although initially developed in relation to phonology, during the later 1990s optimality theory came to be extended to morphology and syntax.
ˤޤ꿨줿ȤʤСǤŪȴ˰㤤ʤפڤäƴάƤޤȡѸܸʤɤθ̸줬ɤޤǤε§ȿϵ뤬ɤϵʤȤääƤȤȤʤΤ
OT ϼȤƲ˶ߤȯǤϤ뤬§Ŭѽ˴ؤǤǧʤС§ȤΤꤵ뤽¾ΤʤʬʷˤˤˤƤŬѤȹͤ롥
Ƹ줬줾ͭΥե (fetishism) äƤȤѤȤΤȤ롥
Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.
ѸˤϡŪ첻 (Great Vowel Shift; gvs) Ȥ̤ˡѸζŪʸݤȤƤ "Modern English Vowel Shift Rule (alterations)" ȤΤ롥ԤϡѸڥˤߤ벻ŪѰۤ˴ؤ붦Ūʵ§Ǥ롥Chomsky and Halle üȯθθ÷ǤⰷƤȥԥåȤСΤ褦ʥڥ첻˴ؤƸؤߤ롥various ? variety, comedy ? comedian, study ? studious, harmony ? harmonious; divine ? divinity, serene ? serenity, sane ? sanity, reduce ? reduction, fool ? folly, profound ? profundity (McMahon 342) .
McMahon ϡζŪʵ§Ŭ (Optimality Theory; ot) ʬϤԸŦʤ顤ƱϱΧ (prosody) ΤˤĹƤ뤬첻ؤΤ褦ʬ˴ؤˤŬѤˤΤǤϤʤƤ롥ξϡ̤ˤƱֲפˤȤϤºݤˤΩ⤤ΤǤϤʤȤMcMahon (357) ϡΩκʤ鼡Τ褦Ƥ롥
. . . we must recognise prosodic and melodic phonology as two different systems, and in fact there are many different strands of evidence pointing in that direction. For instance, prosodic phonology shows clearer connections with emotion, with gesture, and with aspects of call systems in other primates. Prosodic and segmental phonology behave very differently in cases of language disorder and breakdown, with some children who are seriously language-impaired finding considerable compensatory strength in prosody, for instance. Prosodic phonology is also acquired early, and there is evidence that the brain lateralisation of prosody and melody is different too, with more involvement of the right hemisphere in prosody, and strong left hemisphere localisation for segmentals. If prosody phonology and segmental phonology are actually two very different systems, which have evolved differently, are processed differently, are acquired differently, and interact with different systems (as with the paralinguistic uses of prosody, for instance), then there is no need for us to expect a single theory to deal with both.
θϡOT Ūʰ˴ؤˤȤɤޤ餺ؤˤ벻ΰ֤ŤˤĤƤƹͤ¥ΤȤʤ
Chomsky, Noam and Morris Halle. The Sound Pattern of English. New York: Harper & Row, 1968.
McMahon, April. "Who's Afraid of the Vowel Shift Rule?" Language Sciences (Issues in English Phonology) 29 (2007): 341--59.
#1971. ʸˡˤӸݤ ([2014-09-19-1]) κǸDzʤĤäˡʸˡŪή졤drift ΰȤƤǤϤʤѲư붦ŪϤȤƤߤ뤳ȤϤǤʤΤפȤΤäĴ٤ƤߤȡʸˡӸݤʤΤ뤤Ϥ켫ȤưϸʤΤȤϡºݡʸˡθԤδ֤Ǥ褯ƤǤ뤳Ȥ狼äϴϢʸˡθưäˤΰΰȯŸȳˤĤơTraugott εҤ˰͵Ƴ⤷
ʸˡϡ30;ǯۤɤƸؤ礭ʥɤȤĹƤ礭ͤ2Ĥ롥1Ĥ "reduction and increased dependency" Ȥߤ븫Ǥꡤ⤦1ĤϤष "the expansion of various kinds" Ȥߤ븫Ǥ롥ξԤȤˡ̣ȲѲʸˡѲΩĤĤⲿ餫ηǴؤäƤȤߤƤ롤ä˷ŪѲȤδطɤȤ館뤫ˤäΩ줬ʬƤ롥
Ūˤϡʸˡ "reduction and increased dependency" ȤߤƤ̣ɺ (semantic bleaching) Ȳθ (reduction) åȤˤʤäȤǡ"unidirectionality from more to less complex structure, from more to less lexical, contentful status" (Traugott 273) Ȥθĥ롥θ Givón "Today's morphology is yesterday's syntax." ΰ⤤ŵŪ˽Ƥ뤬˰̲ǡΤ褦ʰΥǥƤƤ롥ǤϡΧ (autonomy) ¾Ǥؤν° (dependency) ٹ礤ʤ顤ĤˤϾäƤޤȤʸˡΥ饤ե뤬ɽƤ롥
discourse > syntax > morphology > morphphonemics > zero
θϡ1990ǯȾаʹߡ¿Ƚˤ餵뤳ȤˤʤäǤϤʤޤӸݤȤߤ븫ΨŪʷˤʤȤ븫Ф졤ȤȤˡæʸˡ (degrammaticalisation) ָò (lexicalisation) ʤɤΩǰŦ褦ˤʤäȿΰĤȤæʸˡȤϲòȤϲȤɵ椵褦ˤʤꡤʸˡȤޤΥեɤϳ礷Ƥä
ʸˡΤ⤦1Ĥθϡreduction ǤϤʤष expansion ǤȤΤʸˡܤ줿ϡƤޤˤäɽ줿ꡤˡʡʤɤ˴ؤΤäܤܤ³ɸʤɤܤȡʸˡȤϤष¤ŪʳĥǤŬϰϤγǤϤʤȤפƤ롥㤨Сؼ줬괧ؤʸˡ뤳Ȥˤꡤͭ̾ˤ³褦ˤʤꡤŬϰϤ̤Ȥʤäʸˡ̣ΰ̲ݲǤ뤳ȤͤСŬϰϤȤϼǤ롥 (productivity) γȸƤ褤ܸΡ֤Ȥǡפξɽɸؤȯãʤɤ "reduction and increased dependency" Ȥª줺ष autonomy ͭƤȤͤ롥ˤơʸˡϸѲ (pragmaticalisation) βȤӤĤ褦ˤʤä
ʸˡ2ĤθҲ𤷤ǯǤʸˡϿäơʤȯŸȳ뤲Ƥ롥㤨С1990ǯιʸʸˡ (construction_grammar) оˤꡤʸˡθǤ̣ȷ֤ΥڥռʬϤܤ褦ˤʤä㤨Сñפ A lot of fans is for sale. ʣפ A lot of fans are for sale. ؤѲ A lot of our problems are psychological. Τ褦ɽƤΤߤȡʸˡȤȤΰʬϤȤ狼롥ۤˡgive an answer make a promise ʤɤΡַڤư괧ܹ̾פʣ⡤ʸʸˡʸˡδ뤳ȤǤ
ʸˡΰˤĤƤˤʤäƤ̤ϡȤͶƳ (invited inference) ŦƤ롥ޤ (analogy) ʬ (reanalysis) Τ褦ʸŤǰФƤ⡤ʸˡΰ⡤ưŤᥫ˥Ȥ顤ƲλߤʤƤƤ롥ȤΤϡʸˡȤϰʬϤǤȤͤ졤ʬϤȤϴ¸ι¤ȤȤ٤ʤƤʤΤȹͤ뤫ǡΥǥȤʸˡꤹȡŬ (Optimality Theory) ˤʬϤȤƤ롥ܿʬϡʸˡμѤȤⰷ褦ˤʤäƤ
ʸˡΰϸ¤ʤȤäƤƤ롥
Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. "Grammaticalization." Chapter 15 of Continuum Companion to Historical Linguistics. Ed. Silvia Luraghi and Vit Bubenik. London: Continuum, 2010. 271--85.
Ѹˤˤ /h/ ˤĤ h γƵǰäƤϸƬ /h/ ˤˤĤơCrisma ʸɤǤߤ
ˤĤƽ辧Ƥ1Ĥ˼Τ褦ʤΤ롥Ƭ /h/ ϲȤƤѸ˴˾äѸɸѼ̤ȤΤCrisma (136--37) ϰʲ3ŦĤġȽƤ롥
(1) ˤȡ /h/ ֻȯ (spelling_pronunciation) θˤΤȤȤˤʤ뤬ʤȤ⤹٤Ƥˤ褷¤ͤСδŰ֤ϿۤɤǤʡ#1292. Ѹ줫ѸˤƤ h ΰ֤Ť ([2012-11-09-1]) ȡˡֻ̾ȯϤޤηŪˤϺѤñ줴Ȥñȯ뤳Ȥ¿
(2) ֻȯθκѤꤵƤ븽ݤϡեѸˤƤϡϤ٤äʤˤϸܤ줺˸ɸѼ˻Ĥä heir, honest, honour, hour ʤɤθ롥üȤǤϡեѸοΰ㤤Ǥʤ
(3) Ѹ /h/ δ /h/ ݤäƤαƶǤȹͤ⤢뤬⤽ʤɸѼ˱ƶͿΤʬʤ
ƤȤ Crisma ƤΤϡŪʵϹäƤ뤬ǼΤ褦ˤޤȤѸˤơƬ /h/ Ͼä櫓ǤϤʤ˳ΤΤȤ¸ߤƤ /h/ ʣߤΤȤǡͽ [h] ǤϤʤ [] ȤƼ¸줿ȤȤǤ롥Crisma ϡѸȶѸΥѥȤơh ǻϤޤԤ괧 a vs an ʬۤӽͭƻ my/thy vs myn(e)/thyn(e) ʬۤܺ٤ĴĴ̤Ŭ (Optimality Theory) ʬϤŬϡʥʸˡλۤꡤءϡˤɽءʽϡˤ̤Ǥ롥ñ /h/ üȤߤΤǤϤʤϤˤ /h/ äɤϤȤƤ [] ȤʤΤäȵΤǤ롥Crisma (158) ηѤơȤ褦
To sum up, I propose that the distribution of the different forms of the indefinite article and of the 1st and 2nd person singular possessive pronouns can be captured in its diachronic development in Middle and Early Modern English assuming that the phonetic realization of the phoneme /h/- became at some point `disliked' in the grammar of the language. This dislike results in its inability to surface in a series of contexts, which vary along time because of the slight differences in the interaction with other constraints on the well-formedness of the phonetic output. This proposal is empirically superior to theories failing to distinguish between true /h/-loss and a (sic) the coexistence of a lexical /h/-ful underlying representation with a contextually-bound [h]-less phonetic output, and therefore unable to account for the complex and apparently contradictory evidence.
Crisma, Paola. "Word-Initial h- in Middle and Early Modern English." Phonological Weakness in English: From Old to Present-Day English. Ed. Donka Minkova. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. 130--67.
#1404. Optimality Theory ߤ첻 ([2013-03-01-1]) ǡ첻 (gvs) Ŭ (OT) ˤäƤ˵ҤǤ뤫⤷ǤλΰݤϡOT 첻ܤɤΤ褦ˤƵäΤȤҤ뤳ȤդʤäȤͿƤʤȤΤä#1577. ѲηŪȵǽŪ ([2013-08-21-1]) Ǹ褦ˡOT Τ褦ʷŪʥץϡǤϤʤҤ褯ΤؤλʤΤǤϤʤ
OT ǤϸѲ "reranking of constraints" ȤȤ館뤬 reranking ѲθʤΤ̤ʤΤȤߤ OT why Ǥꡤ̤Ȥߤ how ҤǤ롥ƱոMcMahon (93) ϸԤȤߤƤ롥
It would seem . . . that reranking is descriptive at best, fortuitous at worst, and post hoc either way, so long as the constraint set is in principle unrestricted, and the reranking itself depends on external factors, whether phonetic, functional, or sociolinguistic.
OT ʤ˸¤餺ŪˤμԤϡ餬ԤʤäƤ뤳ȤϸǤϤʤҤǤȤǧɬפǤȤλŦ (McMahon 94--95) ˤƱդƶޤäͿƤʤȤȤĥĤϤʤŤ˰Сषդ
. . . explanation of change, in its truest sense, may be beyond OT, and indeed any other formal linguistic theory. The cause of the model is not served if its practitioners continue, nonetheless, to claim that they are providing explanations. Lass notes that we tend
to talk about 'explanations' when we mean 'models' or 'metaphors', and to claim that we have shown 'why X happened' when what we have really done is linked X up in a 'network' with Y, Z, etc., and thus created a more or less plausible and imaginatively pleasing picture of 'how' (ceteris paribus) X could happen'. This is all really relatively harmless . . .; at least it is if we can bring ourselves to see clearly what we actually do, and avoid terminological subterfuge and defensive pretence. (1980 [On Explaining Language Change]: 157--8)
ѲθˤϡȲҤȤξɬפǤ롥͡ˡȤ߹碌ʤ¤ѲϸǤʤʾ塤ѶŪˡƿŤѤƤ椯ȤοΤ褦˻פ
McMahon, April. "Optimality Theory and the Great Vowel Shift." Motives for Language Change. Ed. Raymond Hickey. Cambridge: CUP, 2003. 82--96.
ε[2013-07-07-1]˰³ѲˤޤĤ3ĤγǰδطˤĤơϡSecond Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) ŪȾ˳礷ɤΤ褦ʽǸä˥äƿʹԤȤ夲ϡѸνѼˤߤ -t/-d deletion Ȥݤܤ롥
-t/-d deletion Ȥϡmissed, grabbed, mist, hand ʤɤθλĺü벻Ǥ롥ɸŪάȯäǤϤ褯ߤ븽ݤ٤ϷֲĶˤäưۤʤȹͤƤ롥ͿŪʷֲĶȤϡθ줬 (1) mist Τ褦1 (monomorphemic) ʤ뤫 miss-ed Τ褦2 (bimorphemic) ʤ뤫(2) ³벻Ҳ (ex. missed train) 첻 (ex. missed Alice) 2Ǥ롥(1) 1 > 2, (2) Ҳ³ > 첻³ȤطΩ1ǤǻҲ³ -t/-d Ǥü䤹2Ǥ첻³ -t/-d ǤüˤȤȤͽۤ롥ͽۤ mist missed ˴ؤɽηȡʲΤ褦ˤʤRomain, p. 142 "Temporal development of varieties for the rule of -t/-d deletion" ˡ

ϡ SGCS θɽƤ롥ǤϡѼˡֲĶ˱ơ-t deletion θ礬ʾʬۤʤƤ롥ѼؤγȤȤߤȾɽ魯ΤȤơǤߤóȻɽ魯ΤȤơ̻ŪʽζŪʸȤߤްռɽ魯ΤȤơɽ᤹뤳ȤǤ롥
2ηֲĶˤĤƤϡ-t/-d deletion θ˴ؤ (constraint) ȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥(1) ̣ͭ -ed ϾüˤȤ(2) ʻҲϢ³ʤ -t/-d ϾüˤȤȤƺƲǤ롥δ餹ȡ2Ĥθ̤ͥˤäơۤʤä -t/-d deletion ʬɽ뤳ȤˤʤˤơȾóȻްռȤäǰȡOptimality Theory ŬˤȤ⸫ƤΤǤϤʤ
Romain, Suzanne. Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: OUP, 2000.
ؤʬˤơ1990ǯ Optimality Theory ʺŬˤоȯŸλȸƤ٤뤫⤷ʤ1993ǯ Prince and Smolensky ˤƤȯɽư衤ܤӤƤä˲䱤ΧʬǤαѤʤǤꡤ̻ؤΩ줫Ѳ븶ȤƴԤƤ롥OT ϡʸˡդ줿ʣˤäƵҤǤȹͤ롥طФƳƼŬѤ졤̤ȤɽطϤ뤳ȤꤷƤ롥
OT δϡѲ뤤ʸˡѲȤΥդؤ (reranking of constraints) Ǥȸ뤳ȤǤĤθǤϱѸˤˤפʲѲǤ첻 (Great Vowel Shift; see [2009-11-18-1]) ؤѤƤ롥McMahon GVS ؤαѸƤΤǡƤߤ褦ʲǤϡMcMahon ȤƤŵνϾά롥
ǯŪΩ줫顤GVS ϽΤ褦ŪѲǤϤʤ̤ѲޤȤ߹蘆äΤˤʤȤФƤƤ[2010-09-04-1]ε#495. Ǥʤ첻ܡפȡˡ䤬Ƥ֤ȤΥХХǤ롥ΥХХ˯ Stockwell and Minkova Ǥꡤ GVS Ȥ٥뼫Τݱʤ˴Ƥޤ٥ǤɾƤ롥Minkova ʤɤϡΥ٥ϱѸˤѸȤƤǤϤʤػˤѸȤƤդ路ȡ긷 GVS ɽ魯ġβѲλ¤ΤΤΤȤʤ餬ǧƤꡤǽѲϹ첻2첻ǤȹͤƤǤϡJespersen ʤɤθȰפ롥
Lass GVS Ȥ٥ΰյΤȤǧƤ롥GVS γˤĤƤϡ첻ι첻ϤޤäȤ Luick Dobson θƤƤꡤ첻շξȾʬ˴ؤϢѲˤĤƤϹ¤ŪߤδͿꤷƤ롥СȾʬˤĤƤΤߥХХѤƤȤȤˤʤ롥
McMahon ϡΤ褦طʤˡMiglio (1998) Miglio and Moré ˤ OT Ѥ GVS ʬϤ⤹롥ŪŦ塤McMahon Ǥ褯 OT ζߤƤɾ Minkova and Stockwell ʬϤҲ𤹤롥Minkova and Stockwell ϡѸĹ첻οŤ4Ĥװ줾 OT ˤ˳Ƥ
(a) HEAR CLEAR: Diphthong optimization in perceptual terms
(b) *EFFORT: Diphthong optimization in articulatory terms
(c) MINIMAL DISTANCE: Optimal spacing of adjacent entities --- merger avoidance
(d) IDENT IO (CONTRAST): Vowel mergers and input-output faithfulness
(a) (b) ϲ˴ؤǡԤ2첻ٻԤĹ첻ٻȤȿġ(c) (d) ϲηϤ˴ؤǡԤϲǤͻءԤϲΩݻغѤ롥ʤMinkova and Stockwell ϲˤȤŤ (a) (b) ΤߤѲΰ⡤ѲȤѤǤȹͤƤ롥ϡOT δܤ˲ΤΤȤܼ˴ؤȴϢ롥
Minkova and Stockwell ϡ4ΰۤʤ֤ǤȤ߹碌ˤꡤ4Ĥΰۤʤ벻Ȥ롥
(1) Nucleus-glide dissimilation: IDENT IO (CONTRAST) >> HEAR CLEAR >> MINIMAL DISTANCE >> *EFFORT
(2) Nucleus-glide assimilation: IDENT IO (CONTRAST) >> *EFFORT >> MINIMAL DISTANCE >> HEAR CLEAR
(3) Chain Shift: IDENT IO (CONTRAST), MINIMAL DISTANCE >> HEAR CLEAR, *EFFORT
(4) Merger: *EFFORT >> IDENT IO (CONTRAST), MINIMAL DISTANCE >> HEAR CLEAR
GVS (3) 1Ǥ롥Ѹˤˤ͡ʲѲäƤ뤬OT ˤСƻΰۤʤȤ߹碌ȽˤȤȤˤʤ롥OT ˤ GVS β餫ˤ줿Τ褯狼ʤȤΤľʤȤǤ롥GVS ˤĤƿ1ĤεˡääȤʾˡΤ
Prince, Alan and Paul Smolensky. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar. Ms, Rutgers U and U of Colorado at Boulder, 1993.
McMahon, April. "Change for the Better? Optimality Theory versus History." Chapter 1 of The Handbook of the History of English. Ed. Ans van Kemenade and Bettelou Los. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006. 4--23.
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