ɸѤʵ¤ϸŪˤϴñˤʤ (syllable) ϲؤǤŪʳǰ¤ϰŪͿΤΤBussmann θѸ콸ɤǤߤ褦
syllable
Basic phonetic-phonological unit of the word or of speech that can be identified intuitively, but for which there is no uniform linguistic definition. Articulatory criteria include increased pressure in the airstream . . . , a change in the quality of individual sounds . . . , a change in the degree to which the mouth is opened. Regarding syllable structure, a distinction is drawn between the nucleus (= 'crest,' 'peak,' ie. the point of greatest volume of sound which, as a rule, is formed by vowels) and the marginal phonemes of the surrounding sounds that are known as the head (= 'onset,' i.e. the beginning of the syllable) and the coda (end of the syllable). Syllable boundaries are, in part, phonologically characterized by boundary markers. If a syllable ends in a vowel, it is an open syllable; if it ends in a consonant, a closed syllable. Sounds, or sequences of sounds that cannot be interpreted phonologically as syllabic (like [p] in supper, which is phonologically one phone, but belongs to two syllables), are known as 'interludes.'
̸βüԤˤȤäľŪñ̤̤ǰƬˤƵҴŪ꼰褦ȻߤƤ⡤ޤʤĴؤİвؤ¦ޤϲŪʲʤɤΤΡɬ⤭줤ˤǤʤǤüԤϲȤñ̤ΤäƤפ餷ȤΤ顤ԻĤ
ᤰäƤϡhellog ǤϢ夲Ƥʲεʤɤȡ
#347. ñʿѲϤɤΤ餤 ([2010-04-09-1])
#1440. ٥ ([2013-04-06-1])
#1513. ʹ١ ([2013-06-18-1])
#1563. ṽ¤ ([2013-08-07-1])
#3715. ṽ¤ Rhyme Ȥñ̤ǧ뺬 ([2019-06-29-1])
#4621. ⡼ --- ܸ줫ΰ̲ؤι ([2021-12-21-1])
#4853. ȥ⡼ ([2022-08-10-1])
Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.

*
925Ҥηؤդ10ԤޤΡؤդ٤ˤơǯ١ϢֱܵѸˤįեפƤƤޤϢܤ7Ǥ֥եϱѸβФѤפꤷƵɮޤʲФȤޤ
1. Ҳȯؤαƶ
ե줫μѸ줬ѸȯͿƶˤĤƳƤޤä /v/ γΩ䡤/f/ /v/ βΩηˤĤƲ⤷ޤ
2. 첻ȯؤαƶ
եͳ첻2첻ѸβηϤͿƶƤޤ/ɔɪ/ ƳʤɡʤβǤ
3. Ȥؤαƶ
եѸˤäƱѸζѥɤΤ褦ѲƤޤۤʤ붯ѥζ¸ʤɡѸˤδ鶽̣ޤ
4. Ѹ餷η
ѸϥեαƶĤĤ⡤ȼβηϤȯãƤޤβǷƤȯΡֱѸ餷פˤĤȽŪ˹ͻޤ
εǤϡե줬ѸΡʸäǤϤʤȯͿƶʤ⤷ƤޤեθŪʱƶˤĤƤΤäƤȤ⡤ȯؤαƶˤĤƤϰճʹȤʤΤǤϤʤǤ礦̾٥ԤѸˤȤʤäƤޤ
ҡؤդ10˼äƤФȻפޤ6Ϣܵ hellog ǾҲ𤷤ƤޤΤǡɤȤ
#5449. ؤդ٤DZѸϢܤϤޤޤ ([2024-03-28-1])
#5477. ʤʩѸˤϻƤñ줬Ρ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ2ơ ([2024-04-25-1])
#5509. Ѹ˼Ѥ줿ǽʩñ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ3ơ ([2024-05-27-1])
#5538. եѸή --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ4ơ ([2024-06-25-1])
#5566. ѸΥեѸ줬ѸäͿ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ5ơ ([2024-07-23-1])
#5600. ե촷줷ƤѸ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ6ơ ([2024-08-26-1])
δ졡ֱѸˤįե졡7եϱѸβФѤסؤդ2024ǯ10桤ҡ2024ǯ92554--55ǡ
ε#5549. Sturtevant's Paradox --- Ѳϵ§ŪԵ§߽ФԵ§§߽Ф ([2024-07-06-1]) κǸǡFertig "Sturtevant's Paradox" ȽŪΩǤ뤳ȤFertig (97--98) εʤΤǡޤޤѤ
Like a lot of memorable sayings, Sturtevant's Paradox is really more of a clever play on words than a paradox, kind of like 'Isn't it funny how you drive on a parkway and park on a driveway.' There is nothing paradoxical about the fact that phonetically regular change gives rise to morphological irregularities. Similarly, it is no surprise that morphologically motivated change tends to result in increased morphological regularity. 'Analogic creation' would be even more effective in this regard if it were regular, i.e. if it always applied across the board in all candidate forms, but even the most sporadic morphologically motivated change is bound to eliminate a few morphological idiosyncrasies from the system.
If we consider analogical change from the perspective of its effects on phonotactic patterns, it is sometimes disruptive in just the way that one would expect . . . . At one point in the history of Latin, for example, it was completely predictable that s would not occur between vowels. Analogical change destroyed this phonological regularity, as it has countless others. Carstairs-McCarthy (2010: 52--5) points out that analogical change in English has been known to restore 'bad' prosodic structures, such as syllable codas consisting of a long vowel followed by two voiced obstruents. Although Carstairs-McCarthy's examples are all flawed, there are real instances, such as believed < beleft, of the kind of development he is talking about (§5.3.1).
What the continuing popularity of Sturtevant's formulation really reveals is that one old Neogrammarian bias is still very much with us: When Sturtevant talks about changes resulting in 'regularity' and 'irregularities', present-day historical linguists still share his tacit assumption that these terms can only refer to morphology. If we were to revise the 'paradox' to accurately reflect the interaction between sound change and analogy, we would wind up with something not very paradoxical at all:
Sound change, being phonetically/phonologically motivated, tends to maintain phonological regularity and produce morphological irregularity. Analogic creation, being morphologically motivated, tends to produce phonological irregularity and morphological regularity. Incidentally, the former tends to proceed 'regularly' (i.e. across the board with no lexical exceptions) while the latter is more likely to proceed 'irregularly' (word-by-word).
I realize that this version is not likely to go viral.
ǤСؼԤϡηϤε§äơε§ε§Ż뤷ƤΤǤϤʤפ˷нŤäΤǤϤʤȤŦޤ "Sturtevant's Paradox" ζ̵Ƚ˼ƤˤȤäơܤФ褦ʻŦä
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew. The Evolution of Morphology. Oxford: OUP, 2010.
#4621. ⡼ --- ܸ줫ΰ̲ؤι ([2021-12-21-1]) ǡܸβñ̤Ȥ⡼ (mora) νѸƳ McCawley (1968) ˿줿Daniels, p. 63 ȡˡ
McCawley ܸβ mora νѸƳǥꥸʥäΤΡmora Ȥǰؤ˻ǽοͤǤϤʤOED mora, NOUN1 ˤȡ 3.b. ѸȤƤ mora ǤꡤФ1933ǯȤ롥ʲˤθιѤ롥
3.b. Linguistics. The smallest or basic unit of duration of a speech sound. 1933-
1933 In dealing with matters of quantity, it is often convenient to set up an arbitrary unit of relative duration, the mora. Thus, if we say that a short vowel lasts one mora, we may describe the long vowels of the same language as lasting, say, one and one-half morae or two morae. (L. Bloomfield, Language vii. 110)
1941 In many cases it will be found that an element smaller than the phonetic syllable functions as the accentual or prosodic unit; this unit may be called, following current practice, the mora... The term mora..is useful in avoiding confusion, even if it should turn out to mean merely phonemic syllable. (G. L. Trager in L. Spier et al., Language Culture & Personality 136)
1964 Each of the segments characterized by one of the successive punctual tones is called a mora. (E. Palmer, translation of A. Martinet, Elements of General Linguistics iii. 80)
1988 The terms 'bimoric' and 'trimoric' relate to the idea that these long vowels consist of two, respectively three, 'moras' or units of length, rather than the single 'mora' of short vowels. (Transactions of Philological Society vol. 86 137)
McCawley ѤƤʤΤǰǤ롥ˤ衤mora Ҥ뼭ǤȤϤ缭ǤϤʤ OED ñǤۤɰפǰǤϤʤΤΤ褦Ϣưʲε⻲ȡ
#4624. ܸΥ⡼鴶С ([2021-12-24-1])
#4853. ȥ⡼ ([2022-08-10-1])
Daniels, Peter T. "The History of Writing as a History of Linguistics." Chapter 2 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 53--69.
McCawley, James D. The Phonological Component of a Grammar of Japanese. The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
ǯѸä blend ʺˤƤ¤ˤĤƤϡǤ hellog Ǥ֤ⷫ夲Ƥ
#631. blending γ ([2011-01-18-1])
#876. Ѹˤ뤫Ф˹⤤ ([2011-09-20-1])
#4369. Brexit --- ͷӤθ ([2021-04-13-1])
츫 blend ϿܤͷӤˤ夢ޤǼŪʸݤˤȤɤޤȻפ뤫⤷ʤǯαѸˤ뤽ι⤵ϡθѤĤĤ롥㤨СFertig (70) ϡȤŪʰյĤȤΤ褦⤷Ƥ롥
Blends are often treated as a marginal phenomenon (Haspelmath and Sims 2010:40). Aronoff discusses them under the heading 'oddities' and considers them 'words which have no recognizable internal structure or constituents'; they are 'opaque, and hence uncommon' (1976: 20). Recent developments suggest that Aronoff may have had the relationship between opacity and frequency backwards here. Blends may have been rather opaque in 1976 precisely because they were still relatively uncommon. Today, at least in English, blends (of certain types) can hardly be called uncommon, and we generally seem to have little trouble parsing and processing them. As we will see in §7.3.8, this issue of the relationship between the frequency of a morphological pattern and its transparency/opacity has implications for some fundamental theoretical issues of great relevance to morphological change.
To the extent that some types of blending have become productive and predictable morphological operations in present-day English, it is no longer accurate to classify them as non-proportional. They amount to a kind of compounding with the two elements overlapping in accordance with well defined constraints. Within Paul's proportional theory, they could thus be handled by an extension of the (syntagmatic) proportional equations that he proposes for syntax (see §6.2 below). Blending as a type of word formation would fit even more easily into certain other theories of morphology. Insights and analytical tools from Prosodic Morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1995) have made it clear that (most) blends absolutely do have 'recognizable internal structure'. They are a type of non-concatenative morphology. Instead of combining two words into a linear string as in compounding, blends superimpose one word onto the prosodic structure of another (Piñeros 1998, 2004).
衤ϷŪˤ¤ƩȤߤʤƤϺˤޤ㤫ä˽ʬ˲Ƥ餺ƩפȤΥåƥŽƤʤΤǤϤʤ줬Ƥ븽ߡѼԤ⤹ä괷졤षƩ⤯ʤäƤȤΤǤϤʤơ٤Фʤ顤䲻ˤΥϤΤǤϤʤȤΤ褦ʵǤ롥
Χ (Prosodic Morphology) ȤʬƤ褦Ǥꡤˡ#3722. ϱ¦βȰפ ([2019-07-06-1]) Ǥߤ̤ꡤħŪʱΧ¤Τˤ褦κؤŸ˴Ԥ
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)ˤ#849. ˤȥꤹۿ
(iconicity) ϡϢܥ֥Ǽ夲Ƥ롤ĤߡĴظܼ2023ǯˤǤ礭夲ƤꡤȤ櫓2ϡ֥ --- Ọ̇̄פǾܤƤ롥֥ɥɥס֤ꤽס֥ס֥֡֡פΤ褦ܸ쥪Υޥȥ (onomatopoeia) ŵŪˤߤνʣ (reduplication) ˻ϤޤꡤȤ櫓첻Ҳβץǥʤɲħ (sound_symbolism) ɽ벻ΥܤƤ롥
ȤϡΥΤ䥳Ȥ˼̤ݤ˼տ路ƤΤȤǤ롥ҥȤϡ¤ΥΤ䥳Ȥ100%Τޤޤ˸˥ԡ뤳ȤϤǤʤʥץꥫϤɤƤʤΤǤ롥ҥȤǽϤˤϸ³뤷⤽ȤΡʤǤäդ˸ꤷƹͤˤˤ¤롥ǤΤϡ¤ƤΤ褦˶Ū˼̤뤳Ȥ餤Ǥ롥
줰餤ˤ̤Ǥ뤫顤ष嵭¤ΤʤǤϤʤʤ˼ͳǤꡤ礭դϤʤΤΡϰǤϥꥨ˭٤Ǥ롥ƱǤϤʤˤˤʤ餳Ŭ٤ʼŬ٤ͷӤäѤ䤹ȤȤ
ˤ륢ϡȯˤĤƸ뤳Ȥ¿礭ñ̤ˤĤƤ뤳Ȥꤽޤäդ˸ꤻդ˹ͻϰϤȤСŪΤǤ뤫饢γξϷŪǤƱˡ¿ʬ˥ŪǤ롥
⡤ˤ륢ˤĤƻĤĹͤƤߤޤ嵭 heldio ۿΥʤɤˤС

Ĥߡ ظܼ --- ȤФϤɤޤ졤ʲ١2023ǯ
Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)ˤơ#624. ۡפθء#627. ۡפ̱²ء2ˤ錄ä (silence) ˤĤƸŪ˹ͤƤߤޤ
hellog ȤƤϡεطޤޤȤɤߤɤ
#1911. ([2014-07-21-1])
#1910. ٻߡ ([2014-07-20-1])
#1633. ٤̱ۤ²ء ([2013-10-16-1])
#1644. ٤̱ۤ² (2) ([2013-10-27-1])
#1646. ȯù٤ʸ ([2013-10-29-1])
heldio ΥˡꥹʡͭפʥȤ¿Ϥޤʤ꤬Ȥޤˡ䤫ΥȥХåΤʤ deafening silence ּĤ褦ۡפȤɤʹФΤäѸɽ˿ޤƵˡ (oxymoron) 1ĤǤѸǤϤ褯ΤƤΤ1ĤΤ褦Ǥ
ܤΤʤäΤĴ٤ƤߤޤOED ˤȡdeafening, adj. θ1b˼Τ褦˵Ƥޤ1968ǯ˽Фοɽ (collocation) Τ褦Ǥ
b. deafening silence n. a silence heavy with significance; spec. a conspicuous failure to respond to or comment on a matter.
1968 Sci. News 93 328/3 (heading) Deafening silence; deadly words.
1976 Survey Spring 195 The so-called mass media made public only these voices of support. There was a deafening silence about protests and about critical voices.
1985 Times 28 Aug. 5/1 Conservative and Labour MPs have complained of a 'deafening silence' over the affair.
ʸ䤷̤ȡdeafening silence 㡼ʥꥺѸȤƻϤޤäȤäƤ褵Ǥ
Ϣ۵ silent majority ϽФ1786ǯǤϤŪʸ̮ѤƤޤ
1786 J. Andrews Hist. War with Amer. III. xxxii. 39 Neither the speech nor the motion produced any reply..and the motion [was] rejected by a silent majority of two hundred and fifty-nine.
ǶǤΥȤ湳ĥǥ˿ȤǤsilence ۡˤθȶӤĤƤȤΤ˼ŪǤ͡ơδ deafening silence ȤɽɾȡŪץץޤ
oxymoron ˤĤƤϡheldio #392. "familiar stranger" Ƶˡ (oxymoron)⤼Ҥİ
δñѸ in English٤10椬ȯȤʤޤϢܡˤѸΥܥʵפ19ϡ֤ʤñ줴Ȥ˥Ȥΰ֤ޤäƤΡפǤ

ñΥǤñ줴Ȥ˥Ȱ֤ޤäƤޤˤ100%ε§ʤǤʵ§ʤȤǡͽ¬ǤȤΤ¤ʤΤǤϤǤϤޤ
㤨Сnature mature 1ʸ㤤Ǥʤȯʤ˰ۤʤΤǤפȤ̣Ȥޤ hellog ǡ#3652. nature mature 1ʸ㤤Ǥʤȯʤ˰ۤʤΤǤ ([2019-04-27-1]) εƤޤλϤȤƤ⤪⤷ΤǺϢܵΤʤǤ夲Ǥ
ñʥεϥΥޥǤθűѸǤϡȤΰ֤ϸ§Ȥ1˸ǡΤʵ§ޤΥޥ˻ϤޤѸ³Ѹˤơեƥ줫̤ñ줬ѤƤޤμѸϡħѤơɬ1˥Ȥ⤿ʤΤ¿äᡤˤѸΥηϤϺ˴٤뤳Ȥˤʤޤ
ϢܵǤϡդλפߺդƲ⤷ޤ10ƥȤ˼äƤФȻפޤ
ѸΥȰ֤ˤĤƤϡhellog εå stress γƵɤߤ
ε#4853. ȥ⡼ ([2022-08-10-1]) ˰³ѸαΧоȤ롥ʲ (27--28) Ȥ롥
ܸϥ⡼ʲꥺ (mora-timed/syllable-timed rhythm) Ѹ϶ꥺ (stress-timed rhythm) ĤȤ롥
ܸΥ⡼ʲꥺȤϡƱĹñ̡ʥ⡼䲻ʤɤñ̤ǡܸξˤŵŪ˥⡼ˤϢ³ƸΤǡϢ³Υꥺ (rhythm of succession) 뤤ϡֵؽƥꥺ (machine-gun rhythm) ȤƤФ롥ѸüԤˤȤäơܸΥꥺϡ֥פΤ褦ñĴʤΤʹȤ
ѸζꥺȤϡΤ벻ȤʤȤŵŪ˸ߤ˸ΤǡָؤΥꥺ (rhythm of alternation) 뤤ϡ֥⡼륹ꥺ (Morse-code rhythm) Ȥ⤤롥ܸüԤˤȤäơѸΥꥺ϶ΥϥΤ벻βη֤ʹ롥ѸδŪʥꥺശϡΤ褦ŪоŪʤᡤߤ˰´礭
Ѹ줬ꥺĤȤϴְ㤤ʤѸˤδϡλ¤ǤвªƤɬפ롥űѸϽʶꥺθǤϤʤäȤ⤢뤷ѸǤФвꥺबʹ뤳ȤΤǤ롥ѸߤĤꥺळѸˤ̤˭٤ˤߤ첻ѲθưϤäȤ븫⤢롥Ѹˤˤꥺ (rhythm) ϡפΤۤ礭ʲεȡ
#1647. ˤ뱤ΧŪħμȵǽ ([2013-10-30-1])
#3387. ʤѸ첻ˤˤ첻Ѳ¿Τ ([2018-08-05-1])
#3644. Ѹ stress-timed ʸűѸ syllable-timed ʸ졩 ([2019-04-19-1])
#4470. եꥫϤαѸˤߤꥺȶη ([2021-07-23-1])
#4799. Jenkins ˤ "The Lingua Franca Core" ([2022-06-17-1])
ס1ϡסоȡѸؤδá١ʻ 졦⸫ ˡ ס ס ʡ¼ ҡˡˡǡ2013ǯ
塤 (syllable) ȥ⡼ (mora) ϰۤʤñ̤Ǥ롥⡼Τۤñ̤ǤꡤƤĹ첻2첻ϲȤƤ1ȥȤ뤬⡼ȤƤ2⡼ȥȤ롥ܸ줫㤫顤ξԤδطƤʷp. 15ˡ
| ñ | ⡼ | |
| ---------------------- | ----------------------------- | ----------- |
| Х | 3 (o.ba.ma) | 3 (o-ba-ma) |
| ֥å | 2 (bus.syu) | 3 (bu-s-syu) |
| ȥ | 3 (ku.rin.ton) | 5 (ku-ri-n-to-n) |
| ȥ西 | 3 (to.yo.ta) | 3 (to-yo-ta) |
| ۥ | 2 (hon.da) | 3 (ho-n-da) |
| ˥å | 2 (nis.san) | 4 (ni-s-sa-n) |
ʹ֤θȥ⡼ʬͤϡ֤ΰ㤤ªƤǡȥ⡼¸Ǥʤñ̤ȤªȤϤǤ롥ºݤˤϡѸΤ褦ʡֲפˤ⡼ɬפǤꡤܸɸˤΤ褦ˡ֥⡼פȤˤⲻԲķȤʤ롥
㤨бѸǤϡ1θ¿1⡼θϵƤʤ[pin] pin [pi:] pea Ȥ2⡼1¸ߤ뤬[pi] Ȥ1⡼Ĺ1¸ߤʤ¸ߤʤΤǤϤʤ¤Ū˵ƤʤΤǤ롥ġġά͡ġĺǾϱѸΥե٥åȯˤɽƤꡤե٥åȤ1ĤĸȤȯˤ A [æ] ǤϤʤ [ei]B [b] [bi] ǤϤʤ [bi:] 2⡼ʰʾˤĹȯ롥
⡼ȤܸɸˤεҤˤⲻȤñ̤ԲķȤʤ롥㤨гû̷ˤϡά͡2⡼ʾפȤǤʤ2ʾפȤݤ롥祳ʡ祳졼ȡˤ䥹ȡʡ㥹ȥ饤ˤȤ22⡼ṳ̂ϤäƤ⡤*ѥʡѥեåȡˤ*ʡ㥷ݥˡ*ѡʡѡޥȡʥˡˤȤû̷ƤʤΤϤΤǤ롥2⡼βǻϤޤ3⡼ܤޤǤĤơ2û̷ʥѥաݡѡޡˤФ롥
顤ȥ⡼ΧȿŪñ̤ǤϤʤ1ĤθΤʤƱ路䴰Ūʴطˤñ̤ȤȤ館ɬפ뤳Ȥʬ롥ܸβ⡼ˤĤƤϡʲε⻲ȡ
#1023. ܸμȿ ([2012-02-14-1])
#3719. ܸϳ졤ѸIJ ([2019-07-03-1])
#3720. ʤѸ make ܸ˼Ѥȸ첻 /u/ ΤĤ meiku /meiku/ ȤʤΤǤ ([2019-07-04-1])
#4621. ⡼ --- ܸ줫ΰ̲ؤι ([2021-12-21-1])
#4624. ܸΥ⡼鴶С ([2021-12-24-1])
ס1ϡסоȡѸؤδá١ʻ 졦⸫ ˡ ס ס ʡ¼ ҡˡˡǡ2013ǯ
ĥ֤ä饤ʾۤƤޤؤͫƤޤīåפ Voicy ΡֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 Ǥϡʿ¤ĤġƺξŪطʤ˻٤ǡ֥饤ʡʸˤˤĤơפȤϤƤޤɤİϢ hellog å碌Ƥɤ
äѤޤ#4672. μͭӥMondפDZѸ˴ؤѤʵ˲Ƥޤ ([2022-02-10-1]) ǿ줿̤ꡤ3֤ۤMond˴ƤѸˡѸءؤμ˲Ƥޤ館ʤۤɤ䤬¿Ǥ˥åץåפʤΤǤޤǰʲ10˲ƤޤֲפȤϤޤ¤ǡȥꥬȤƻ䤬ͤȤƤߤȤܥ֥γưαĹʤΤǤ⤷äƤ館ФȻפޤޤ
Ƹȯˡι⤵ˤϴطΤǤ礦
Ѹ¾ȤθܿˤޤѤʤɤ̵ʤäƤäȤΤȤǤȲˤĤƤϤΤ褦ʷʤΤϤɤƤǤ礦
ˤäƲǤο礭ۤʤΤϤʤǤ礦
ߤΤȤ虜λ줬ޤϤޤޤƤʤȤ虜λ줬ɴǯޤǽϤޤ
ƱȯʤΤˤޤạ̈ΰ㤦դ¸ߤΤϤʤǤ礦
ܸʤSOVѸʤSVOӥʤVSOʤɸˤäƸ礬ۤʤޤϤɤΤ褦ʸ㤤ʤΤǤ礦
֥ꥫѸȥꥹѸ졤ȥꥢѸδطϡܤǸȤϰۤʤΤʤΤǤ礦
ֲȲؤΰ㤤褯ʬʤΤǤѤƶƤ
֥ɥĸեϡֽ̾פȡ̾פȤʬबޤɤΤ褦ޤäƤΤǤ礦
ָ줬ʸΤǤ礦ȤʸΤǤ礦
첻ˤϥԥå (pitch) Ȥ°롥⤤ο͡㤤οͤ⤤СƱͤǤ⤤äȤ㤤äȤ롥üԸĿͤȤ⡤ŪħȤƤΥԥå⤢롥 (intonation)㥢 (pitch accent)Ĵ (tone) ʤɤǤ롥
ԥåϼȿ (frequency) ȴϢξԤƱ뤵뤳Ȥ¿̩ˤмȿϲιбʪŪʻɸǤꡤԥåϤΤ褦ʲιФ뿴ŪʻɸǤ롥ԤϲŪʻɸԤİвŪʻɸȤäƤ褤ˤĤơɴʼŵ PITCH ι2ۤɰѤ롥
When an object vibrates, its movement produces changes in air pressure that radiate like waves from the source. If the frequencies of the vibrations are roughly between 20 and 20,000 cycles per second, or Hertz (Hz), ideally they can be heard by a young, healthy human listener. The range of hearing frequencies declines with age. The physical characteristic of the vibrating body, frequency, produces a psychological experience called pitch. In general, a low frequency produces the sensation of a low pitch (for example, the 60 Hz hum produced by electrical power in a poorly grounded radio), with the pitch increasing as the frequency increases (a male voice at 100 Hz, a female voice at 200 Hz, a child's voice at 300 Hz). Because there is a close correspondence between frequency and pitch, people frequently use the terms interchangeably. However, in addition to frequency, the sensation of pitch is influenced by an interaction between the amplitude of the vibration and the range of the frequency. Pitch is also influenced by the complexity of the vibration and its corresponding wave form. (623)
Pitch is closely related to the physical stimulus frequency, but as a psychological event, it is influenced by the complexity, frequency range, and loudness of the tone. (624)
ϡ֤Ū˴Τ첻ι⤵ʼȿˤȿʹ֤Τ첻ι⤵ʥԥåˤϡΤ̩ܤʴطϤΤΥǤϤʤȤȤԥåϡ첻βŪװΤۤˤ⡤¾͡װαƶƷޤ롥Ϣơ#2687. 첻μȿȲ٥ ([2016-09-04-1]) ⻲ȡ
Hogan, Patrick Colm, ed. The Cambridge Encylopedia of the Language Sciences. Cambridge :CUP, 2011.
ˤ͡ʱѸѼ郎ꡤҤä World Englishes New Englishes ȸƤФ뤳Ȥ¿䥢եꥫˤŪʷаޤ ESL (English as a Second Language) Ѽ郎¿¿ΥեꥫѼ˶̤Ƹ뱤ΧħĤŦƤ롥Ǥ2褦1Ĥ "syllable-timing" ȸƤФꥺ (rhythm) ⤦1Ĥϸζ (stress) ΰ֤˴ؤ뷹Ǥ롥ʲ Mesthrie and Bhatt (129) ȤƲ⤹롥
syllable-timing Ȥϡꥺδθ1ĤǡɸѸ줬 stress-timing ֤ΤǤ롥Ԥϲʥ⡼ˤֳ֤Ƿ֤ꥺǡܸե줬Ԥ϶ֳ֤Ƿ֤ꥺǡɸѸɥĸ줬cf. #1647. ˤ뱤ΧŪħμȵǽ ([2013-10-30-1])#3644. Ѹ stress-timed ʸűѸ syllable-timed ʸ졩 ([2019-04-19-1])ˡ
եꥫϤνˤ syllable-timing ĤΤ¿δؤξ˾äƤ ESL Ѽˤ syllable-timing ΥꥺबۤȤȤ㤨СɷեꥫѸ졤ͷեꥫѸ졤쥢եꥫѸ졤ʥꥢѸ졤ʱѸ졤ɱѸ졤ѥѸ졤ݡѸ졤ޥ졼Ѹ졤եԥѸʤɤ syllable-timing Υꥺħ̤ħȤơѼˤϡ첻ˤ첻ŪƤݤȤ⤢롥Ѹʸ̮Ǥϡsyllable-timing ΥꥺϤ̣ǤͥȤäƤ褤
Ѽˤϡζ˴ؤƤⶦ̤Ƥߤ뷹롥ФɸѸȤϰۤʤ֤˶֤뤳Ȥrealíse Τ褦˶֤¦˴ΤȤ櫓¿롼ѸʤɤǤ adólescence Τ褦˺¦˴Τߤ롥ޤѼǤɸѸ ábsent (adj.) absént (v.) Τ褦ʡʻˤäƶ֤ư븽 (diatone) ϤߤʤȤ
ŪˤСظαƶβDZΧε§άΤȤäƤ褤ܸüԤˤȤäơͥױΧħǤꡤŸˤܤƤ
Mesthrie, Rajend and Rakesh M. Bhatt. World Englishes: The Study of New Linguistic Varieties. Cambridge: CUP, 2008.
ֱܲѸƳ2021꺣Ҳ𤹤륳ƥĤϡꥢåפ줿ָʤ̸ǭ!?ǤܸǤϤҤɤΰȤָפɽ褷ơָǭפȤϸʤ櫓ǤѸǤͽ̤ʡ cats and dogs Ȥ̣ǤThey fight like cats and dogs. Τ褦ѤۤޤФꤷ餷Ƥ뤳Ȥ to lead a cat-and-dog life ʤɤȤɽޤ褯Τ줿ںߤפΥǥ#493. It's raining cats and dogs. ([2010-09-02-1]) ǡǤ
ϤȤưʪ˴ؤʸѺȤƤ⤷ǤˤʤäΤϱѸ cats and dogs θǤܸǤϡָǭפɡ嵭αѸΥǥɽȤƤϡǭפνˤʤäƤޤϤʤʤΤǤ礦
1ĹͤΤϡװǤ2ĤǤӤĤжȤƵǽˡŪνޤ뷹ޤβװˤ͡ʤΤޤ绨ĤˤвηڤΤơŤΤȤΤ§Ǥ⤦ΤˤС "openness and sonorousness" 㤤Τơ⤤ΤˤȤǤȤƤϡᡦڤ硦ŤؤήȤƤȤ館ޤ륤ϡħ (sound_symbolism) 뤤ϲ (phonaesthesia) ȸƤФޤ줬2Ǥֽ˴ͿƤȹͤޤ
첻ˤĤƹͤƤߤޤ礦ŵŪˤϹ첻첻ؤȤˤʤޤ#1139. 2।ǥν벻Ūʾ (2) ([2012-06-09-1]) Ǽ褦 flimflam, tick-tock, rick-rack, shilly-shally, mishmash, fiddle-faddle, riffraff, seesaw, knickknack ʤɤ㤬äƤޤ#1191. Pronunciation Search ([2012-07-31-1]) ^([BCDFGHJKLMNPQRSTVWXYZ]\S*) [AEIOU]\S* ([BCDFGHJKLMNPQRSTVWXYZ]\S*) \1 [AEIOU]\S* \2$ ȤƸƤߤȡۤˤ chit-chat, kit-cat, pingpong, shipshape, zigzag ʤɤޤding-dong, ticktack פĤޤ͡졦ָ (onomatopoeia) ¿褦Ǥ
Ǥϡ cats and dogs ŬѤȤɤʤǤ礦ξԤ첻 /æ/ /ɔ/ ǡ첻Ȥ纹ޤξˤϡ٤ΡפȤΩƤΤǤϤʤȵäƤޤؤȤήǤ첻 /æ/ ޤ cats ǡ첻 /ɔ/ ޤ dogs Ȥ櫓Ǥٻ붯ڵϺΤȤˤƤޤͤޤǤˡ#242. phonaesthesia 羮 ([2009-12-25-1]) ȡ#243. phonaesthesia ߡ ([2009-12-26-1]) ɤжǤϤޤưθ߷Ȳ catch/caught, hang/hung, stand/stood ʤɤΩޤ
ơ⤽ cats and dogs νǥեȤǤ뤫Τ褦ǵʤƤޤʤΤǤ礦ˡֱѸΥǥɽȤƤϡפȽҤ٤ΤǤ¤Ͻˡָǭפɽˤ dogs and cats 褯ȤƤΤǤƤɽŪʥѥ BNCweb COCA ñ㸡ƤߤȤΥѥˤƤ dogs and cats ΤۤषͥΤ褦ǤȤȤϡνϡǤϤʤˤʤäΤǤ礦
ǤʤȻפäƤޤ18--19θѸΥѥ CLMET3.0 Ĵ٤Ƥߤȡcats and dogs 18㡤dogs and cats 8ȽФޤ⤷ȡȤŪˤ cats and dogs ͥäȤˡ20ʹߡǶˤʤä dogs and cats 餫ͳɤ夲ƤȤǽޤºݡꥫѸ˥ѥ COHA Ǥäȳǧ¤ꡤΤ褦ʵۤǻʤΤǤ
ָǭפǭפñʤǤѸŪˤϱǤ
ޥαΧȤƤƬ (alliteration) ϡѸˤˤƤűѸ줫鸽ѸޤϢʤ³Ƥ롥ʸεȤߤȡΧŪˤʸŪˤ⡤űѸѸδ֤Τ䤬ȤƤ롥βϴˤϡɽŪˤƱƬԤʤ³Ƥ褦ˤߤƤ⡤ƬʤŪʱΧε§ܤС¤ˤݻƤ餺줿ǷѾƤˤʤѾ䤫ȤϸŤ餢뤬ʤȤ֤ΤޤޤηѾפǤʤȤ
ǤϡȤߤȤʬϤĺʤΤޤ«Τ褦ˡ1066ǯǤϤʤȻפäƤȤ֤¤1066ǯʤΤפȤ Minkova (339) εҤ˽в̿ä
The 1065 poem The Death of Edward is the last composition that can be described reasonably as belonging to the Classical metrical tradition of Anglo-Saxon versification. Very revealing in this respect are the statistics and the comments presented in Cable (1991: 54--5). He notes one single metrically dubious verse (soþfæste sawle 'soothfast soul' (28a)) in the sixty-eight verses of The Death of Edward, while on the other side of the 1066 chronological divide the next extant poem with prominent alliteration, Durham, composed c. 1100, shows a very high level of unmetricality. In Durham 38.1 per cent of the forty-two verses fail to conform to the classical rules. Thus, while the cataclysmic effect of the Norman Conquest with respect to changes affecting phonology and morphosyntax can be questioned, the demarcation line in terms of versification modes is clearer, at least within the inevitable limitations imposed by the surviving texts.
˥ԥݥȤ1066ǯȤȤĴƤ櫓ǤϤʤħŪˤϤϤꤳǯΤ褦ѤǤҤ٤Ƥ̤ꡤѸ⼫Ǥʾ塤ǯ˥ѤȤȤϹͤˤǤϱΧƱΧȴطϿΧΤΤǤϤʤʸεȤƬ§į硤ǯ1Ĥε§̤ε§˥ѲȤȤϤ뤫⤷ʤξε§ȤϼҲ٤˶ᤤΤǡҲ٤ȤϤˤƿ͡¾˰ռŪ˾괹뤳ȤǤʪ
űѸ The Battle of Maldon ʤɤǤŪʥꥺफϰæƤȸƤꡤʬȤƤ1066ǯ̤˼뤳ȤϤǤʤˤ衤ħŪʰյǧƤ褤
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
Cable, Thomas. The English Alliterative Tradition. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 1991.
(wordform) ȱ (foot) ϡơΩñ̤Ǥ롥Ϸֲñ̡⤦ϱΧñ̤Ȥơơۤʤ٥ôäƤ롥ξԤϰפ뤳Ȥ褯롥ºݡ2θϸ§ȤƱӤ˾
ŪˤߤȸȱӤΰ٤ϸˤ褦Ritt (122) Τ褦Ƥ롥
It seems that English changed from a language in which isomorphy between feet and wordforms was relatively common into one in which it was the exception rather than the rule. . . . Old English word stress fell, as a rule, on the leftmost syllable of the stem. Furthermore, Old English wordforms tended to consist of a stem plus inflectional endings, so that Old English wordforms would typically consist of one stressed and one or more unstressed syllables. Since this type of structure is practically identical with the optimal foot structure, it is easy to see why Old English wordforms very often tended to coincide with feet. It can be assumed that this tendency of feet and wordforms to coincide remained unchanged until well into the Middle English Period. Then, however, the relationship became unbalanced due to two factors. First, the number of monosyllabic words, which was already high in Old English, increased steadily until monosyllabism became typical of English wordforms. A comparison of Old English texts (Beowulf and The Battle of Maldon) and Middle English ones (The Owl and the Nightingale and Chaucer's Canterbury Tales) shows that in Old English less than half of all wordforms used were monosyllabic, while in Middle English roughly two-thirds were. Second, a large number of French loan words were integrated into the English lexicon, and many of them were stressed on their final syllables. It is easy to see that the combination of these two factors must have decreased the probability of feet to coincide with wordforms considerably.
űѸθŵŪˡ1θ촴ʶˡ1ζʼˡפȤʤΤǡ2αӤȤ줤˽Ťʤ뤳Ȥ¿ȤѸˤƶष1θƤȡ1ĤθΤߤ1ĤαӤ뤳ȤǤʤʤäƤ롥ĤޤꡤֲȱΧ߹ʤʤäƤ롥Ѹˤϡۼʶ§ (= Romance Stress Rule; rsr) ĥե줫μѸ줬̤ήѸΡֶפθȤȤˡּ嶯פʤɤθƤơ跿αӤɬʤȤ¿ʤäƤĤޤꡤűѸ줫ѸˤƤΰϢѲ̤ơѸŪˤäƸȱӤפ䤹פθ줫פˤפθؤȥեȤƤȤˤʤ롥
ŪʥեȤϲ̣Τ͡ʴߤȻפ뤬1ĤˤϱΧκѤ줬ֲñ̤ǤʷˤȤ⡤礭ʶȤäñ̤ذܤѤäȤȤ롥ֲñ̤Ǥʷˤ¦ߤСΧΥץå㡼ʤʤꡤʬΧˤǤβѲä̤ѲˤȤä̤äСʷˤꤹ褦ˤʤäȤ뤫⤷ʤ
ޤοȸʷˤ1ᲽˤĤƤϡ#655. ޤο캬ξ ([2011-02-11-1])#2626. űѸ줫ѸˤƤζο ([2016-07-05-1]) ȡޤޤοȥեѸƳȤ2ĤװϡˤȤɤޤ餺ѸαΧ͡ʷǥѥȤͿȹͤ뤬ŦƤ٤⤦1Ĥνפϵӱ (rhyme) ƳȤδطǤ롥ˤĤƤϡ#796. Ѹ˵ӱƳ줿Ūװ ([2011-07-02-1]) ȡ
Ritt, Nikolaus. Quantity Adjustment: Vowel Lengthening and Shortening in Early Middle English. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ɸ2ĤѸ prosody {{cat('meter')} (or metre) ζ̤ϰճԤˤäƤơλؼΤۤʤäƤ⤢뤷ФˤäξȤֱΧפ롥ŪʲˤäƤСȡꥺʤɤ˴Ϣ뤬prosody äդ°ŪʸݤǤꡤmeter ϻ°üʸݤȤ롥Minkova (323) ϡξԤδطˤĤƼ٤ͿƤ롥
The term prosody, as used here is restricted to stress phenomena in the spoken language, so 'prosody' is short for 'speech prosody' . . . . Meter describes the modes of versification, where linguistic material is arranged in specific recursive frames; as used here, 'meter' is short for 'verse or poetic meter'. Meter always draws on the prosodic structures available in the language. The two systems rely on the same fundamental distinctive categories and relations, though meter obeys verse-specific conventions such as repetition, alliteration and end-rhyme, and not all prosodic features have to be harnessed into a specific verse form. Nevertheless, there are important correspondences between the structure of verse and the structure of the ambient language. This makes meter a valuable source of information about language. The linguistic competence of the poet provides the raw material for verse; the way in which that material is manipulated to fit the metrical constraints of a particular tradition reveals the poet's, or the copyist's intuitions about prosody.
Ѹˤޤ˸ؤˤơǽҤ٤Ƥ prosody meter ߴطƤȤϡȤƤפǤ롥¿ξ硤¸뤫ĤƤνդλ˴Ťơбäդ prosody 뤳ȤϺˤ롥ʸɤ meter ꤬ˡȿǤƤꤵŪäդ prosody ʤΤʤˤˤ٤Ǥǽ롥prosody meter ˴Ūmeter ϤѤƻȤȤˡprosody Ƥ¸ߤʤΤǤ롥
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
ε#3914. Stenbrenden ۩첻ܤĹɺήΰˤʤס ([2020-01-14-1]) ǰѤ Stenbrenden ϡ첻ܡ (gvs) ĹŪʻѻ礭첻Ѳɺή (drift) ΰǤȺɾǤϡɺήȤΤϡʤ¸ߤʤΤStenbrenden (316) ϡĴоݤȤĹ첻ȡ줬ŪˤɤäƤѲפʲΤ褦˰ˤĤѲפ֤¤ܤ
ME and eModE long-vowel shifts
OE vowel, PDE reflex Type of change Date of beginning of change ȳ > ī > /aɪ/ unrounding 950 diphthongisation 1250 ēo > ø̄ > ē > /iː/ monophthongisation 11th century unrounding 12th--15th centuries raising 1250 ā > ō̜ > ō > [ou] > /əʊ/ rounding 11th century raising 16th century diphthongisation 16th century ǣ > e̜ > ē > /iː/ or /eɪ/ raising /ɛː/ 11th c.; /eː/ 15th c.; /iː/ 16th c. (diphthongisation) (16th--17th centuries) ē > /iː/ raising 1225 ō > /uː/ or /ʊ/ ? /ʌ/ raising 1225 shortening; unrounding 14th--15th centuries; NF: ō > [üː] (often fronted in PDE) 15th--16th centuries NF: fronting and raising (late) 13th century ī > /aɪ/ diphthongisation 1250 ū > /aʊ/ diphthongisation 1250
֤ѲפȤ raising, fronting, diphthongisation, monophthongisation ʤɤΤȤؤ餬ߤ̵طƤȤϹͤˤषˤ "cyclical nature" ʽ۴ŪˤФȤǤˤСѸΤߤʤ餺¿Υޥˤ۴Ū첻Ѳɺήߤ뤳Ȥ顤ޥ줹ͤߤ뤳ȤǤ뤫⤷ʤ
ҥȤȤʤΤϡRitt ʤɤμĥ "rhythmic isochrony" θʤȼ夤Τ˶̤졤餬ߤ˸뱤Ӥγơ褽ƱĹäȯȤΧħǤ롥rhythmic isochrony 첻ѲδطˤĤƤϡ#1402. Ѹ줬ǯ֡첻Ҳ岽Ƥͳ ([2013-02-27-1]) ȡ
Stenbrenden, Gjertrud Flermoen. Long-Vowel Shifts in English, c. 1150--1700: Evidence from Spelling. Cambridge: CUP, 2016.
#3719. ܸϳ졤ѸIJ ([2019-07-03-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡѸŪˤͭɸβפǤIJ¿ĸǤ뤳Ȥϻ¤ǤѸβѲĬήįƤߤȡѸ̵ɸγָƤȹͤ줽Ǥ롥
ƣ߷ĤϸѸˤߤ r Ʋ (flapping; city, data ʤɤ t [ɾ] Ȥʤ븽)l ΰƬ (pharyngealization; feel, help ʤɤ l Ť [ɫ] Ȥʤ븽)Ҳæattem(p)t, exac(t)ly, mos(t) people ʤɡˤȤä夲ⲻλҲؤäƤꡤβ˶ŤƤΤǤϤʤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥ʲβѤ褦 (70)
Ʋϡ˳ /t/ 첻ŪʶIJѤ븽ݤǤꡤϰ첻 (vocalization) ȹͤ롥ᤤäǤϡbetter [bɛ́r] Τ褦ˡƲ줿 /t/ æ뤳Ȥ⤢롥ޤ/l/ ΰƬǤϡΤ˰ưä뤬ܼŪ첻ŪưǤꡤ/l/ ܸΡ֥פΤ褦첻˶Ťºݡfeel [fíːjo] Τ褦ˡ/l/ 첻ˤʤ뤳Ȥ⤢롥äơ/l/ ΰƬ⡤IJ /l/ 첻˶Ť첻ȹͤ롥Ҳæϡ첻ǤϤʤIJˤ벻λҲϢñ㲽븽ݤǤ롥
Τ褦ˡĤθݤϡ⡤λҲ첻ꡤæ뤳ȤˤäơǸ夬첻ǽ볫˶Ť褦ȤƤ븽ݤǤꡤǽŪˤ϶̤Ƥ뤳Ȥ狼롥άܼŪ˳ָѸϡޤޤʲݤʤ顤IJ˶Ť褦ȤƤȹͤ롥
ϲѲṽ¤ΤȴϢƤȤβṽ¤Τ켫ȤϡꥺȤäΧˤäƷꤵƤȤ⤤롥ϲѲ˴ؤʲǤ롥#3387. ʤѸ첻ˤˤ첻Ѳ¿Τ ([2018-08-05-1])#3466. űѸ첻β̤Ѹʹߤ첻βŻ뤷 ([2018-10-23-1]) ȡ
ƣ ͺ߷ رѸ١ҡ2001ǯ
#1647. ˤ뱤ΧŪħμȵǽ ([2013-10-30-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡѸ stress-timed ʥꥺࡤܸ syllable-timed (or mora-timed) ʥꥺĸȤ롥Ԥ϶ֳ֤Ƿ֤ꥺǡԤϲʥ⡼ˤֳ֤Ƿ֤ꥺǤ롥Ѹ˶٤θǤХɥĸ stress-timed ǡե䥹ڥ syllable-timed Ǥ롥
Τ褦˶ŪδϽ줫Υꥺफ˿ʬ뤬̻ŪˤߤȳƸΥꥺѤäΤ뤤ѲƤΤ
Ѹ˴ؤƤС븫ϳΤѲƤȤ롥Ѹ stress-timed ꥺδפˤΤۣ첻 /ə/ ¸ߤǤ롥ΤΤʲȲ̤첻ȡ夯ûȯۣ첻Ȥ¸Ƥ뤿ˡԤˤȤΧñ̤Ū˷֤뤳ȤˤʤΤűѸǤۣ첻¸ߤʤäΤǡstress-timed ꥺΩפ夫äȤˤʤ롥űѸϤष syllable-timed ꥺ˶ᤫäȤ⤤ΤǤ롥Cable (23--24) εʹ
To begin with, Old English did not have reduced vowels. The extensive system of inflectional endings depended on the full values of the short vowels, especially [ɑ], [ɛ], [u], and [ɔ]; and in polysyllabic words these and other short vowels were not reduced to schwa. The surprising effect is that in its lack of reduced vowels Old English can be said to have similarities with the phonological structure of a syllable-based language like Spanish. In this respect, both Old English and Spanish differ from Late Middle English and Modern English. Consequently, Old English can be hypothesized to have more of the suprasegmental structure of syllable-based languages---that is, the impression of syllable-timing---despite our thinking of Old English as thoroughly Germanic and heavily stressed.
Cable ϡűѸ줬 syllable-timed ʸȸäƤ櫓ǤϤʤ١ΥꥺǤ⤢뤷١Τ⤢ȤơŪʥꥺȹͤƤ롥³ʸϤѤƤ
These deductions and hypotheses from theoretical and experimental phonology are supported in the most recent studies of the meter of Old English poems. Beowulf has never been thought of as a poem in syllabic meter. Yet the most coherent way to imagine Old English meter is as a precisely measured mix of "accentual" elements (as the meter has traditionally been understood), "syllabic" elements (which may seem more appropriate for French verse), and "quantitative" elements (which are most familiar in Greek and Latin). (Cable 24)
Cable, Thomas. "Restoring Rhythm." Chapter 3 of Approaches to Teaching the History of the English Language: Pedagogy in Practice. Introduction. Ed. Mary Heyes and Allison Burkette. Oxford: OUP, 2017. 21--28.
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