
*
925Ҥηؤդ10ԤޤΡؤդ٤ˤơǯ١ϢֱܵѸˤįեפƤƤޤϢܤ7Ǥ֥եϱѸβФѤפꤷƵɮޤʲФȤޤ
1. Ҳȯؤαƶ
ե줫μѸ줬ѸȯͿƶˤĤƳƤޤä /v/ γΩ䡤/f/ /v/ βΩηˤĤƲ⤷ޤ
2. 첻ȯؤαƶ
եͳ첻2첻ѸβηϤͿƶƤޤ/ɔɪ/ ƳʤɡʤβǤ
3. Ȥؤαƶ
եѸˤäƱѸζѥɤΤ褦ѲƤޤۤʤ붯ѥζ¸ʤɡѸˤδ鶽̣ޤ
4. Ѹ餷η
ѸϥեαƶĤĤ⡤ȼβηϤȯãƤޤβǷƤȯΡֱѸ餷פˤĤȽŪ˹ͻޤ
εǤϡե줬ѸΡʸäǤϤʤȯͿƶʤ⤷ƤޤեθŪʱƶˤĤƤΤäƤȤ⡤ȯؤαƶˤĤƤϰճʹȤʤΤǤϤʤǤ礦̾٥ԤѸˤȤʤäƤޤ
ҡؤդ10˼äƤФȻפޤ6Ϣܵ hellog ǾҲ𤷤ƤޤΤǡɤȤ
#5449. ؤդ٤DZѸϢܤϤޤޤ ([2024-03-28-1])
#5477. ʤʩѸˤϻƤñ줬Ρ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ2ơ ([2024-04-25-1])
#5509. Ѹ˼Ѥ줿ǽʩñ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ3ơ ([2024-05-27-1])
#5538. եѸή --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ4ơ ([2024-06-25-1])
#5566. ѸΥեѸ줬ѸäͿ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ5ơ ([2024-07-23-1])
#5600. ե촷줷ƤѸ --- ؤդ٤Ϣܵ6ơ ([2024-08-26-1])
δ졡ֱѸˤįե졡7եϱѸβФѤסؤդ2024ǯ10桤ҡ2024ǯ92554--55ǡ
δñѸ in English٤10椬ȯȤʤޤϢܡˤѸΥܥʵפ19ϡ֤ʤñ줴Ȥ˥Ȥΰ֤ޤäƤΡפǤ

ñΥǤñ줴Ȥ˥Ȱ֤ޤäƤޤˤ100%ε§ʤǤʵ§ʤȤǡͽ¬ǤȤΤ¤ʤΤǤϤǤϤޤ
㤨Сnature mature 1ʸ㤤Ǥʤȯʤ˰ۤʤΤǤפȤ̣Ȥޤ hellog ǡ#3652. nature mature 1ʸ㤤Ǥʤȯʤ˰ۤʤΤǤ ([2019-04-27-1]) εƤޤλϤȤƤ⤪⤷ΤǺϢܵΤʤǤ夲Ǥ
ñʥεϥΥޥǤθűѸǤϡȤΰ֤ϸ§Ȥ1˸ǡΤʵ§ޤΥޥ˻ϤޤѸ³Ѹˤơեƥ줫̤ñ줬ѤƤޤμѸϡħѤơɬ1˥Ȥ⤿ʤΤ¿äᡤˤѸΥηϤϺ˴٤뤳Ȥˤʤޤ
ϢܵǤϡդλפߺդƲ⤷ޤ10ƥȤ˼äƤФȻפޤ
ѸΥȰ֤ˤĤƤϡhellog εå stress γƵɤߤ
(wordform) ȱ (foot) ϡơΩñ̤Ǥ롥Ϸֲñ̡⤦ϱΧñ̤Ȥơơۤʤ٥ôäƤ롥ξԤϰפ뤳Ȥ褯롥ºݡ2θϸ§ȤƱӤ˾
ŪˤߤȸȱӤΰ٤ϸˤ褦Ritt (122) Τ褦Ƥ롥
It seems that English changed from a language in which isomorphy between feet and wordforms was relatively common into one in which it was the exception rather than the rule. . . . Old English word stress fell, as a rule, on the leftmost syllable of the stem. Furthermore, Old English wordforms tended to consist of a stem plus inflectional endings, so that Old English wordforms would typically consist of one stressed and one or more unstressed syllables. Since this type of structure is practically identical with the optimal foot structure, it is easy to see why Old English wordforms very often tended to coincide with feet. It can be assumed that this tendency of feet and wordforms to coincide remained unchanged until well into the Middle English Period. Then, however, the relationship became unbalanced due to two factors. First, the number of monosyllabic words, which was already high in Old English, increased steadily until monosyllabism became typical of English wordforms. A comparison of Old English texts (Beowulf and The Battle of Maldon) and Middle English ones (The Owl and the Nightingale and Chaucer's Canterbury Tales) shows that in Old English less than half of all wordforms used were monosyllabic, while in Middle English roughly two-thirds were. Second, a large number of French loan words were integrated into the English lexicon, and many of them were stressed on their final syllables. It is easy to see that the combination of these two factors must have decreased the probability of feet to coincide with wordforms considerably.
űѸθŵŪˡ1θ촴ʶˡ1ζʼˡפȤʤΤǡ2αӤȤ줤˽Ťʤ뤳Ȥ¿ȤѸˤƶष1θƤȡ1ĤθΤߤ1ĤαӤ뤳ȤǤʤʤäƤ롥ĤޤꡤֲȱΧ߹ʤʤäƤ롥Ѹˤϡۼʶ§ (= Romance Stress Rule; rsr) ĥե줫μѸ줬̤ήѸΡֶפθȤȤˡּ嶯פʤɤθƤơ跿αӤɬʤȤ¿ʤäƤĤޤꡤűѸ줫ѸˤƤΰϢѲ̤ơѸŪˤäƸȱӤפ䤹פθ줫פˤפθؤȥեȤƤȤˤʤ롥
ŪʥեȤϲ̣Τ͡ʴߤȻפ뤬1ĤˤϱΧκѤ줬ֲñ̤ǤʷˤȤ⡤礭ʶȤäñ̤ذܤѤäȤȤ롥ֲñ̤Ǥʷˤ¦ߤСΧΥץå㡼ʤʤꡤʬΧˤǤβѲä̤ѲˤȤä̤äСʷˤꤹ褦ˤʤäȤ뤫⤷ʤ
ޤοȸʷˤ1ᲽˤĤƤϡ#655. ޤο캬ξ ([2011-02-11-1])#2626. űѸ줫ѸˤƤζο ([2016-07-05-1]) ȡޤޤοȥեѸƳȤ2ĤװϡˤȤɤޤ餺ѸαΧ͡ʷǥѥȤͿȹͤ뤬ŦƤ٤⤦1Ĥνפϵӱ (rhyme) ƳȤδطǤ롥ˤĤƤϡ#796. Ѹ˵ӱƳ줿Ūװ ([2011-07-02-1]) ȡ
Ritt, Nikolaus. Quantity Adjustment: Vowel Lengthening and Shortening in Early Middle English. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
Ф줿⤷ǤռȤϤޤǤڥǤϸƬ <n> <m> ΰ㤤ǤȯϤ줾 /ˈneɪʧə/ /məˈʧʊə/ Ȥʤ礭ۤʤäƤޤŪʥڥǤʤȯۤʤȤȤϡξԤ11бƤ櫓ǤϤʤʣʴطͭƤ뤳ȤξںǤ
ξñϤ줾ƥ nātūra ܼˤ mātūrus ʻˤˤΤܤޤƥʳǤϡξñ˴ؤƥڥȯŪʴطˤꡤѸΤ褦ʰۤʤϤߤޤǤȤ餬ѸȤƱѸäƤˡ郎ޤ
ƥ nātūra ϡťե nature ФơѸ13Ⱦ natur(e) ȤƱѸäƤޤѸäƤϡťե /naːˈtyːr/ 2˶ȯƤޤȯͼѸ첽Ƥ뤳ȤˤʤޤȯαѸ첽Ȥϡ绨ĤˤС1֤褦ˤʤꡤ֤ʤʤä2벻岽ûؤޤˤ /naːˈtyːr/ /ˈnaːtyːr/ Ȥʤꡤ˶Ѹˤ첻 (gvs) ޤतĤβѲФƸ /ˈneɪʧə/ ˤޤȯŸΤǤ
ƥ mātūrus ϡ15ȾФľܱѸ mature ȤƼѤޤѸǤȯ /maːˈtyːr/ ˶ᤤΤäȻפޤȤñˤĤƤϡθ nature ǤϵäȯͼαѸ첽ʤ֤ưʤäΤǤη̡֤ʤ1ϼޤ뤳ȤˤʤꡤѸ /məˈʧʊə/ ȯ˻äΤǤ
Ĥޤꡤnature mature ʬϡѸ˼Ѥ줿ȯͼαѸ첽äʤääΤǤǤϡʤ nature ǤϱѸ첽ꡤmature ǤϵʤäΤǤ礦ϴñˤޤȤƤϡᤤ˼Ѥ줿ǤФۤɡߤޤǤ˱Ѹ첽Τ˽ʬʻ֤ݤƤꡤºݤ˱Ѹ첽Ƥǽ⤤ȤȤϤޤnature 13Ⱦmature 15ȾФμѤǤ顤λֺطƤǽϤޤޤѻѸ˶ŤжŤۤɡƥե줫μѸϡȯͼΤޤޤˤȤɤޤ뷹ȤΤƤޤ
ƥ졦եζ§ (Romance Stress Rule; rsr) ȱѸζ§ (Germanic Stress Rule; gsr) ȤϿδطǤꡤ餬Ѹˤƶ礷Ȥ˲뤫ȤˤĤƤϡ#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) #200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1])
Ѹʹߡƥե줫μѸ줬Ѹä̤˼ޤ줿ȤˤꡤѸζѥ礭ƤȤˤĤơ#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) #200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥ
ƤϡGermanic Stress Rule (gsr) ξ˿ Romance Stress Rule (rsr) դääΤ뤳ȤǤ뤬˹ŪߤȡĸŪʶѥؤβȤߤ뤳ȤǤ롥ĸǤϲѤäζ֤ޥĸǤϸƬ˸경ƥեȤܿˤꡤƤӲѤȤʤäƤȲǤ뤫ơβѤζϡΤδ֤첻μ̤Ѱۤ뤳ȤˤʤäǸθݤϡĸηħŤ첻Ѱ (gradation or ablaut) ˤۤʤʤ
Kastovsky (129--30) ǻ̩ʸϤǤθˤĤƾҲ𤷤Ƥ롥
[T]here are . . . typological innovations like the vowel and/or consonant alternations in sane : sanity, serene : serenity, Japán : Jàpanése, hístory : históric : hìstorícity, eléctric : elètrícity, close : closure resulting from the integration of non-native (Romance, Latin and Net-Latin) word-formation patterns into English with a concomitant variable stress system, which reverses the original typological drift towards a non-alternating relation between bases and derivatives and is reminiscent of Indo-European, where variable stress/accent produced variable vowel quality/quantity (ablaut).
Kastovsky ϡѸηˤŪª٤ȤĥƤ뤬ñʤ붦ŪˤȤɤޤ餺Ȥ⤤٤ʻƤǤ⤢褦˻פ롥
ǿ줿2Ĥζ§ˤĤƤϡ#1473. Germanic Stress Rule ([2013-05-09-1]) ȡ#1474. Romance Stress Rule ([2013-05-10-1]) ȡ
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Linguistic Levels: Morphology." Chapter 9 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 129--47.
#119. ѸˤΤϥޥͥߤ!? ([2009-08-24-1]) #3097. ĥᥦʥʤäѸ٤ʤäƤʤäƤ ([2017-10-19-1]) ³ˤ if ۥΥޥʤä顤ѸϤɤʤäƤ
ޤäˤĤƤСեѸʶˤϤäȾʤߤΥɥĸΤ褦˥ޥϤθ俸ƤϢơ⥲ޥŪǤȤˤʣήǤ³˰㤤ʤեǤϤʤȤ줫θüѤϤʤˤʤ줿⤷ʤѸθäۤɤ¿¿ͤʸʬۤˤϤʤäƤʤäǽ⤤
ֻˤĤƤСűѸФ hus (house) ʤɤ¸³Ƥǽ뤷¾ cild (child), cwic (quick), lufu (love) ʤɤֻݤƤ⤷ʤդˤ븫ɤϡߤΤΤ礭ۤʤäƤ롥<þ, ð, ƿ> ʤɤθűѸʸ⡤ḽޤѤ줺˻ĤäƤΤǤϤʤ (cf. #1329. Ѹˤˤ eth, thorn, <th> ([2012-12-16-1]) #1330. Ѹˤ eth, thorn, <th> ([2012-12-17-1]))
ȯˤĤƤϡηϤΤΤѤꤷɤϵ路ѥϸߤ˰ۤʤäƤΤˤʤäƤŪˤСޥŪʶѥ (Germanic Stress Rule; gsr) ݤ졤ФޥŪʶѥ (Romance Stress Rule; rsr) ϤۤŸʤä롥ˤӱ (rhyme) ̲űѸ줫Ƭ (alliteration) ʤƤ
ʸˡ˴ؤƤϡΥޥȤȼեαƶʤä顤Ѹ϶ޤ˰͵ŪʸʤۤɼäƤϤʤäűѸΤ褦ʣʶޤݤ³ƤȤϹͤʤʤȤޤοϡ¤ˤ䤫ʤΤȤʤäƤǽ⤤űѸˤäʸˡϡˤǤƤǽϹ⤤οʹԶϤϤ긽¤ˤ䤫ä˰㤤ʤޤѲưޤűѸŪʡԵ§ʸѲפ⡤äȹϤĤäƤϡΥޥΥɼҲˤƥե줬̤θȤʤꡤѸ줬̤θȤʤäȤǡѸ˱ϤƯѲ¿ͲۤȤ˳뤳ȤʤʹԤȤ¤Ȥ館ݤǤ롥Υޥʤä顤ѸϤۤɼͳ˴θѲϩɤ뤳ȤǤʤäΤǤϤʤ
ʾ塤֥Υޥʤä顤ѸϡפۤƤߤ¤ϡ轵ؤα齬ˤƼߤʤǹԤʤäۤǤ롥ͷӿϤƤߤΤˤΰ̴طǧΤ˰ճͭˡȤ狼äˤ if ϡषͤ¥Ƥ롥
ѸˤǤϡեϸäΰˤ¿ʱƶڤܤʳǤϸΤʤȸ뤳Ȥ롥#2351. ե줫ζưμѡ ([2015-10-04-1]) Ǹ褦˶ñ̤Ǥ⾯ʤ̱ƶڤܤƤֻΰˤ礭ʾͿƤ
ȤϤʸˡ䲻ˤĤƤϡե줬ƶͿʤäȤϻ¤ʲ˥ĥäǿƤ褦ˡƶͤܤ⤤ĤŦƤ뤬ڵΤʤΤ¿Υޥʸ塤եϱѸμҲŪϰ̤Ȥ뤳Ȥˤꡤ̤ȤƲ̸ȤƤαѸʸˡѲ¥ʤȤ̣ǡŪʱƶڤܤȸȤϤǤ
#204. ;ιʸ ([2009-11-17-1])
#1171. եȤθܿȶޤο ([2012-07-11-1])
#1208. եαʸˡؤαƶɾ ([2012-08-17-1])
#1222. ե줬ѸβǤͿʱƶ ([2012-08-31-1])
#1815. ̾ one ˡϥեαƶ ([2014-04-16-1])
#1884. եѸʸˡü˴Ϳ ([2014-06-24-1])
#1924. եѸʸˡü˴Ϳ (2) ([2014-08-03-1])
#2047. ΥޥαѸ˾ΰյ ([2014-12-04-1])
#2347. Ӥȯãˤե졤ƥαƶˤĤơ ([2015-09-30-1])
ơϢȡѤƤ Denison and Hogg (17) ϡեθðʳؤαƶȤ˴ؤơŪˤ϶ϾǤ뤳ȤȤʤ⡤ȶΰˤƤϸΤȻŦ롥
. . . we should . . . look at French influence outside the borrowing of vocabulary. It is best to start by saying that French influence is largely absent from inflectional morphology. The only possibilities concern the eventual domination of the plural inflection -s at the expense of -en (hence shoes rather than shoon) and the rise of the personal pronoun one. Although there are parallels in French, it is virtually certain that the English developments are entirely independent.
The strongest influence of French can be best seen in two other areas, apparently unrelated but in fact closely connected to each other. These are: (i) derivational morphology; (ii) stress.
եؤαƶǧˤϡ#96. ѸȥեǺ褫 ( hybrid ) ([2009-08-01-1]) ˵褦ʺ (hybrid) нʬˤĤƤϡ#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) rsr (= Romance Stress Rule) ˴ؤƵȤ줿ȶȤ2Ĥΰ褬 "closely connected" ǤȤΤϡѸθ§ȶ§ŬѤ캬ޥϤޥϤˤä̤Ƥ¤ؤΤǤ롥
ޤȤȡեθðʳؤαƶȤơܤ٤ΤȤС硤ֻȤäȤ
Denison, David and Richard Hogg. "Overview." Chapter 1 of A History of the English Language. Ed. Richard Hogg and David Denison. Cambridge: CUP, 2006. 1--42.
Ѹˤơ춯ŤŪʵ§뤳Ȥ춯ΰ֤ϡѸˤäƤ롥춯ΰ֤ϡűѸˤ Germanic Stress Rule (gsr) ˤäñ˷ꤵƤѸʹߤ˥ƥեѸȤȤˤ⤿餵줿 Romance Stress Rule (rsr) 夹˵ڤӡʣ (cf. #200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1])#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1])) ΤۤϢɤѤƯꡤ̾ư (diatone) ʤɤοѥޤ줿 (cf. #861. Ѹθ춯ΰ֤˴ؤ3ס ([2011-09-05-1])) Τ褦ˤơ¿ͤʸ˴ŤΡ㳰פѤŪ˶֤ꤹ뵬§ΩƤ뤳Ȥʤä
Ǥ⡤ϵ٤ʤʤ٤㳰ʤݤĤ褦ˤơĤΡ̸ְ§פΩƤߤ³ƤCarr (74--75) ϡ4Ĥΰ̸§Ƥ롥
Principle 1: The End-Based Principle
1ϡơultimate (ex. bóx), penultimate (ex. spíder, depárture), antepenultimate (ex. cínema, América) Τ줫뷹롥ΤȤϡ춯ѥ trochaic Ǥ뤳ȤȤط롥trochee Ȥϡθ˥İʾ³ѥΤȤǤ롥Τ褦 trochee αӤꥺߥ˷֤ΤѸαΧŪħǤ롥
Principle 2: The Rhythmic Principle
ñˤϺ¿4ĤǽΤ (ex. ungéntlemanliness), ñƬ2İʾ뤳ȤϤʤ٤ƬΤ줫βˤ϶ (ex. Jàpanése, not *Japanése)
Principle 3: The Derivational Principle
ˤƤϡΤǼ綯Τä뷹롥㤨 chàracterizátion 1ΤϡΤ cháracterize ʤ켫Τ cháracter ˤˤ1˼綯뤫Ǥ롥
Principle 4: The Stress Clash Avoidance Principle
٤礦2Ĥβξ˶뤳Ȥ뷹롥㤨СPrinciple 3 ˤ *Japànése ȤʤϤΤȤȶ2³ƤޤǤ Principle 4 θ§ꡤϢ³ʤ Jàpanése 뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
Ȥꤳθ§ˤϾʤ㳰ĤΤǤ롥ޤ§֤Ǿͤ⾯ʤʤ줾θ§ϡ̵§ߤ뤳Ȥˤꡤ٤Ƥɬפΰ̸§ˤꡤѸä¿θ춯뤳Ȥ¤Ǥ롥ʤȤѸθ춯̵ˡǤȤǤȤüɾǤ뤳Ȥϴְ㤤ʤ
Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. 2nd ed. Malden MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013.
ε#1473. Germanic Stress Rule ([2013-05-09-1]) ˰³ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) Ҳ𤹤롥Lass (Vol. 3, p. 57) ˤСѸˤƥޥϼѸȤȤˤ⤿餵ȯŸ RSR ϼΤ褦꼰롥
Beginning at the right-hand edge of the word, select as word-head the syllable specified as follows:
A (i) If the final syllable is (a) heavy, or (b) the only syllable, assign S and construct a foot:
S S S S σ̆ σ̄ σ̄σ̆σ̄ σ̄ σ̆ deface vndertake twelfth twig
(ii) If the final syllable is light, go back to the penult.
B (i) If the penult is (a) heavy, or (b) the only other syllable, assign S and construct a foot:
S W S W S W σ̆ σ̄ σ̆ σ̆σ̆σ̄σ̆ σ̆σ̆ vnable occidental shouel
(ii) I the penult is light, go back to the antepenult.
C Assign S to the antepenult regardless of weight, and construct a foot:
S W W S W W σ̄σ̆σ̆σ̆σ̆σ̆ σ̆σ̄σ̆σ̆ histori ographer industri ouse
RSR ħ3ǼСñαϤʱˡŪߴǡνŤˤʲṽ¤ҴˤȤȤǤ롥GSR ȿФȤȤ狼ѸʹߤαѸζ§ϡ(1) (2) ֹ¤Ȳṽ¤ΤɤŻ뤹뤫Ȥ2äơ褹롥̤ȤƤߤСѸˤ RSR ϤƤäΤRSR GSR ֤ȸڤΤɬʤRSR GSR ߹ȤݤȤ̯ʤξԤʬ줹뤳ȤˤʤäΤǤ롥
ξ§٤ȳΤȿФʤΤºݤθŬѤ줿̤٤ȡ¿ξ硤̤ƱǤ롥ñ writ, write ʤɤϤɤζ§˾Ȥ餷Ƥ֤Ϥβʤ2 wríter, wrítten, belíeve ˤƤƱͤ3 cráftily, sórrier ˤƤ̤ȤƤƱ˶롥ĤޤꡤGSR RSR ϡʤ١Ʊ̤ΤǤ롥
ξԤ礹륱ϻĤ롥㤨Ƭղä줿ڤ2ϡGSR Ǥ϶2뤳Ȥˤʤ뤬RSR Ǥ1˶뤳Ȥˤʤ (ex. begín but not *bégin) ޤ/-VCC/ νŤĸϡGSR Ǥ϶ʤRSR ǤϤ˶뤳Ȥˤʤ (ex. sínging but not *singíng) Τ褦ʥǤϡξ§ζη̤Ȥơ variation ¸ߤ뤳Ȥˤʤäˤ variation ͡ʥޥʡ§߽ФȤʤꡤѸζϸߤ˻ޤʣ³ƤΤǤ롥
GSR RSR ζˤˤĤƤϡLass (Vol. 2, pp. 85--90) Lass (Vol. 3, pp. 125--28) ȤǤ롥
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 23--154.
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 3. Cambridge: CUP, 1999. 56--186.
Ѹˤޤ³Ƥȹͤ붯§1 Germanic Stress Rule (GSR) ˤĤƤϡȿ⤦1Ĥζ§ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) Ȥǡ#200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1]) #718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) #861. Ѹθ춯ΰ֤˴ؤ3ס ([2011-09-05-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥϡ⤦ܤ GSR ˤĤƸƤߤ褦
GSR ϥޥħŤ붯§ǡüŪˤȡָ촴1˶פȤ§Ǥ (##182,857,187) űѸǤϤε§Ϥܴۤ˵ǽƤꡤͣΤΤäѸ줢뤤ϽѸʹߤϡƬƤ RSR ȶ礷ʤ鸽ߤ˻äƤ롥GSR Lass (126) ˽ä꼰ȼ̤ꡥ
(i) Starting at the left-hand word-edge, ignore any prefixes (except those specified as stressable), and assign stress to the first syllable of the lexical root, regardless of weight.
(ii) Construct a (maximally trisyllabic) foot to the right:
S S W rætt 'rat' wrīt-an 'to write' S W S W W ge-writen 'written' bæcere 'baker'
GSR ħ3ǼСñκϤʺˡƬȸ캬ζ̤ˤ뤵ʷŪҴˤνŤˤϤʤʲṽ¤ߴˤȤȤǤ롥ĸλˤϸζ֤ϼͳäޥɤʬƤ椯ݤˤζ§ä줿ȹͤ롥̤ȤơűѸζ⾯㳰Ƥñʶ§˻ۤ뤳Ȥˤʤä
ȤѸˤ¿Υեƥ줫μѸ줬ѸäήƤ˵ڤӡĹ餯Фä GSR ưɤϤ롥ޥϤθͭ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) GSR ʤ蘆ꡤݤ߹⤦ȤΤǤ롥Ѹ줫Ѹˤơ¤ˡRSR ĹƤ椯ȤˤʤäRSR ˤĤƤϡεǡ
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 3. Cambridge: CUP, 1999. 56--186.
ˤݼ (conservative) ȳ (innovative) ˤĤƤϡܥ֥ǤȤƱѸαƺä (ame_bre) Ȥ櫓ǶΡ#1304. ꥫѸΡݼס ([2012-11-21-1]) colonial_lag ˴ؤ뵭ǿƤۤˡܥ֥ݼ פǸȡĤε롥εɮʤ顤ݼȤϰβʤΤȹͤƤǤ롥
Ȥơgarage ȯαƺͤƤߤ褦LPD ˤȡθȯζ֤ϡꥫѸǤ2ᡤꥹѸǤ94%1֤롥

ʬۤˤĤơɤ餬ݼŪǤɤ餬ŪȤ1Ĥθʤ餯̾θˤˤСθϥե garer "shelter" ˴ŤǤꡤեŪ2ؤζܤˤȹͤΤǡΰ֤ݤäƤ륢ꥫѸȯݼŪǤȵǤ뤫⤷ʤ (cf. Romance Stress Rule) ̤θˤС1ΤȯѸ첽ʥޥ첽ˤƤڵǤꡤꥹѸȯѸŪʶ֤ηθƤȤ̤ȤݼŪǤ롤ȤǤ뤫⤷ʤ (cf. Germanic Stress Rule)
ޤ̤θˤСŪ˸ŪʵϤ餹뷹ˡݼŪɽ뤳Ȥ⤢롥ꥫѸŪ˵Ͻ٤ȸ뤬㤨С[2011-10-11-1]ε#897. Web3 νǤ50ǯפȡˡΰ̣ǤݼŪȤ⤤ΤǤ롥ȤϤƤǤΤΤϡŪ˳ŪäȤƤǤ롥
˽Ҥ٤3ݼϡ줾줢̣ǤݼŪǤϤ뤬ߤˤɤƤ롥θ̷ϡִפˤ롥ݼפֵŤ¸褦Ȥ뤳ȡסʡع6ǡ١ˤ硤ǤֵפؤΤˤʤСݼ餽ΤΤλؼƤۣˤʤ롥ȤϡˤƵϤȤƼƤ롤뤤ϾʤȤԤʤƤˡؤθˡʳθˡѤΤǤΤѲΤǤΤʤ
եŪȯ֤Сgarage 2˶֤ꥫѸȯݼŪȤߤʤ뤬ޥĸ֤С1˶֤ꥹѸȯݼŪǤ롥ޤ쵬ϤΩɤΤ褦ʤΤǤ졤夹дȤƵǽΤǡʸ夽餹Ĭ³СϤ٤ݼŪȤ롥Ĥޤꡤɤ֤ˤäơݼλؼƤ礭ۤʤäƤΤǤ롥ɤ֤ΤȽǤҴŪʻɸϤʤ
Τ褦ˡݼʤƤȿոǤˤȤŪѸˤʤˤݼˤϡʤȤⲿȤƤΤʤ̵̣
Wells, J C. ed. Longman Pronunciation Dictionary. 3rd ed. Harlow: Pearson Education, 2008.
եѸˤĤƤϡfrench loan_word ¿εǼ夲Ƥɸ˴ϢȤƤϡ#117. եѸǯʬۡ ([2009-08-22-1]) #1209. 1250ǯȤեѸζʬ ([2012-08-18-1]) Norman French Central French Τ줾줫Ѥ줿2Ÿ (norman_french doublet) ʤɤˤĤƽҤ٤ϡɸȴط뤬ޤǤ˿뵡ΤʤäSchmitt and Marsden (135--36) ꡤ3ۤɼ夲롥
ޤϡNorman French Central French 2Ÿ1ɲáåȥɱѸʹ leal /liːl/ "faithful, loyal, true" 13 Anglo-Norman French äCentral French ꡤƱ loyal 16ä
ƱեǤ㤨 Old French French 2ŸȤƤϡfeast (C13) fete (C18) hostel (C13) hotel (C17) 롥줾θԤθˤϡ/st/ ȤĶˤ /s/ æȤեǤβѲȿǤƤ롥
hostel hotel ˴ϢƤ⤦1Ķ̣ϡ˼Ѥ줿ԤǤϡ֤1ؤȱѸ첽Ƥ뤬٤˼Ѥ줿ԤǤϡϤޤ˸̤2֤Ƥ뤳ȤϡŬѤƤ붯§ Germanic Stress Rule (GSR) Romans Stress Rule (RSR) ΰ㤤ǤǤ롥GSR RSR ˤĤƤϡ#200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1]) #718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) 褦ˡŪ꤬ޤޤƤ뤬եѸˤĤ绨ĤˤСä GSR ˽ʹߤä RSR ˽[2010-12-12-1]ε#594. ѸʹߤΥեѸħפȡˡʲ
| Earlier borrowings (--C14) | Later borrowings (C15--) |
|---|---|
| mústard | duét |
| léttuce | panáche |
| cárriage | brunétte |
| cólor | elíte |
| cóurage | ensémble |
| lánguage | prestíge |
| sávage | rappórt |
| víllage | velóur |
| fígure | vignétte |
ε#1154. ѲΥȢȤƤ analogy ([2012-06-24-1]) Ǹڤ Postal ϡ#1123. Ѳθ˸ء ([2012-05-24-1]) Ǽ夲褦ˡѲθ fashion ȹͤԤǤ롥ƱˡѲȤ "grammar change" ʸˡѲˤˤۤʤʤʸˡѲ֤뵬§κƲǤȤŪѤλơʸˡѲκǽʳɽ魯 "primary sound change which is independent of language contact" ϡ"'nonfunctional' stylistic change" ǤꡤʳθϤꤨʤȤ롥
Postal εϰ츫ñ¤âȤĤƤ롥㤨СҲŪʺ۲Ѳμ¸ȳȻζ̡ܿˤѲѸ Romance Stress Rule ŪˤĤƤƤ롥Postal εϡѲ礭Ȥߤ1ĤȤܤ٤ȹͤΤǡפ1 (283--85) ʬѤ褦
SOME REMARKS ON THE 'CAUSES OF SOUND CHANGE'
It is perhaps not inappropriate to ask what implications the view that sound change consists in changes in grammars has for the much discussed and controversial question of the causes of sound change. Why should a language, independently of contact with other languages, add a new rule at a certain point? Of course there are some scholars who hold that all linguistic change is a result of language contact, but this position seems too radically improbable to demand serious consideration today. Assuming then that some if not all phonological changes are independent of contact, what is their basis? It seems clear to the present writer that there is no more reason for languages to change than there is for automobiles to add fins one year and remove them the next, for jackets to have three buttons one year and two the next, etc. That is, it seems evident within the framework of sound change as grammar change that the 'causes' of sound change without language contact lie in the general tendency of human cultural products to undergo 'nonfunctional' stylistic change. This is of course to be understood as a remark about what we might call 'primary change,' that is, change which interrupts an assumed stable and long-existing system. It is somewhat more plausible that such stylistic primary changes may yield a grammar which is in some sense not optimal, and that this may itself lead to 'functional' change to bring about an optimal state. Halle's suggestion that children may learn a grammar partially distinct from that underlying the utterances they hear and thus, from the point of view of the adult language, reformulate the grammar (while adults may only add rules), may be looked upon as a suggestion of this type. For as he noted, a grammar G2 which results from the addition of a rule to a grammar G1 may not be the optimal grammar of the set of sentences it generates. Hence one would expect that children learning the new language will internalize not G2 but rather the optimal grammar G3. It remains to be seen how many of the instances of so-called 'structural sound change,' discussed in the writings of scholars like A. Martinet, can be provided with a basis of this type.
It should be emphasized that the claim that contact independent sound change is due basically to the stylistic possibility for adults to add limited types of rules to their grammars does not preclude the fact that these changes may serve social functions, i.e. may be related to group differentiation, status differences, etc. That is, the claim that change is stylistic is not incompatible with the kinds of results reached by such investigators as Labov (1963). These latter matters concern more properly the social explanation for the spread of the change, a matter which seems more properly sociological than linguistic.
I have been careful above not to insist that all instances of what have been called sound change were necessarily independent of language contact. Although committed to the view that sound change can occur without contact, we can also accept the view that some changes result from borrowing. The view that sound change is grammar change in fact really eliminates much of the importance of this difference. For under the rule interpretation of change, the only issue is the forces which led to the grammar change. Studies of complex cases of phonological grammar change due to contact have actually been carried out recently within the framework of generative grammar. This work, to be reported in a forthcoming monograph (Keyser and Halle, to appear), shows quite clearly that English has borrowed a number of Romance phonological rules. In particular, English has incorporated essentially the Latin stress rule, that which softens Romance k to s in certain environments, etc. This work has important implications beyond the area of sound change and may affect radically concepts of genetic relationship, Mischsprache, etc., all of which will, I think, require reevaluation.
Postal, P. Aspects of Phonological Theory. New York: Harper & Row, 1968.
ñζˤޤĤˤ˹äƤ롥[2009-11-13-1]ε֥Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤפ[2011-04-15-1]εֱѸζѥѸѼפǸڤˤ褦ˡѸʹߡGermanic Stress Rule Romance Stress Rule δطʣƤȤطʤˤ롥춯꤬ʣʤΤϡ̻ŪʴǤϤʤѸŪ˸Ǥ⡤¿ͤ analogy ˤ붯֤ѲѰۤƤꡤΰ֤ŪͿΤơѸθ춯˴ؤФϤޤ¸ߤʤΤǤ롥
ǤϡΧ˸ƤȤ¿ͤ analogy ˤϡɤΤ褦ʤΤΤStrang (55--56) ˤСפʤΤ3ढ롥
(1) GSR ˴Ť경ΰŪʷ
"a tendency to move the stress toward the beginning of a word, as in; /ˈædʌlt/ beside /əˈdʌlt/, /ˈækjʊmɪn/ beside /əˈkjuːmɪn/, /ˈsɒnərəs/ beside /səˈnɔːrəs/" (55).
(2) ̾ưθ췲˴ŤǽʬŪʷdiatone γƵȡˡ
"Variable stress-placement is exploited for grammatical purposes, in a series of items with root stress in nominals (usually nouns and substantival modifiers) and second-syllable stress in verbs, e.g., absent, concert, desert, perfect, record, subject . . ." (55).
(3) word-family ιǴ֤붯֤ε۰ϡ
". . . [analogical pull] of the word family an item belongs to. . . Word-analogy is responsible for variations such as applicable, subsidence (first-syllable stress, or a variant with a second-syllable stress on the model of apply, subside. Secret, borrowed in ME with second-syllable stress, has shifted to first syllable stress; its derivative secretive (a 15c formation), kept the older stress as late as OED, but is now tending to follow the example of the commoner secret, with first-syllable stress" (56).
3ϸߤ¾ŪǤϤʤषĤȤ롥㤨С̾ưεǽ romance ϸѸǤȤ2˶ΤήäꥫѸǤ̾ư첽ή줬롥Τ褦ʹ (2) αƶѤƤȸư碌ƶƤڵʬŪˤ롥Ȥȡ(1) 䤬ѤƤʤʤ(3) δϡromance ζȤʤäơromancer, romancist, romantic, romanticism ʤɤζذĤȤǽƤȤȤġñʥեߥˤȤȡΤ˶֤Υ롼벽
Strang, Barbara M. H. A History of English. London: Methuen, 1970.
Ѹζѥε§ϡ§Ȥ "left-prominent and morphologically governed" Ǥꡤ Germanic Stress Rule (GSR) ȸƤФ롥ϡ[2009-10-26-1], [2009-10-31-1]ǥޥħ1ĤȤָ촴1˶פ[2009-11-13-1]εǸ褦ˡѸʹߡեƥѸ줬̤ˤ⤿餵褦ˤʤꡤѸαΧ "right to left and phonologically governed" §Ȥ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) ääʹߤαѸ챤Χˤϡȿ2Ĥζ§ߤ˴ĤˤǤ롥ơϸߤˤޤ³Ƥ롥
Halle and Keyser βŪʸʹߡѸƳ줿 RSR ѸαΧѳפ⤿餷Ȥ롤嵭Τ褦ʸͭϤȤʤäƤ뤬Minkova ˤСѸǤ RSR θ̤ϲɾƤ뤭餤ȤषGSR Ϥɾ٤ǤȤոΤ褦˹ͤ뺬ϤĤ롥Minkova (169--73) εޤȤ褦
(1) RSR GSR ɬȿΤǤϤʤ㤨С3Ǥϸ̤ɽŪ˰פ㤬롥máidenhòod (by GSR) and víolènt (by RSR) ʤɡ
(2) Ƭ˶֤ʤ൬§ GSR ϡФХޥƬˤŬѤ졤äưѸǤ̤Ǥ롥Ѹ confirm, deduct, displease, enlist, expose ʤɤζ֤ȡʤ̾ƻǤ϶1˰ܹԤ̾ưפˤĤƤϡ[2009-11-01-1], [2009-11-02-1]ȡ
(3) ѸŪᤤ˱ѸäեѸϡƱƤꡤGSR ˤäƶ1˰ܹԤƤ
(4) ѸǤ RSR GSR ζˤեѸ줬ͤ˶֤ɤΤ褦ˤ뤳Ȥ롥ŵŪȤƵΤϡChaucer λ "In dívers art and in divérse figures" (FrT 1486) Ǥ롥ܤĴ٤ȸˤäɤ٤ϰۤʤ뤷Χΰ֡ʲ֤ˤ뤫ݤ) ȶɤʬۤĴȡ¿ɤ줬Χ˵ΤǤ뤳Ȥ狼롥ºݤäդǤϡŦƤ빭ϤɤϤʤäȹͤ졤GSR ŬѤˤꤹǤ1˶ƤѸ¿ä
RSR ƳˤѸ챤Χưɤϸۤ˲ŪʤΤǤϤʤäȤRSR ȤϰۤʤŪʶѥ⤿餷ȤϳΤǤ롥ä˸ʳŪѥϡ3ᤫʤѸǿβ˶륱Ǥ롥ʲθϡʤȤѤ줿2˶Ƥcalendar, sinister, memento, placebo. ޤ3äǽü2ˤʤäƤΰ֤Ѥ餺2ޤޤθ⾯ʤʤädivers(e), legend(e), maner(e), honour(e), montayn(e), natur(e), tempest(e), sentenc(e), solemn(e). θϡαѸ챤Χ餹Ȱۼʶѥ˽äƤꡤRSR ѸαΧ˰ξ⤿餷ȤϳΤǤ롥
Minkova ϡѸʳǤΤȤƽ GSR ޤŪǤꡤRSR ˲ŪʱƶϤƤʤȼĥ롥Ѹ챤Χ礭ưɤäȤС̤Υƥ ([2010-08-18-1], [2009-08-19-1]) Ф Renaissance ʹߤΤȤ
. . . in spite of the influx of 10,000 Romance loanwords, words of Germanic origin continued to constitute the bulk of the core vocabulary of Middle English, accounting for seventy-five to ninety-five per cent of the wordstock, depending on register. It was only during the Renaissance that the balance began to shift in favour of non-Germanic patterns, bringing about the co-existence of two typologically different systems of stress in modern English. (172--73)
ưɤ顤ߤˤޤ³κޤ줿Ҥ̾ư⤽Ʊ֤Ǥζ֤κۤ⤽Ǥ롥ʲϸԤˤĤƤ Minkova θڡ
Seen in the larger context of prosodic typology, however, the accentuation of derived Romance words introduced a major new paradigm of stress-shifting in English. For the first time in the history of the language words derived from the same root started to exhibit disparate prosodic contours: móral--morálitèe, párish--paríshonèr, sólemn--solémpnitè, vólume--volúminòus. (173)
Halle, M. and S. J. Keyser. English Stress: Its Form, Its Growth, and Its Role in Verse. New York: Harper and Row, 1971.
Minkova, Donka. "The Forms of Speech" A Companion to Medieval English Literature and Culture: c.1350--c.1500. Ed. Peter Brown. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. 159--75.
[2009-10-26-1] (4) Ǹ褦ˡޥϤθȤơ衤ѸΥȤϸ1ϤǤ롥ȤűѸꡤƥե줫餪ӤμѸ줬Ѹή1˥Ȥפθ§ƤȤΤϡƥեʤɤΥޥϤθǤϡषβ˥ȤΤ§Ǥ롥ŪˤϡޥˤϡβνŤ˱ơǽ ( ultima )ܤβ ( paenultima )黰ܤβ ( antepaenultima ) Τ줫˥ȤȤ뵬§롥ѸϡޥϽȤĹܿˤ顤GSR ( Germanic Stress Rule ) RSR ( Romance Stress Rule ) ʣ˹碌ĸؤȯŸƤΤǤ ( Lass 125 )
ޥ줫μѸϡѸäƤ⡤ȤθΤȤ RSR ¨ȤƤͽۤ뤬ɬ⤽ǤϤʤ㤨СѸˤϡθ췲 GSR ¨Τ褦ʸƬȤʤ줿ȤǧƤ (Lass 128--29)ä Lass ͤˤνǯǤ롥
abbreviation (1764), academy (1665, 1687), acceptable (1746), accessory (1687, 1746), accommodate (1764), adjacent (1665, 1710), allegorical (1764), complacency (1665), contribute (1570), controversy (1665), conuenient (1570), corruptible (1746), defectiue (1570), delectable (1570), distribute (1570), diuert (1570), excusable (1570), mischance (1570), obseruance (1570), perspectiue (1570), phlegmatic (1784), proclamation (1570), quintessence (1710), refractory (1687), sequester (1570), splenetic (1784), suggestion (1570), unawares (1710)
ɸѸǤϡ嵭ΤñˤƤ⥢Ȥ1ˤʤȤդLass ˤС1780ǯ GSR षϤᡤRSR ͥˤʤäƤȤޤܤϼƤʤΤΡNevalainen ˤСѸΡŪ٤㤤͡פä GSR Ȥ
Ǥ⥢Ȥΰ֤˷ΤĤƤʤ¸ߤ롥˵ controversy ϡ cóntroversy Ȥ contróversy Ȥȯ줦뤬ƥ쵯Ǥ뤳ȤͽۤȿơGSR ˽äԤפȸʤƤ롥ǯޤˡפƤǤ롥
űѸ˻ϤޤꡤѸˤ¿ؼ ( orthoepist ) ضΩƤޥХޥΥзϡޤ˴ʷߤʤޤޡѸüԤΤߤʤ餺ѸؽԤǺޤ³Ƥ롥
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." 1476--1776. Vol. 3 of The Cambridge History of the English Language. Ed. Roger Lass. Cambridge: CUP, 1999. 56--186.
Nevalainen, Terttu. An Introduction to Early Modern English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2006. 130.
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