ε#5549. Sturtevant's Paradox --- Ѳϵ§ŪԵ§߽ФԵ§§߽Ф ([2024-07-06-1]) κǸǡFertig "Sturtevant's Paradox" ȽŪΩǤ뤳ȤFertig (97--98) εʤΤǡޤޤѤ
Like a lot of memorable sayings, Sturtevant's Paradox is really more of a clever play on words than a paradox, kind of like 'Isn't it funny how you drive on a parkway and park on a driveway.' There is nothing paradoxical about the fact that phonetically regular change gives rise to morphological irregularities. Similarly, it is no surprise that morphologically motivated change tends to result in increased morphological regularity. 'Analogic creation' would be even more effective in this regard if it were regular, i.e. if it always applied across the board in all candidate forms, but even the most sporadic morphologically motivated change is bound to eliminate a few morphological idiosyncrasies from the system.
If we consider analogical change from the perspective of its effects on phonotactic patterns, it is sometimes disruptive in just the way that one would expect . . . . At one point in the history of Latin, for example, it was completely predictable that s would not occur between vowels. Analogical change destroyed this phonological regularity, as it has countless others. Carstairs-McCarthy (2010: 52--5) points out that analogical change in English has been known to restore 'bad' prosodic structures, such as syllable codas consisting of a long vowel followed by two voiced obstruents. Although Carstairs-McCarthy's examples are all flawed, there are real instances, such as believed < beleft, of the kind of development he is talking about (§5.3.1).
What the continuing popularity of Sturtevant's formulation really reveals is that one old Neogrammarian bias is still very much with us: When Sturtevant talks about changes resulting in 'regularity' and 'irregularities', present-day historical linguists still share his tacit assumption that these terms can only refer to morphology. If we were to revise the 'paradox' to accurately reflect the interaction between sound change and analogy, we would wind up with something not very paradoxical at all:
Sound change, being phonetically/phonologically motivated, tends to maintain phonological regularity and produce morphological irregularity. Analogic creation, being morphologically motivated, tends to produce phonological irregularity and morphological regularity. Incidentally, the former tends to proceed 'regularly' (i.e. across the board with no lexical exceptions) while the latter is more likely to proceed 'irregularly' (word-by-word).
I realize that this version is not likely to go viral.
ǤСؼԤϡηϤε§äơε§ε§Ż뤷ƤΤǤϤʤפ˷нŤäΤǤϤʤȤŦޤ "Sturtevant's Paradox" ζ̵Ƚ˼ƤˤȤäơܤФ褦ʻŦä
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew. The Evolution of Morphology. Oxford: OUP, 2010.
ɸϡޤޤ˸뤳ȤǤ롥ֲˡ§ϵ§ŪԵ§߽Фˤ¤Ե§§߽ФפȤ⤤뤷ַˤƵ§ŪʲѲϥȥԡ礵Ե§ŪѤϥȥԡפȤ⤤롥Ѳ (sound_change) (analogy) γơħޤɽΤǤʺε#5548. Ѳν̤ƹͤ ([2024-07-05-1]) ȡˡΰ⤤ˤĤƤϡʲδϢ뵭Ƥ
#1693. §ŪʲѲԵ§ŪʷѲ ([2013-12-15-1])
#838. ηϤȥȥԡ ([2011-08-13-1])
#1674. ѲȶοʿˤĤƤŪͻ ([2013-11-26-1])
ζǽ˽Ҥ٤ΤïäפФȤƤFertig ɤǤơ Sturtevant Ǥȶ줿Fertig (96) ꡤϢʬѤ롥
Long before there was a Philosoraptor, historical linguists had 'Sturtevant's Paradox': 'Phonetic laws are regular but produce irregularities. Analogic creation is irregular but produces regularity' (Sturtevant 1947: 109). It is catchy and memorable. It has undoubtedly helped generations of linguistics students remember the battle between sound change and analogy, and, on the tiny scale of our subdiscipline, it is no exaggeration to say that it has 'gone viral', making appearances in numerous textbooks . . . and other works . . . .
Τ˥åʶǤ롥Fertig ϤΥå椨˸ʤʤäƤʬΤǤϤʤȷپĤ餷Ƥ롥
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Sturtevant, Edgar H. An Introduction to Linguistic Science. New Haven: Yale UP, 1947.
Ӹ (comparative_linguistics) ζȤ٤ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤֲѲ㳰ʤפθ§ (Ausnahmslose Lautgesetze) ϡѲ (sound_change) (analogy) ̤ȤΩ衤θѲ2ĤθϡƤʤΡʤΤȤƲᤵƤ2ˤꡤäˤŪʸѲκƤޤȤۤɤθ̤Ǥ롥
ŪʥơФȿ⡤³ŪФƤ㳰ʤȤ벻Ѳ⡤ѤаΧŬѤ줿ȤƲǤΤǤϤʤȤո¤ΤȤ伫ȤóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ᤰΤʤǡ2θѲθϡߤܶᤷΤǤϤʤȹͤȤä
νפˤĤơFertig (99--100) ŸƤ롥Fertig 2̤٤ȤŪʸΩäƤϤ뤬εϥƥϡFertig Τ褦ΩΩĺҤ٤Ƥ1Ѥ (95) ñȯˤ϶ʤɿΰ۷ (variants) ȤҲθˤǤ롥
The restriction of the term 'analogical' to processes based on morpho(phono)logical and syntactic patterns has long since outlived its original rationale, but the distinction between changes motivated by grammatical relations among different wordforms and those motivated by phonetic relations among different realizations of the same wordform remains a valid and important one. The essence of the Neogrammarian 'regularity' hypothesis is that these two systems are separate and that they interface only through the mental representation of a single, citation pronunciation of each wordform. The representations of non-citation realizations are invisible to the morphological and morphophonological systems, and relations among different wordforms are invisible to the phonetic system. If we keep in mind that this is really what we are talking about when we distinguish analogical change from sound change, these traditional terms can continue to serve us well.
Ѳݤˤϡ٤äꤳ˸礦ɬפȹͤƤ롥
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
ε#3957. Ritt ˤѸ쳫Ĺλȿ ([2020-02-26-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡѸ쳫Ĺ (Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening; meosl) ˤϰճ㳰¿ĶۤƱ˸Ƥ⡤ñˤä첻ĹäƤ굯äƤʤäꤹΤ
Ritt (75) MEOSL ˤĤơ첻Ĺ뤫ݤϡĶνθǤγΨȤȤ館Ƥ롥ơΤ褦ʸͿƤ (75)
The probability of vowel lenghthening was proportional to
a. the (degree of) stress on it
b. its backness
c. coda sonority
and inversely proportional to
a. its height
b. syllable weight
c. the overall weight of the weak syllables in the foot
In this formula t, u, v, x, y and z are constants. Their values could be provided by the theoretical framework and/or by induction (= trying the formula out on actual data).
ǤϲäƤΤʬʤ⤹аʲ̤Ǥ롥MEOSL Ψϡ6ĤΥѥ͡ʤ̤ͤΤˤδؿȤƻФ롥6ĤΥѥ顼Ȥθ̤ϰʲ̤ꡥ
(1) β˶Сβ첻Ĺ䤹
(2) 첻첻ǤСĹ䤹
(3) coda 첻˸³Ҳˤʹ (sonority) ⤱СĹ䤹
(4) 첻Ĵ⤤ȡĹˤ
(5) βŤȡĹˤ
(6) αμ岻ŤȡĹˤ
ФΤϤޤdzΨǤ뤫顤ۤƱĶˤǤäƤ⡤첻Ĺ뤫ݤη̤ϰۤʤȤȤRitt Υץϡǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ŪʡֲѲ㳰ʤפθ§ (Ausnahmslose Lautgesetze) Ȥϰ褹ץǤ롥
ʤδؿϡ¤Ʊ⤦1Ĥ첻ĹǤƱĹ (homorganic_lengthening) ˤ⤽ΤޤƤϤޤ뤳ȤʬäƤꡤ⤤ƱĹˤĤƤεǡ
Ritt, Nikolaus. Quantity Adjustment: Vowel Lengthening and Shortening in Early Middle English. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
3֤ε ([2016-03-28-1], [2016-03-29-1], [2016-03-30-1]) ǡѲʬˤ "evolution" ȤѸ줬ˤȤ館ƤͤȤ櫓ǯθؤˤ "evolution" ϡ٤Ѹ˼깤ĤȾϲäȤ˺Ƥ夷ƤǰǤ뤳Ȥǧ1ʾ³ƤȤäƤ褯1Ĥε䤬롥ؼԤγ̿ŪʻۤαƶΤ19ȾʤΤȤ˸ؤʪؤѳפ˸礦ϤѳפФʤäΤʤ100ǯʾ20ȾˤʤäƤ褦䤯 "linguistic evolution" 졤ɾ褦ˤʤäΤδ֤˸ءʼԡˤˤϲäƤΤ
ˤĤơNerlich ʸߤĤɤǤߤNerlich Ϥζλ֤ͳ(1) 19Ⱦ Schleicher ʲȡ(2) 20Ⱦ Saussure ʬŪиŪˤΩäŪؤؤμήȤʤäȡ(3) 20ȾФˤ Bloomfield Chomsky ϤȤ륢ꥫؤ̣¿üԤڻ뤷Ƥȡ3˵Ƥ롥
(1) ˤĤ Nerlich (104) ϡ Schleicher ϥοʲǤָοפŪݡȤȤѤȤˡοʲμ׳ǰǤ "variation, selection and adaptation" ŬѤ˽ƤޤäȤäȤƤ롥ɸ֤ʤ顤μ¡ιͤΥƤʤäΤǤ롥㤨СˤȤäʪμʬϤޤ2ŪʤΤǤꡤ礿ؿѷβäSchleicher ϸʬˤäƤΤθȯιͤȥμοʲȤƱƤȤäƤ褤Schleicher ϡƤʤäȤ롥
(2) ʳ Saussure ɽ붦ŪؼԤ뤬λ˻ޤǤˤ⡤Schleicher θͭǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤꡤȽƤȽϡѲθؤδؿΤ˷ŪѤ뤳ȤϤʤʤȤˡѲ̻֤ȤΤƤ֤Ƥ֤˴ؿ椵̤Ȥʤäޤlangue ؤδؿƤϤ䤵褦ˤʤȡparole °ѤüԤϼ夲뤳ȤʤʤäϰͤǤȤβΤȤǡѲȤȤʤ¿Ѱۤ뤵줿
Τ褦ʶֽŻϡ(3) ˻äĺޤʬۼθؤʸˡϰ̣ȤθƤ֤ΰȤ뤳Ȥ̤夲Ƥä
(3) λȴФơ褦䤯ؼԤϻѡüԡ̣¿ѰۡѲȤȤγ¦˹äƤ뤳Ȥ˵ŤΡֵŤפˤĤơNerlich (106--07) ϼΰǤǮҲ𤷤Ƥ롥
Thus meaning, language change and language use became problems and were mainly discarded from the science of language for reasons of theoretical tidiness: meaning and change are rather messy phenomena. Hence autonomy, synchrony and homogeneity finally enclosed language in a kind of magic triangle that defended it against any sort of indeterminacy, fluctuation or change. But outside the static triangle, that ideal domain of structural and generative linguistics, lies the terra incognita of linguistic dynamics, where one can discover the main sources of linguistic change, contextuality, history and heterogeneity, fields of study that are slowly being rediscovered by post-Chomskyan and post-Saussurean linguists. This terra incognita is populated by a curious species, also recently discovered: the language user! S/he acts linguistically and non-linguistically in a heterogenous and ever-changing world, constantly trying to adapt the available linguistic means to her/his ever changing ends and communicative needs. In acting and interacting the speakers are the real vectors of linguistic evolution, and their choices must be studied if we are to understand the nature of language. It is not enough to stop at a static analysis of language as a product, organism or system. The study of evolutionary processes and procedures should help to overcome the sterility of the old dichotomies, such as those between langue/parole, competence/performance and even synchrony/diachrony.
Τ褦ˤ20Ⱦ̻֤ؤδؿꡤѲȤХοʲȤ櫓ǡʲθؤαѤƳΤǤ롥䡤ǽ Schleicher λߤԤäȤСƱѤϤޤäȤȤ뤫⤷ʤ
Nerlich, Brigitte. "The Evolution of the Concept of 'Linguistic Evolution' in the 19th and 20th Century." Lingua 77 (1989): 101--12.
ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤ㳰ʤѲΥơȡѲϸäδ֤˥褦ˤSʤʤȤóȻΥơȤϡŪ˿øΩΤȤߤʤƤLass ϡ#1641. Neogrammarian hypothesis lexical diffusion ͻ¡ ([2013-10-24-1]) ǾҲ𤷤褦ˡΩϻΰ㤤ˤΤˤܼŪǤϤʤȹͤƤ롥ʤ㳰ʤѲŪʻóȻŪʻĤȤ㤤Ǥȡ
ŪˤߤȤƤ⡤ξơˤ̷⤻˶¸Ǥƻ롥öŵŪSˤۤʬǯʸˡήε§ŪʲѲȲᤷˤ䤫ʽڤʬóȻȲ᤹ˡǤ롥СˤȤʤäƤѲ˸ŪʴͿ®٤ϴˤ䤫Ǥ뤬ȾФǤϸŪʴͿ§ŪʲѲȤư쵤˿ʹԤ롥θѤСŪʻȤäȤƤ⡤2ĤΥơ϶¸Ǥ롥Wolfram (720) ۩
. . . we submit that part of the resolution of the ongoing controversy over regularity in phonological change may be related to the trajectory slope of the change. From this perspective, irregularity and lexical diffusion are maximized at the beginning and the end of the slope and phonological regularity is maximized during the rapid expansion in the application of the rule change during the mid-course of change.
ȤȡѲϡŪäδͿ§ŪʥơȡŪäδͿζԵ§ʥơȤߤ˷֤ȤȤˤʤ롥ʤΤ褦ʥơζ̤ȹͤΤŪˤϡ#1572. ʤѲSȹͤΤ ([2013-08-16-1]) 褦ʤȤͤ뤬̤䤤ȤäƤ褤
Wolfram, Walt and Natalie Schilling-Estes. "Dialectology and Linguistic Diffusion." The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Ed. Brian D. Joseph and Richard D. Janda. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003. 713--35.
ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤֲѲ㳰ʤפθ§ (Ausnahmslose Lautgesetze) ϸθؤ˿ʱƶڤܤƤ뤬ǡ͡ʷȽ佤ƤäˡѲϸäδ֤˥褦ˤƿʹԤȼĥóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ϡ㳰ʤѲΥơ˱ԤΩƤ롥
ꥦⲻѲ㳰ʤ̲ˤĤƵƤꡤˤä2ΰ̲̤ɬפ⤯ʰʲʸη֤Ƥˡ
סʸġͤʤ륰롼פθˤˤְŪѲפˤϡä̤٤ĤμΰޤޤƤ롥ʤΥ롼פΤ٤Ƥää٤ˤǡŪʰ뤤ñˡְפȸƤΤġްĤϡѲˤ餵줿Ǥ⤷ϲǷޤह٤Ƥθˤʤ뤤Ѳˤ餵줿Ǥ⤷ϲǷ褦ʾΤȤ˴ޤǤ뤹٤Ƥθˤ˰ǤäơϳơäθŪμǤϤƹͤ뤳ȤǤΤǤäơŪʰ⤷ϡֵ§פȸƤ֤ȤǤ롥 (134--35)
ε#2159. ֤̻֤ӤĤ diffusion ([2015-03-26-1]) ǡѲ֤ˤȻäȶŪˤܤϰüԽĤؤγȻ˿줿ΰ̣ǤγȻʰ̲ˤϡꥦΤŪʰˤΤǤ롥ꥦ۩ֳŪȤɬŪˡֲγȻסʤĤǹԤѤη̤Ǥ (136) ѤȤϸġüԤμͳջ֤ˤΤǤ뤫顤Ūʰ̣Ǥΰ̲λˤϡˡ§ϤʤȤȤˤʤ롥
ŪˤϡʤʤΤǤ롥ΰ̣ˤơֲˡ§פϡǤȡסʲŪγȻˤȤƤǤϤʤֵƤޤäȤγǧפȤơʤʤޤΤǤȤ (Geschichte) ȤƤǤϤʤʪ (Historie) ΤȤȤơºݤˤϡŪʪȤƤˤγǧĤޤ֥ݥƥꥪפʳǧˤȤɤޤΤǤ̸ά͡ (138)
üԸĿͤΤIJηϤ뤢벻̤βؤѲΰ̲ϡŪʰˤΤǤ롥ꥦϡŪˤϡֲѲ㳰ʤפΤǧȤΩǤꡤóȻĥ褦褦ʸ줫ؤŪʳȻꤹ롥
ŪϡȤϤޤä̤ΤϤʤǤ롥ξˤϡκѤΡֳȻפƱθĿͤθŪμΤ勞ǡĤθ줫̤θؤ֤ΤȤ褦˹ͤ뤳ȤŬڤǤʤ˿콬ȤƺѤ줿ͼѤʤФˤѲϢ³Ū˸뤿ᡤ¿ͤʤȤʤΤϡμλѤ˸ΤǤäơμΤΤ˸ΤǤϤʤѤ줿ϡɬƽȯ顤ѤͤθŪμΤ°Ƥ롥η̡ŪͼˤĤƸСͼϡޤˤΤȤˤäɽŪǽȤơ줾θĿͤˤäǧƤ벻ŪͼηϤȤߤޤ롥 (139)
ޤȤСֲˡ§ȤϳŪʰ̣ǤȻǤꡤỤ̄ǤǤ (152) ιͤˤСԤΰ̲ˡ§̾ˤդ路Ԥΰ̲ˡ§Ȥ̵ȤȤˤʤ롥
E. ꥦˡ ɧˡظѲȤ̻֡֡ˡ١ȽŹ2014ǯ
ѲΰǤϡĤƤǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤ "Ausnahmslose Lautgesetze" 㳰ʤѲפȤơľ褦ˤʤäƵפºݤβѲɬ§˽äƤ줤˿ʹԤȤϸ¤餺षʣʽװκΤ̤Ǥ롥ֲѲΥ饤եפǯǤϤ뤬ǯƹͤ褦ˤʤäƤ͡ʹͤ뤬Salmons (103) ϶ǯƤ줹븫Τ褦ˤޤȤɾƤ롥
1. Coarticulation and other articulatory factors . . . introduce new synchronic variants into the pool of speech . . . .
2. As learners . . . and listeners . . ., we build generalizations based on those variants, constrained by our cognitive abilities. This often turns phonetic patterns into phonological ones.
3. Phonological patterns feed morphological alternations, and as 'active' phonological processes fade, they may be adjusted to fit paradigms, in analogical or other realignments . . . .
In a sense underlying the life cycle is the notion that phonetic and phonological patterns are constantly reinterpreted, negotiated and generalized by each generation of learners, speakers and listeners.
üŪˤСѰۤϲѲ⤿餷ѲϷѲˤ⤿餷ʤ鸺हȤ饤եѲȷѲΤ褦ʴطˤ뤳Ȥϡ#1674. ѲȶοʿˤĤƤŪͻ ([2013-11-26-1])#1693. §ŪʲѲԵ§ŪʷѲ ([2013-12-15-1]) Ǥ⼨Ƥ̤Ǥ롥ޤ#838. ηϤȥȥԡ ([2011-08-13-1]) ƳȥԡδߤȡΥ饤եϡȥԡ硤ڤӤ³ȤƵҤǤ롥
ΰѤ2ˤ褦ˡǯʹŻ뤷ѲˤʤäƤƤ롥ԤˤäƤϡ٤ƤβѲˤʹ꤬äƤȼĥԤ⤤롥ܥ֥Ǥ#1932. Ѳ monitoring (1) ([2014-08-11-1])#1933. Ѳ monitoring (2) ([2014-08-12-1])#1934. audience design ([2014-08-13-1])#1935. accommodation theory ([2014-08-14-1])ˡ#1070. Jakobson ˤưԲķ6Ĥιǡ ([2012-04-01-1])#1862. Stern ˤ4Ĥεǽ ([2014-06-02-1])#1936. ʹΤѲ ([2014-08-15-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥ̤ꡤѲʤ餺ȤѲˤʹϤäɾƤ褤
Salmons, Joseph. "Segmental Phonological Change." Chapter 18 of Continuum Companion to Historical Linguistics. Ed. Silvia Luraghi and Vit Bubenik. London: Continuum, 2010. 89--105.
ػˤˤ뿷ɤˤĤơ#1069. ե顼ɡɡ --- üԸĿͤοŤѡ ([2012-03-31-1])#2013. ꥢ (1) ([2014-10-31-1])#2014. ꥢ (2) ([2014-11-01-1])#2020. ۩Ѳθ "expressivity" Ǥ ([2014-11-07-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥػˤ路 Robins (214) ɤؤͿȼ³ŬڤɾƤΤǡҲ𤷤ʲΰѤǤϡɤϢʤɤ "idealists" ʴǰԡˤȤƸڤƤ롥
Language is primarily personal self-expression, the idealists maintained, and linguistic change is the conscious work of individuals perhaps also reflecting national feelings; aesthetic considerations are dominant in the stimulation of innovations. Certain individuals, through their social position or literary reputation, are better placed to initiate changes that others will take up and diffuse through a language, and the importance of great authors in the development of a language, like Dante in Italian, must not be underestimated. In this regard the idealists reproached the neogrammarians for their excessive concentration on the mechanical and pedestrian aspects of language, a charge that L. Spitzer himself very much in sympathy with Vossler, was later to make against the descriptive linguistics of the Bloomfieldian era. But the idealists in themselves concentrating on literate languages, overstressed the literary and aesthetic element in the development of languages, and the element of conscious choice in what is for most speakers most of the time simply unreflective social activity learned in childhood and subsequently taken for granted. And in no part of language is its structure and working taken more for granted than in its actual pronunciation, just that aspect on which the neogrammarians focused their attention. Nevertheless the idealistic school did well to remind us of the creative and conscious factors in some areas of linguistic change and of the part the individual can sometimes deliberately play therein.
ɤϡǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤ벻ѲεŪäޤꡤѲ¿ʬ˵ŪǤ餷Ȥ¤ǧ뤳ȤƤޤäϼäǯʸˡɤεŪʸѤؤȿȤơѲˤĿͤαƶϤξϢᤷȤθӤǧ롥ĿͤαƶϤǧ뤳ȤϡɬŪˤθĿͤλϤ˼ҲسȻƤ椯ؤδؿ¥ϰ (areal linguistics) (geolinguistics) ȯŸ褹뤳ȤˤʤäɤƶϤΤϤɾƤ뤭餤뤳ȤϡǰƬˤƤۤ褤cf. #1412. 16Ⱦ˸Ū2ͤ Thomas ([2013-03-09-1])ˡ
Robins, R. H. A Short History of Linguistics. 4th ed. Longman: London and New York, 1997.
ε#2013. ꥢ (1) ([2014-10-31-1]) ˰³γɤξҲ𡥿ؤ1910ǯо줷Ƥ30;ǯвᤷΤȤؽѻ Language ˡǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ʸ Hall ˤ뿷ؤؤȽʸǺܤ줿Фơǯ3ܤʬ̤ʸϤˤꡤɤ Bonfante ػŪˤϤΥߥǤäܼɤȤ館뤨뤫Ȥ˴ؤȤʤäƤꡤɤͤ롥Ωϡ19 Schleicher Schmidt ΩʤȤ뤷ߤθؤȼҲؤΩˤʤ館뤳ȤǤ롥
ˤƤ⡤Hall ϤʤޤǶȽΤȻפ虜ʤ餤˿ؤƤ롥ȽʸκǽǤϡ"We have, in short, missed nothing by not knowing or heeding Bàrtoli's principles, theories, or conclusions to date, and we shall miss nothing if we disregard them in the future." (283) Ȥˤ٤ʤ
ؤäΩĴפȤθѤܼϡषȽԤǤ Hall (277) Ŭڤ˻ŦƤ롥εƤȹ碌̣ɤ줿
In a reaction against 19th-century positivism, Croce and his followers consider 'spirit' and 'spiritual activity' (assumed axiomatically, without objective definition) as separate from and superior to other elements of human behavior. Human thought is held to be a direct expression of spiritual activity; language is considered identical with thought; and hence linguistic activity derives directly from spiritual activity. As a corollary of this assumption, when linguistic change takes place, it is held to reflect change in spiritual activity, which must be the reflection of 'spiritual needs', 'creativity', and 'advance of the human spirit'. The most 'spiritual' part of language is syntax and style, and the least spiritual is phonology. Hence phonetic change must not be allowed to have any weight as a determining factor in linguistic change as a whole; it must be considered subordinate to and dependent on other, more 'spiritual' types of linguistic change.
Bonfante ˤ⡤Ʊ餤ŰŪǤ롥Bonfante ϡؤΩʱѸǡ˾ܽҤƤꡤȤ櫓ǯʸˡɤȤΰ㤤Ŧʤ餽ħ⤷ƤƤΤǡŪˤ餯Ǥ⥢䤹ؤγ1ĤȤʤäƤΤǤϤʤHall μĥΤ褯ޤȤ뤳ȤΤǡĤΰѤäƤ夨ʡ#1069. ե顼ɡɡ --- üԸĿͤοŤѡ ([2012-03-31-1]) εҤ⻲Ȥ줿
The neolinguists claim . . . that every linguistic change---not only phonetic change---is a spiritual human process, not a physiological process. Physiology cannot EXPLAIN anything in linguistics; it can present only the conditions of a given phenomenon, never the causes. (346)
It is man who creates language, every moment, by his will and with his imagination; language is not imposed upon man like an exterior, ready-made product of mysterious origin. (346)
Every linguistic change, the neolinguists claim, is . . . of individual origin: in its beginnings it is the free creation of one man, which is imitated, assimilated (not copied!) by another man, and then by another, until it spreads over a more-or-less vast area. This creation will be more or less powerful, will have more or less chance of surviving and spreading, according to the creative power of the individual, his social influence, his literary reputation, and so on. (347)
For the neolinguists, who follow Vico's and Croce's philosophy, language is essentially expression---esthetic creation; the creation and the spread of linguistic innovations are quite comparable to the creation and the spread of feminine fashions, of art, of literature: they are based on esthetic choice. (347)
The neolinguists, tho stressing the esthetic nature of language, know that language, like every human phenomenon, is produced under certain special historical conditions, and that therefore the history of the French language cannot be written without taking into account the whole history of France---Christianity, the Germanic invasions, Feudalism, the Italian influence, the Court, the Academy, the French Revolution, Romanticism, and so on---nay, that the French language is an expression, an essential part of French culture and French spirit. (348)
The neolinguists think, like Leonardo, Humboldt, and Àscoli, that languages change in most cases because of ethnic mixture, by which they understand, of course, not racial mixture but cultural, i.e. spiritual. In this spiritual sense, and only in this sense, the terms 'substratum', 'adstratum', and 'superstratum' can be admitted. (352)
Without a deep understanding of English mentality, politics, religion, and folklore, all of which the English language expresses, a real history of English cannot be written---only a shadow or a caricature thereof. (354)
The neogrammarians have shown, of course, even greater aversion to so-called loan-translations, which the neolinguists freely admit. For the neogrammarians, a word like German Gewissen or Barmherzigkeit is a perfectly good German formation, because all the phonetic and morphological elements are German---even tho the spirit is Latin. (356)
. . . even after the death of that 'last speaker', each of these languages [Prussian, Cornish, Dalmatian, etc.]---allegedly dead, like rabbits---goes on living in a hundred devious, hidden, and subtle ways in other languages now living . . . . (357)
It follows logically that because of their isolationistic conception of language, the neogrammarians, when they are confronted with two similar innovations in two different languages, will be inclined to the theory of polygenesis---even if the languages are contiguous and historically related, like German and French, or Greek and Latin. The neolinguists, on the other hand, without making a dogma of it, incline strongly toward monogenesis. (361)
ǸΰѤˤ褦ˡǯʸˡɤȿɤΩϸ쵯ˤޤǵڤǤꡤۤΤ̤ŰŪȿܤƤȤ狼롥
Hall, Robert A. "Bartoli's 'Neolinguistica'." Language 22 (1946): 273--83.
Bonfante, Giuliano. "The Neolinguistic Position (A Reply to Hall's Criticism of Neolinguistics)." Language 23 (1947): 344--75.
#1069. ե顼ɡɡ --- üԸĿͤοŤѡ ([2012-03-31-1])#1722. Pisani ۩ָϤǤס ([2014-01-13-1])#2006. ܿάˡ ([2014-10-26-1])#2008. Ѥϸʣ狼 ([2014-10-28-1]) ǥꥢ (neolinguistics) ɤˤĤƿ줿ػ˾οؤΩ˴ؿƤ뤬γɤԤϼ礿ꥢǽƤꡤưפǤϤʤΤᡤؤϡܤǤ⡤ޤذ̤Ǥ⤽ۤΤƤʤΤ褦ʾǿؤΥåˤϡػˤλͽӳؽѻ Language 蘆줿㤷ɤΤΩġϡ줿ػˤ路åˤ뵭Ҥ˰͵оطʤȡθѤҲ𤹤롥
ꥢؤϡMatteo Giulio Bartoli (1873--1946) 路ʸ "Alle fonti del neolatino" (Miscellanea in onore de Attillio Hortis, 1910, pp. 889--913) äƤȤ롥1925ǯˤϡBartoli ˤ Introduzione alla neolinguistica (Principi---Scopi---Metodi) (Genève, 1925) ȡBartoli and Giulio Bertoni ˤ Breviorio di neolinguistica (Modena, 1925) ѤǽǤ졤ؤδפۤVittolio Pisani Giuliano Bonfante ⤳γɤۤؼԤä
ؤλۤϡWilhelm von Humboldt (1767--1835)Hugo Schuchardt (1842--1927)Benedetto Croce (1866--1952)Karl Vossler (1872--1947) δǰȤ롥ˡȤƤϥեθؼ Jules Gilliéron (1854--1926) ¿äƤ롥ηϥɥĤŪǰȥեθؤͻˤꡤεŰŪǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ؤȽħŤ롥
ؤŪΩ¿ʣŪǤ롥åȴФСüԤ¤ŪФʤɡˤºšŪŪĶνŻ롤ʲǤϤʤ˸äθؤηФȤäȤå (66) εҤ˵
ʹ֤ϸʪŪΤߤʤ餺Ụ̄ˤƤ⡽ΰջ֡ϡ͡ˤäƤ⡽¤롥Ϥ¤Ԥʹ֤ȿǤǤ롥˴ؤΤϤ٤ŪʤӤŪεǤ롥
ؤǤϸؤβʪǤʤؤθݤ¤ݤνˤʤ츽ݤظˤ븶Ͽʹ֤ưǤ롥
äҲ speaking society ϸ¤¸ߤʤϡʿŪʹ֡פƱͤ˲Ǥ롥ºߤΤϤäĿ͡ speaking person Ǥ롥βϤɤäĿ͡פФڤ롥
ĿͤϻϤˤʤβϡѲϻϼԤפʿʪʹ⤤ҲŪϰ̤λ硤Ωä¤Ϥλ硤ýѤã͡ˤξˡäμ¡®˼ҲƤ롥
ˤʤȸʤΤϲĤʤ¸ߤΤϤ٤¸ߤȤ¸Τ
ϺŪˤŪФɽǤ뤬ϤĤ䤹ΤǤ롥¡ƱŪФ˰¸Ƥ¾̡ʷݽѡʸءˤˤƤƱ͡ˤƤήԤѲѻǤ롥
ñΰ̣ѲϻŪȤη̤Ȥ롥ѲθϿʹ֤¤ϤƯΤ꤬ȤͭפǤ롥
칽¤Ѳ̱²κη̤Ȥ뤬ϿͼκǤϤʤʸκΰ̣ˤƤǤ롥
¾ϡФߤ̷⤹͡ȯŸư濴Ȥʤ롥͡ȯŸưˤϡ͡λФ츽ݤܶᤷʤФʤʤޤˡġθοʲϤȤ櫓ŪŪĶ˵ꤵȤ¤θ٤Ǥ㤨СեˤϡեˡꥹȶαƶޥͤοʽС١ꥢαƶʷϵǥߡλŻե̿ޥưθʤƤŬڤ˸Ǥʤˡ
οؤϡθǯʸˡɤ˴ŤήɤϸΤƤ뤳ȤˤʤäꥢǤϼѤ뤳ȤȤʤä͡ȽϤäˡҲλȤ櫓ؤءʤ뤤ϰ "areal linguistics"ˤˤƤĤνפʹʤȤõ٤Ǥ롥㤨СȾ (wave_theory) ˾ܤŪ̩äظƶ (substratum_theory) ˿ͼκǤϤʤʸκȤͿȤʤɤɾ٤ˤĤƤϡ#999. ѲȾ ([2012-01-21-1])#1000. Ÿն˻Ĥ ([2012-01-22-1])#1045. Ĺˤ ([2012-03-07-1])#1053. Ⱦȵڸ̡ ([2012-03-15-1])#1236. ڤȡ ([2012-09-14-1])#1594. ΥޥȤϱѸޥ ([2013-09-07-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
ߥ륫å Ρ ͺ ظؤή١ߤ˼1974ǯ
Hall, Robert A. "Bartoli's 'Neolinguistica'." Language 22 (1946): 273--83.
Bonfante, Giuliano. "The Neolinguistic Position (A Reply to Hall's Criticism of Neolinguistics)." Language 23 (1947): 344--75.
#1997. Ѳ5Ĥ¦̡ ([2014-10-15-1]) ӡ#1998. The Embedding Problem ([2014-10-16-1]) Ǽ夲 Weinreich, Labov, and Herzog ˤѲˤĤƤʸκǸˡѲȤ٤ "SOME GENERAL PRINCIPLES FOR THE STUDY OF LANGUAGE CHANGE" (187--88) Ƥ롥
1. Linguistic change is not to be identified with random drift proceeding from inherent variation in speech. Linguistic change begins when the generalization of a particular alternation in a given subgroup of the speech community assumes direction and takes on the character of orderly differentiation.
2. The association between structure and homogeneity is an illusion. Linguistic structure includes the orderly differentiation of speakers and styles through rules which govern variation in the speech community; native command of the language includes the control of such heterogeneous structures.
3. Not all variability and heterogeneity in language structure involves change; but all change involves variability and heterogeneity.
4. The generalization of linguistic change throughout linguistic structure is neither uniform nor instantaneous; it involves the covariation of associated changes over substantial periods of time, and is reflected in the diffusion of isoglosses over areas of geographical space.
5. The grammars in which linguistic change occurs are grammars of the speech community. Because the variable structures contained in language are determined by social functions, idiolects do not provide the basis for self-contained or internally consistent grammars.
6. Linguistic change is transmitted within the community as a whole; it is not confined to discrete steps within the family. Whatever discontinuities are found in linguistic change are the products of specific discontinuities within the community, rather than inevitable products of the generational gap between parent and child.
7. Linguistic and social factors are closely interrelated in the development of language change. Explanations which are confined to one or the other aspect, no matter how well constructed, will fail to account for the rich body of regularities that can be observed in empirical studies of language behavior.
ʸԤϡǯʸˡ (neogrammarian)¤ (structural linguistics)ʸˡ (generative_grammar) ³ػˤ̤ϢʤȼѤƤĿ (idiolect) ȶѼ (homogeneity) 뤹Ȥ櫓ֹ¤ѼפФơиŪΩ줫ȽäΤϡԶѼ (heterogeneity) ι¤ (structure) ǤȤ顤ɤȤƤ "orderly heterogeneity" "orderly differentiation" Ω롥Ω϶ǯ "variationist" ȤƤФ褦ˤʤäƤϾ7̤ȤäƤ
change variation ްդȤ3ܤˤĤƤϡ#1040. ̻ŪѲȶŪѰۡ ([2012-03-02-1]) #1426. ̻ŪѲȶŪѰ (2) ([2013-03-23-1]) ȡ
6ܤλҶײؤȽˤĤƤϡ#1978. Ѳˤܿν (2) ([2014-09-26-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
Ѳ "multiple causation" 𤤾夲7ܤϡ#1584. Ūװȸ쳰ŪװϤɤ餬פ (3) ([2013-08-28-1]) ǤѤmultiple causation ˤĤƤϡǶεȤơ#1986. Ѳ multiple causation 뤤 "synergy" ([2014-10-04-1]) ȡ#1992. Milroy ˤ쳰Ūװؤʸ ([2014-10-10-1]) Ǥ
Weinreich, Uriel, William Labov, and Marvin I. Herzog. "Empirical Foundations for a Theory of Language Change." Directions for Historical Linguistics. Ed. W. P. Lehmann and Yakov Malkiel. U of Texas P, 1968. 95--188.
#1993. Hickey ˤ쳰Ūװؤο ([2014-10-11-1]) εǡǯѲθܿ (language contact) ˵ͤƤƤ롥ܿˤ1970--80ǯϤषƤ1990ǯʹߡɤᤷƤ褦ؤǤθܿθˤϰƳȸŤϡȤ Drinka (325--28) γ˰͵ơܿάˤ
άˤΥȤȤơJohannes Schmidt (1843--1901) ̾#999. ѲȾ ([2012-01-21-1])#1118. Schleicher η ([2012-05-19-1])#1236. ڤȡ ([2012-09-14-1]) ʤɤεǸ褦ˡSchmidt ϡ֤δطȤ館뤿Ȥƻվ August Schleicher (1821--68) 1860ǯ Stammbaumtheorie (Family Tree Theory) й1872ǯ Wellentheorie (wave_theory) Schmidt ΤƤϸŪ濴դؤŪȵڤƤȤƤꡤܿ˴ŤƸѲ褦ȤǥȤʤä
λǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) 뤬Τʤǰۺ Hugo Schuchardt (1842--1927) ޤܿν鵤ŤƤ1ͤǤ롥Schuchardt ϡԥ䥯쥪ʤɺθüʪǤ⤢롥
20ȡեؼ Jules Gilliéron (1854--1926) ˤؤ롥1930ǯˤ Kristian Sandfeld ˤХ륫 (linguistique balkanique) ϻϤ졤ϰ (areal linguistics) (geolinguistics) ܤĤꥢǤϡ#1069. ե顼ɡɡ --- üԸĿͤοŤѡ ([2012-03-31-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡMatteo Bartoli ˤ꿷 (Neolinguistics) 졤Ѳˤ濴ȼդΩطɵ椵줿1940ǯˤ Franz Boaz Roman Jakobson ʤɤθؼԤ춭ۤγȻˤĤ
ܿʬǺǽηŪŪʸȤСWeinreich Languages in Contact (1953) Weinreich ϡܿξϸǤҲǤʤ2üԤĿͤˤ뤳ȤȤǡ˾̾ĤƤ롥Weinreich ϡվ André Martinet ι¤ؤθȤʤ⡤Ҳؤ俴ؤδŻ뤷θθܿ˳ΤͿ1970ǯˤϡPeter Trudgill ŪγȻΤ⤦1ĤΥǥȤ "gravity model" cf.#1053. Ⱦȵڸ̡ ([2012-03-15-1])ˡ
1970ǯȾϡ˸ؤΥץȤʤäƤۤĿͤ뤤ϼҲ2 (bilingualism) ˴ؤ뿴Ūʴθ¿ʤäƤߤǤϸܿ͡ʬؤʬƤꡤʲϤ¿ɤĤΤǤ롥 (language_shift)ײ (language_planning)2ѤˤǾƯȽcode-switchingѤ亮ι¤ŪѲԥ (pidgin) 䥯쥪 (creole) ʤɤܿ (contact language)ϰ (areal linguistics) (linguistic_area) (Matras 203)
ǸˡǯθܿˤƵǰṲ̄Ƥ븦1褦Thomason and Kaufman ˤ Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics (1988) Ǥ롥θθܿʬΤۤܤ٤Ƥθ椬¿ʤȤ⤳αƶƤȤäƤǤϤʤܥ֥Ǥ⡤Ĥε (cf. Thomason and Kaufman) Ǽ夲Ƥ̤Ǥ롥
Drinka, Bridget. "Language Contact." Chapter 18 of Continuum Companion to Historical Linguistics. Ed. Silvia Luraghi and Vit Bubenik. London: Continuum, 2010. 325--45.
Matras, Yaron. "Language Contact." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 203--14.
Weinreich, Uriel. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. New York: Publications of the Linguistic Circle of New York, 1953. The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
ѲοʹԤ®٤ϩˤĤƤϡŵŪ neogrammarian hypothesis lexical_diffusion ʤɤβ⤬ƤȴϢϤ뤬ۤʤ٤ѲΥ塼˸ƤƤ벾ȤơKroch ˤ "Constant Rate Hypothesis" 롥β Kroch ΤĤʸǸڤƤ뤬1989ǯʸꡤƱʬ2ȴ褷褦
. . . change seems to proceed at the same rate in all contexts. Contexts change together because they are merely surface manifestations of a single underlying change in grammar. Differences in frequency of use of a new form across contexts reflect functional and stylistic factors, which are constant across time and independent of grammar. (Kroch 199)
. . . when one grammatical option replaces another with which it is in competition across a set of linguistic contexts, the rate of replacement, properly measured, is the same in all of them. The contexts generally differ from one another at each period in the degree to which they favor the spreading form, but they do not differ in the rate at which the form spreads. (Kroch 200)
Kroch ϡʸǼȤƱŪ do (do-periphrasis) äܥ֥Ǥⲿ٤夲ƤȤ櫓#486. Ū do ȯã ([2010-08-26-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 Ellegård θ椬ƶϤ³Ƥ롥ǥդ˼褦ˡŪ do ϰۤʤĶ˥褦ʬۤȤƤܤ٤ϡĶб⡤ͻ̤äѥȤ٤㤤̵뤹ʤСŪ do γϡ٤ƤĶˤ "constant rate" ǿʹԤȤΤǤϤʤ줬Kroch μĥǤ롥
Kroch ϡˤƸŪơĶ˿Ʃٹ礤ϰۤʤäƤΤϡĶȤ˸̤˴Ϳ뵡ǽŪʸŪװ椨ǤꡤθѲΤΤΥ塼ϡƱߥǰΥѥȤƤ롥ʸˡȤߤ Kroch ˤȤäơŪѲȤϴˤ뵬§ѲǤʡ#1406. «ȤʤäƵ®ʸˡѲ ([2013-03-03-1]) ȡˡѲϢĶΤƱ˿ƩȤΤϼȹͤƤ롥ƱʸǤϡŪ do ȯŸۤhave got have ִݥȥνͭ̾ˤ괧λѤáեˤư2ΰ֤ε§ξüȤäŪѲƱ Constant Rate Hypothesis ΤȤƤ롥
ʤConstant Rate Hypothesis Ȥ̾Τϡ̣롥"constant" ȤϳơĶɽ魯ߤƱѥȤ̣Ǥ "constant" ǤꡤSФƱ夬ľʷ˰ˤȤ̣Ǥ "constant" ǤϤʤäơConstant Rate Hypothesis S̷⤹ΤǤϤʤषKroch ϳѲΥ塼ȤƤSǧƤ褦Ǥ롥
Kroch, Anthony S. "Reflexes of Grammar in Patterns of Language Change." Language Variation and Change 1 (1989): 199--244.
Ellegård, A. The Auxiliary Do. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1953.
#423. ե٥åȤˡ ([2010-06-24-1])#1822. ʸη ([2014-04-23-1])#1834. ʸǯɽ ([2014-05-05-1]) εǡե٥åȤˤƤϻ߷ (376) ˤޤȤƤֱѸ쥢ե٥åȤȯãάפͤˤơ⤦1ĤΥե٥åȷޤηޤƱ褦ˡʸηޤ⸦Ԥˤäƺۤʤ뤳Ȥ¿Τǡ͡ʤΤ٤ɬפ롥
ʲοޤåȳ硥ľȯãδطȯãط˵;ϤΤ뤳Ȥ

ʸ (writing) ηޤɤݤˤϡ²ʤɸ줽Τ (speech) ηޤɤȤϰۤʤɬפǤ롥ޤspeech ηޤκˤϡǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤֲѲ㳰ʤפθ§롥ˤĴﴱؤդ줿ʲȯãȤͤꡤΩĸ¤ˤơޤϲʳŪʰ̣ġʸηޤκˤϡָ§פΤϤʤ㤨ɮȼؤդ줿μȯãȤΤɤޤǹͤ뤫Ǥ롥ɮˤǤȤĽǤо夫鲼ظǤȤ餫θϤΤȻפ뤬Ѳˤ褦ʸ̩뤳ȤϤǤʤ
2ܤˡ#748. ä ([2011-05-15-1]) ޤ ##748,849,1001,1665 εˤƤ褦ˡäաʲˤȽաʸˤˤϳơ롥ϻ֤ȶ֤˸ꤵ뤬ʸϤĶۤ롥ʸϡѤ亮ʤɤ̤ơ֤ȶ֤Ķơ춦ƱΤ̤θ춦ƱΤؤŤƤ椯Ȥ⤺äưפǤꡤˤǤ롥Ȥ櫓ʸǤ륢ե٥åȤϡäŬѤǤŪäƤˡγڡȱۤƤȤǤ롥ǡʸη뤤ʸȯãŤϡʹ֤߽Фƻ䵻ѤΤ˶ᤤʸȤμȯãꤵ뤬¾ʸαƶˤѲꤵ롥
3ܤˡ˴ŤطϲѲΤߤ˿Ф褤ʸȤ櫓ʸˤƤϡȤΤۤˡб벻ǤȤࡤʤʸؼԤζͺ (223) ȤΡʸμפιθɬפȤʤ롥ȼΩȯã뤳ȤѤ뤳ȤǤŪפɽ魯ޤϡξ⡤䤳ԳΤˤʤ餶ʤ
ӸؤʿŪʸؤȤΤͤ뤳ȤǤ褦˻פ뤬ľ˸뤳ʿԴطϡ¤ϸǤϤʤʸؤˤϡȼβ٤꤬ꡤȼˡԤ߽ФʤФʤʤ
߷ ˧ͺԡˡؼѸ졦١ұѸʸꡡ8ҡ2006ǯ
ζͺԡˡظؤؤֿͤΤˡ١ۼҡ1986ǯ
ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ϡֲѲ㳰ʤפȾβ "phonetically gradual and lexically abrupt" ǤȼĥФóȻ (lexical_diffusion) Ԥϡ˴ŤѲȤǰƬˡѲβ "phonetically abrupt and lexically gradual" ǤȾοøΩ2ĤΩͻ礷褦ȤߤϡޤǤʤƤ㤨С#1532. ȾóȻްռ (1) ([2013-07-07-1]), #1533. ȾóȻްռ (2) ([2013-07-08-1]), #1154. ѲΥȢȤƤ analogy ([2012-06-24-1]) ʤɤεǡ嵭Ωβä褦ĴҲ𤷤
Lass ϡΩ̤Ȳȴ֡ΩˤȤ館ʤ1ĤθѲ2Ĥΰۤʤ¦̤ȹͤ
[T]he problem with the Neogrammarian model is that it is non-historical: it neglects TIME. That is, our 'punctual' model of the implementation of a change is wrong. Changes, apparently, need time to BECOME exceptionless; they don't start out that way. / What are we suggesting? A model in which a change is not be be looked at as an EVENT, but as a PERIOD in the history of a language. (326--27)
Neogrammarian 'regularity' is not a mechanism of change proper, but a result. The Neogrammarian Hypothesis might better be called the 'Neogrammarian Effect': Sound change TENDS TO BECOME REGULAR, given enough time, and if curves go to completion. (329)
ǯָóȻ椷ƤѲˤĤơŪ Lass ιͤ˻Ǥ롥˵äѲߤ鿶֤äƤߤȡ̤Ȥơ㳰ʤפȸ㤬ꡤΤ褦㤬 Neogrammarian ŪȤƤФоҲ𤵤ˤʤȤʤʤäˤĤƤϡͿ벻ˡ§ʬꡤѤʤɤ̤θФƲᤷ褦Ȥ뤬ϤषѲ쵤ˤǤϤʤʤʳФƿʹԤȤóȻθ˶Ť
Lass, Roger. Phonology. Cambridge: CUP, 1983.
ε[2013-07-07-1]˰³ѲˤޤĤ3ĤγǰδطˤĤơϡSecond Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) ŪȾ˳礷ɤΤ褦ʽǸä˥äƿʹԤȤ夲ϡѸνѼˤߤ -t/-d deletion Ȥݤܤ롥
-t/-d deletion Ȥϡmissed, grabbed, mist, hand ʤɤθλĺü벻Ǥ롥ɸŪάȯäǤϤ褯ߤ븽ݤ٤ϷֲĶˤäưۤʤȹͤƤ롥ͿŪʷֲĶȤϡθ줬 (1) mist Τ褦1 (monomorphemic) ʤ뤫 miss-ed Τ褦2 (bimorphemic) ʤ뤫(2) ³벻Ҳ (ex. missed train) 첻 (ex. missed Alice) 2Ǥ롥(1) 1 > 2, (2) Ҳ³ > 첻³ȤطΩ1ǤǻҲ³ -t/-d Ǥü䤹2Ǥ첻³ -t/-d ǤüˤȤȤͽۤ롥ͽۤ mist missed ˴ؤɽηȡʲΤ褦ˤʤRomain, p. 142 "Temporal development of varieties for the rule of -t/-d deletion" ˡ

ϡ SGCS θɽƤ롥ǤϡѼˡֲĶ˱ơ-t deletion θ礬ʾʬۤʤƤ롥ѼؤγȤȤߤȾɽ魯ΤȤơǤߤóȻɽ魯ΤȤơ̻ŪʽζŪʸȤߤްռɽ魯ΤȤơɽ᤹뤳ȤǤ롥
2ηֲĶˤĤƤϡ-t/-d deletion θ˴ؤ (constraint) ȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥(1) ̣ͭ -ed ϾüˤȤ(2) ʻҲϢ³ʤ -t/-d ϾüˤȤȤƺƲǤ롥δ餹ȡ2Ĥθ̤ͥˤäơۤʤä -t/-d deletion ʬɽ뤳ȤˤʤˤơȾóȻްռȤäǰȡOptimality Theory ŬˤȤ⸫ƤΤǤϤʤ
Romain, Suzanne. Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: OUP, 2000.
#1506. The Rhenish fan ([2013-06-11-1]) εǡϥɥĸϥɥĸʬˤäƸߤ˰פʤ¤ǧλ¤ˤϡǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤ벻ˡ§ΰΧŬѤȤΤǤϤʤषȾ (wave_theory) Ȥơ줴Ȥ˳礷Ƥ椯ΰ褬ۤʤΤȤߤʤɬפ롥
The Rhenish fan ̤ؤľ˽ǤϢΰۤʤϰ1--7̾դ褦ļ˼ꡤѰۤθҲޤ6 (ich, machen, dorf, das, apfel, pfund) ˼롥ȡSecond Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) θ̤ˤĤơʲΤ褦ʳʾʬۤ뤳ȤǤRomain, p. 138 "Isoglosses between Low and High German consonant shift: /p t k/ /(p)f s x/" ˡ

1Ǥ SGCS θ̤ϥ2Ǥ ich ˴ؤƤΤ߸̤Ƥ롥3Ǥ machen ˸̤ڤӡ4Ǥ dorf ˤڤ֡³Ƥ椭Ǹ7ˤäơ6줹٤ƤҲѲФȤˤʤ롥1--7ŪľϢ³Ǥ뤳ȤפФСɽϡѲȾ˳礷Ƥ椯ͻҡʤȾɽ魯ΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
ơ1--7ľܤɽ魯ΤǤϤʤ1ˤɽ魯ΤȤƲᤷ褦ˤơ1ˤƤ SGCS θ̤ϤޤƤʤ2ˤƤ ich ˴ؤƸ̤Ƥ롥34ˤ machen, dorf 줾ѲФơ缡7 pfund ޤ³λˤäƤ褦䤯٤Ƥθˤ SGCS λ롥βȤСɽϡ֤ȤȤ SGCS ä˥褦ˤƿʹԤóȻ (lexical diffusion) ɽ魯ΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
ļ1--7Ȥ٥ϡŪľ¤ΤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤС֤ΤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥ԤȾԤϸóȻɽ路Ѳˤξδط褯ΤǤϤʤ
ˡɽϸѲȼްռ (implicational scale) ƤǤͭյǤ롥6Τ줬 SGCS Ǥ˷ФƤȤ狼äƤΤǤС뤤Ϥλˤơθ꺸¦ˤ뤹٤Ƥθ SGCS ФƤϤǤ롥ΤȤϱ¦θϺ¦θްդɽǤ롥ѲνȤ̻Ūʼȡɤθ줬 SGCS θ̤ͽ¬ǽǤȤŪʼȤߤȤͻ¤Ƥ롥
Ѳ implicational scale ˤĤƤϡ#841. yod-dropping ([2011-08-16-1]) ⻲ȡ
Romain, Suzanne. Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: OUP, 2000.
ε#1505. ˤ "mouse"-line "house"-line ([2013-06-10-1]) ǡƱ첻Ǥޤ2ĤθˤĤơ줾첻 (isogloss) פʤϡƱͤͭ̾⤦1ĸƤߤ褦ɥġ̤ή饤 (the Rhine) ڤäƤĤäƤꡤϴߤ40餤ϴߤظ褦˿ӤƤ뤿ᡤؤǤ "The Rhenish fan" ȤΤƤ롥Bloomfield (344) ˷ǺܤƤ Behaghel ϿޤǺܤ롥

ޥؤǤϡ"make" 2Ҳ [x] [k] ʬäơϥɥĸϥɥĸʬΤŪǤ롥ͤͤŪȤȤˤʤ뤬#1317. פ ([2012-12-04-1]) ˤŬäƤ롥ϡ¦Ǥ Berlin ˱ӤƤ뤬¦Ǥ Benrath ȤĮǥ饤Ϥ롥¦ "Benrath line" ȸƤФƤ롥ϡˤ Berg ʥ饤ˤ Jülich ʥ饤ˤڤʬ붭ä
Ʊ [x/k] ѰۤǤ⡤1;ñ̾ I ˤƤϰۤʤǧ롥Benrath 鲼ήؤФ餯ԤäȤˤ Ürdingen Ȥ¼̤äƥ饤Ϥ [ix/ik] ǡ "Ürdingen line" ȸƤǤ롥Benrath line ǤϤʤ Ürdingen line ϥɥĸζȤߤʤԤ⤤롥ϡʥݥ쥪θΤȥΤȤʬ붭ä
Benrath line ܤܤȡ¼פɽ魯θҲ˴ؤ [dorf/dorp] äƤ롥Ūˤϥȥ졼ΤζȤ褽פ롥ˤϡ"that" [das/dat] ˱ӤƤ롥ϤŪڤζȳͰפ롥
Benrath line Ürdingen line ˤ [x/k] Ѱۤפϡǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤ벻ˡ§ΰΧŬѤȤޤƤϤޤʤǤ롥ƱǤޤफȤäơġθפȤϸ¤ʤפͳϡġġŪҲŪʶбƤ뤫Ǥ롥 chaque mot a son histoire "every word has its own history" ([2012-10-21-1]) ǧ롥ζκǸθ "history" ˷ƻ "social" Ȥ
ʾ塤Bloomfield (343--45) ȤƼɮ
Bloomfield, Leonard. Language. 1933. Chicago and London: U of Chicago P, 1984.
Bloomfield ϡǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤ벻ѲβAusnahmslose Lautgesetze "sound laws without exception"ˤˤ͡ȽӤƤɭθؼԤϤߤ Neogrammarian ǤȤơƱɤζӤ⤯ɾƤ롥ȽκǤΤȤơѲ˼Ĥ줿 residue ¸ߤɤΤ褦ŤΤȤ꤬뤬Bloomfield Ϥष˸ꤲΤϡۤʤƱǤȤơȽȿ롥Language ǤϴϢڤߤƤ뤬Τ2Ѥ褦
The occurrence of sound-change, as defined by the neo-grammarians, is not a fact of direct observation, but an assumption. The neo-grammarians believe that this assumption is correct, because it alone has enabled linguists to find order in the factual data, and because it alone has led to a plausible formulation of other factors of linguistic change. (364)
The neo-grammarians claim that the assumption of phonetic change leaves residues which show striking correlations and allow us to understand the factors of linguistic change other than sound-change. The opponents of the neo-grammarian hypothesis imply that a different assumption concerning sound-change will leave a more intelligible residue, but they have never tested this by re-classifying the data. (392--93)
ǯʸˡɤȽԤϡƱɤ (borrowing) (analogy) ˤäǤʤꤲॴȢȤưѤƤ뤳ȤФлŦ뤬Bloomfield ˸碌СषǯʸˡɤϼѤŪϰ̤Ϳ뤳Ȥ˹ΤȤȤˤʤ롥
Bloomfield ϡε˴ؤƤ⡤ǯʸˡʸŸ롥벻ѲAˤƤϰ췲θˤʤѤ٤BˤƤϤñˤѤƤʤ褦ʥˤơǯʸˡɤϤ residue ñɤΤ褦Τ
[A]n irregular distribution shows that the new forms, in a part or in all of the area, are due not to sound-change, but to borrowing. The sound-change took place in some one center, and after this, forms which had undergone the change spread from this center by linguistic borrowing. In other cases, a community may have made a sound-change, but the changed forms may in part be superseded by unchanged forms which spread from a center which has not made the change. (362)
ơΰѤˤ³ơǯʸˡɤȽԤؤμ긷ȿ깭롥
Students of dialect geography make this inference and base on it their reconstruction of linguistic and cultural movements, but many of these students at the same profess to reject the assumption of regular phonetic change. If they stopped to examine the implications of this, they would soon see that their work is based on the supposition that sound-change is regular, for, if we admit the possibility of irregular sound-change, then the use of [hy:s] beside [mu:s] in a Dutch dialect, or of [ˈraðr] rather beside [ˈgɛðr] gather in standard English, would justify no deductions about linguistic borrowing. (362)
Bloomfield εɤߤʤ顤ǯʸˡɤβ⤬Ƚ䤹ΤϡषȤƼ餳ʤΤ⤷ʤȻפƤ
Bloomfield, Leonard. Language. 1933. Chicago and London: U of Chicago P, 1984.
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