餬ʸηϤ߽ФǤʤ¤ꡤθ⤹Ǥ¾ǻȤƤʸѤ뤳ȤˤäʸαѤϤϤǤ롥ȼѸθʤ¿쾯ʤۤʤħʤȤ櫓ˤäƤ櫓ǤꡤʸαѤˤäƤѸǤαѤ100%Τޤۤ櫓ǤϤʤ֤ʸηϤѤȤˤϡ餫Ѳ뤳Ȥʤϡ6˥Ѹ˼Ѥ줿ȤꡤƱ˴ܸ˼Ѥ줿ȤǤ롥
Görlach (35) ϡʸηϤμѤ˺ݤƲꤦ뤫6վǵƤ롥ɽʸǤ륢ե٥åȤμѤǰƬ֤ƤβվȻפ뤬ʲ˰Ѥ
Since no two languages have the same phonemic inventory, any transfer of an alphabet creates problems. The following solutions, especially to render 'new' phonemes, appear to be the most common:
1. New uses for unnecessary letters (Greek vowels).
2. Combinations (E. <th>) and fusions (Gk <>, OE <æ>, Fr <œ>, Ge <ß>).
3. Mixture of different alphabets (Runic additions in OE; <ȝ>: <g> in ME).
4. Freely invented new symbols (Gk <, , , >).
5. Modification of existing letters (Lat <G>, OE <ð>, Polish <ł>).
6. Use of diacritics (dieresis in Ge Bär, Fr Noël; tilde in Sp mañana; cedilla in Fr ça; various accents and so on).
ʤۤɡ¸ʸˡѤȤȤ⤢СʸФȤȤ⤢Ȥ褦͡ʥѥꤽ¿ϳΤ˸֤ǤʸηϤμѤ˺ݤƵ뤳Ȥ¿⤷ʤǤʤƤ⼫ȯŪ˵ܤ⤢ΤǤϤʤ
㤨о嵭1ˤĤƤϡƱǤäƤ̻Ū˵뤳Ȥ롥űѸ <y> /y/ ˤĤơѸˤƱǤ߿ȼäơƱʸǤϤ̣ǡספȤʤä櫓ѸˤϻҲ /j/ ɽ魯褦ˤʤä֤ˤä /i/ ΰ֤ȤǤϡܿľŪ˴ؤäƤʤ褦˻פ (cf. #3069. Ϣ9֤ʤ try tried Ȥʤꡤdie dying ȤʤΤס ([2017-09-21-1]))
Görlach, Manfred. The Linguistic History of English. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997.
դäդ̤ΤǤȤԤϤäƤ롥ΤˤϽդ1ĤνפʵǽǤꡤ켫Τϴְ㤤ǤϤʤϡäդȽդϡɽ魯2ĤΩΤǧƤ롥ΤξԤδطϿ§ȤƸߤΩƤ롥ʤ봶ФäդİСդϻФȰۤʤäƤ뤷ǽˤƤⴰ˰פ뤳ȤϤʤȹͤƤ롥
äդȽդϸ§ȤƸߤΩΤǤꡤԥäȰפ뤳ȤϤʤȤȤĤġǤϱѸˤǤξԤϤɤΤ餤ΥƤΤ뤤ߴäƤΤȤȤȤܸˤǤȤΡָʸԡ˰ספǤ롥
ܸˤ٤ФȤĤΰոѸˤˤƤϡѸ줬դդ줿Ȥ줬ƱäդɤΤ餤褯ȿǤƤСŪ褯פ褦˻פ롥ܸǤδʸʸʸ´ʸʤɡäդ礭æդѤƤѸǤϤۤɤ礭ʰæϤߤʤä
ѸˤλǤСդäդ˺ǤܶᤷƤΤѸä⤷ʤȯΤޤֻ˾äȤǤ⡤դ˰ҿͿɸ줬¸ߤʤäȤǤ⡤ξΤܶᤷƤȤ
ΩĸűѸ䡤³ѸˤƤϡξΤεΥŪ礭ä褦˻פ롥űѸαʸϡָʸءפȤϤƱäդɽ路ΤȤϹͤʤˤƤϡ֥ȥɸפ⸽졤ѸǽޤǤ٤αƶϤݤäѸ줫ѸˤƤϥƥեʤɤΰҿää̤ήդǤƱäդι⤤ʤ줿Τ褦ˤĤơSchaefer (1285--86) ϼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
[M]ost of what has come down to us in writing should be considered as influenced by the very medium that allows us to look into these historical linguistic data. However, if we compare the poetic evidence from the early 8th century to the prose evidence from the 12th, it is probably the latter that brings us closest to what may be considered to mirror the spoken language of the respective period. Albeit that the former must have been heavily informed by the pre-Christian oral culture, its form most certainly does not reflect conceptually 'spoken' language. Moreover, English was only firmly reestablished in writing in the 14th and 15th centuries. In that period English in writing obviously profited very much from the literate languages Latin and French . . . . The influence of Latin continued well into the Modern period and hence made the disparity between prose writing in the then establishing standard and the actual spoken language even wider.
ѸˤǤϡषˤäդȽդεΥޤäƤƤȤͤ롥饸ƥӡͥåȤʤɤεѤ˻٤ơΤˤ륳ߥ˥Ūξδ֤ζܤ⽾ۤΤǤϤʤʤäƤƤ뤳ȤطƤ
ƱռεȤơ#3210. 夬ˤĤ졤դεϿŪäդФȤʤ뤫ݤ ([2018-02-09-1]) ⻲ȡ
Schaefer, Ursula. "Interdisciplinarity and Historiography: Spoken and Written English --- Orality and Literacy." Chapter 81 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1274--88.
ǯٽΤλƸ̤˥ʤѸ쥢ե٥åȤʤɤ߽Ϥع¿Ȼפޤʿ̾Ҳ̾Ʊǡ٤ɤǽƤȤ뤬̤Ȼפޤ
ؽԤˤȤäƤϤΤ褦˴ŪʺȤȤʤ櫓Ǥ¦ˤäƤϡȤ⥢ե٥åȤΩȯŸʤɤطŪμäƤȤᤷޤؽԤαԤˤ褦ˤʤޤºݤˤΤ褦μؽԤ˶뵡ϤʤȤƤ⡤ե٥å1ʸ1ʸŪʿߤ뤳ȤΤäƤȤȻפǤǡܥ֥ط뵭ᡤʲεåȤȤƤߤޤ
ֱѸΤäƤȰ¿Ȥե٥åȴϢäפεåȡ2021ǯǡ
Ʊݤǡ褽1ǯ2020ǯ٤γϴ˹碌ơ#4038. ǯٽˡֱѸΤäƤȰ¿Ȥե٥åȴϢäפεåȡ ([2020-05-17-1]) ƤޤΤΤϡβǤȤȤˤʤޤǯhellog 饸ǡȾΤƲƥĤ¿äƤΤǡβǤˤϡե٥åȤ˴ؤ벻եؤΥʤɤäƤޤ
ե٥åȤ˴ؤطμϡѸ˸¤餺̤αѸؽԤˤäƤƤ餤μǤơֱܲѸƳ2021ΥڡǤ⤢ޤѸˤ˴ؿΤ뤹٤Ƥο͡˻äƤƤ餤μǤ⤢ޤ
ε#4287. 她α̿ ([2021-01-21-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡ她Ϻǽ˥饴ʸ (Glagolitic) ǡ˥ʸ (Cyrillic) Ǥ줿ԤϸǤ濴ΥѤƤꡤ˾ʤ̱ƶϤʸǤ롥饴ʸȥʸΩߴطˤĤơޤȥꥷʸδطˤĤơ (82--87) ˾ܤʲ褦
饴ʸϡεǤҤ٤褦ˡ9ȾꥷͤΥƥΥȤηȥǥؤΥꥹȶ۶Ū˥ʸϸʡ她ˤФȤƱ߽Ф줿ʸǤ롥ƥΥιͰƤäȤ롥ơλä9Υߥ̥ΤΥꥷʸפȤʤäƤݡŦƤ롥ꥷˤϤʤˤ¸ߤ벻Ǥбʸä졤ɽòʸηϤȤ롥 *
885ǯΥȥǥλ塤她Ҥˤäƥ֥륬ꥢػۤ졤ȯŸ뤳Ȥˤʤäκݡ¸Υ饴ʸ˰ꤺɽʵǽݻĤĤ⡤ȤƤϻȤ줿ꥷʸ˻ʸηϤͰƤ줬ʸǤ롥Ūˤϡ9ΥꥢΤΥꥷʸۤܤΤޤѤƤꡤإ첻ɽ魯˥饴ʸʸäƲäȤʸηϤǤ롥 *
ʤ֥פ̾ϡƥΥνƻ̾ͳ褹롥ʸϥȥǥҤͰƤΤǤꡤƥΥʡᥭˤͰƤΤΥ饴ʸǤ롤Ȥʬˤ𤬤Τա
θ塤ʸϹŸƤäǥ饴ʸϿषƤäԤϰǤϤäȸˤޤǼѤ줿ɥꥢޥʸߤΥΡˤǤϡ¤20˻ޤǡζˤƥ饴ʸǽ줿ŵ١ѤƤȤ
ʸظ她ˡ١ҡ2020ǯ
̡ȡشڥǥɴʡ٤ڥڥäƤȤ̿Τȯã˴ؤ뵭ܤˤȤޤä (1772--73) #2931. ϸŤӽΤǤϤʤ䤹 ([2017-05-06-1]) Ǽ夲Ȥ櫓̿ΤפǤܼŪʤȤХäͤƤƴ쥳ߥ˥ΤȯŸǡƶǤ롥ʲĹ٤ưѤ롥
̿ȯãޥߤ
̿ȯã
̿ˤΤȤΰջãȤСȯãϡ礿Τˤäơޤ˸Ƭɮŵ̿ߺŪ̿λʬव롥ʸʤˤ̿μʤϡƬˤ뤫СİФ̤Ƥο桦ޡʤΤݤʤɡˤˤ뤷ʤʸĤ褦ˤʤȻȯȤȤ˼ɮ̿ΤμפʼʤȤʤä
Ѥȯޤǡפʽʪϥȥåƻν̼ǽ̤ƤʿŪʸĿͤǽʽʪοϸꤵƤꡤΨ㤫äۤμήۤȤμѤȤä
Ѥȯϡʪ̤˳衼åѤǤ1455ǯ J. ƥ٥륯 (1397--1468) ˤäƶ°ˤǰȯ줿οʵѤϽʪιϤή̣ۤ16Ⱦνױư17ꥹԥ塼̿ΥǥζɬפˤѥեåȡʹʤɤγƼʪνиߤΨϤʤ㤯ȯαƶϤ˴ʤΤǤꡤΤ褦˰ʪ罰ΤȤΤˤʤäΤϥƥ٥륯ȯ顤380ǯвᤷ1830ǯΥꥫʺǽ罰ʹϴˤˤƤǤä
1844ǯ S. F. B. ⡼ (1791--1872) ѲſϿʹμã®٤ֻΤΤȤϤᡤ̿ˤοʲſ֤ϡ®dzμ¾˻ƤԤ侦ͤˤäơ19դޤ̥ޥޡͤĥᤰ餵졤̾
ޥߤ̿
ʹҤƤüѤȤơȯ100ĶǽȤȤȤʤä1890ǯ夫ȤΤȤ饸о줹1920ǯޤǤޥߥ˥ηǤ롥ŪˤķŪڤƥӤäꡤŵ̿ϥޥǥ̿μή롥
δ֡եࡤʤɤΤ٤λŪǥŤطʤȤơŪˤϹ̱ʸŪ硤гŪˤλʸŪήۤȤΤ˿ΤǤʤŤΤư줿λŪǥãϤ٤ơҤȤ꤫¿ؤξãդޤȤŪʰ̣⤫Ӿ夬餻롥
Ȥ뺣ˤ륽ϢϤҤȤ꤫¿ؤξΤ褦θ³Ѳż롥1980ǯܳʲ̿η֤ħϡ̿Ѥáեåѥ̿ˤߤҤȤ꤫ҤȤؤ̿ߺǤ롥Ĵ֤̿ˤƤ⡤ƥӲĤäȤꡤʸ֥ƥӡͭˤƤ¾롤¿ͥξġͤμפ˱ǡΰãǤϤʤ̿ϡĹ餯ʬǤƤʤ۶ν椹Ⱦ٤줿ȤޤͤꡦƤϤưɤƤ롥
̿Τ
̿ˤϡƬɮŵ̿ߺŪ̿λ˰ʬव뤬ƬˤãϡʸȰѤȯθ⡤ߤȤƻѤ줿ɤŪŪʷưˤФȤƽפ餸饸ƥӤоȤ̤ựäƤʤʸλˤʤäƤह뤳Ȥʤʻ¸μʸβɤϺ˲Ȥºɤ뤿νפʻŻǤ롥ץʸμήȤʤäƤɮμ椬äºŤ뤳ȤФ𤵤褦ˡƬ饳ԥ塼ޤǤˤϿä˿ʤ褦ˤߤƤºݤϿϾǤ뤳ȤϤʤ
̿ΤŪΤνиϤ١ԤΤεǽѤ뤬ΤδʪȤϤʤ餺ɮŵ̿Ȥ⤤⸽ޤ³ԤƤ롥ϡ̿ˤΤѲȤȤˡ̤¿ɵᤷƤˤǤ뤳Ȥ
ϡ쥳ߥ˥ˤƾ̤ɵᤷ³βǼΤȯƤȤȤˤʤ롥μˤĤƤϤɤʤΤȹͤǤޤäϡΤȾа¸뤬ȾΩΤǤ⤢
ȴϢƽ̺ˤĤơ#2465. ̺ȤƤλˤ ([2016-01-26-1])#2456. ̺Ƚƻ (1) ([2016-01-17-1])#2457. ̺Ƚƻ (2) ([2016-01-18-1])#2933. ǯɽ ([2017-05-08-1])#3116. ʪҤءѥԥ륹ء ([2017-11-07-1]) ⻲ȡ
شڥǥɴʡ١1995ǯ
hellog 饸8ܤȤơѸʻˡˤȤˤճΤƤʤ¤Ҳ𤷤ޤ7 ([2020-07-15-1]) Ǥ¤Ͼ줿ΤǤϾܤ夲ޤ
ߡ20ͤˤääȤ⤤ lingua franca Ѹ졥ˤҿܤ뤢ޤꡤκǸŤλѤʤΤäˤĤƤϴؿ⤿ޤĴ٤Ƥߤȥ㥯㤪⤷ΤǤѸθ¸ǸŤξڵ1Ĥ "Undley bracteate" ޤ1982ǯ Suffolk Undley ȯ줿ľ2.3cmζΥդ줿̾ǡǯϵ450--80ǯΤΤȤޤα˱äơ롼ʸȿײˡĤޤֱ麸ˡƤޤޤ˥ޥߤƤǤ
¤ˤ⤷Ǥ礦"gægogæ mægæ medu" ȤϲʤΤʸ̵̣ʻʸѸȤ줬о̱²θäǽλξڵǤ
Ϣ뵭Ƥޤ礦##572,1435,1453εåäꤴ
ǯ٤ѸζȤʤäߤ´顤ɸѤʵäƤޤ1ǯ˥ե٥åȤνäơ1ʸ®ϥƥʤҴ̤⤤ΤǤϤʤȤռȻפޤͤȤϤޤǤʲΤ褦ʽΥɥƤߤȡΤˡȤʤ䤤ǤʤʰѤΡ˳ΡʤʼѤΡ˥֥åΤǤ

ʸ <a> λˤĤơΤǤϾ˺ĤƤʤȾ롼פߤ <<a>> ("open a") ֥åΤǤϱߤη˶ᤤ <<ɑ>> ("closed a") 줾Ѥޤ
ĤǤˤСüˤߤ뾮ʸ <g> ˤĤƤ2ĤΰۤʤǧޤΤǤϲΥ롼פĤ <<g>> ("closed g") Ȥʤꡤ֥åΤǤϲΥ롼פγƤ <<ɡ>> ("open g") Ȥʤޤ
¾24ʸξʸˤĤƤϳΤȥ֥åΤλˤۤ礭ʰ㤤Ϥޤ <a> <g> ˴ؤƤϴDzǤʤߤޤʤ2ʸˤ̯ʺۤѻΤǤ礦
üŪСϤȤȤʤäΤۤʤ뤫ǤΤ <<a>> ϡRoman uncial ȸƤФΤüȯ8Υޡ˥ζפ˺ݤ߽Ф줿 Carolingian minuscule ȸƤФΤͳƸ˼Ѥ줿ΤǤ֥åΤ <<ɑ>> italic ȸƤФ롤ˤ̤νΤˤͳ褷ޤ
ǤϡΤϤ٤ Carolingian minuscule ή֥åΤϤ٤ italic ήǤ뤫ȤСǤ⤢ޤ<g> ˤĤƤС٤ϳΤ <<g>> Τۤष italic ηϢʤꡤ֥åΤ <<ɡ>> Τۤ Carolingian minuscule λ˶ᤤΤǤ
Ρ֥åΡɮΤ䥳ԥ塼ΥեȤʤɡΥե٥åȤˤ͡ʽΤޤ줾νΤΤɤäƤˤʣǡʣνΤäΤ䡤ʣνΤŪʤΤʤɡηޤȤ褦ȤȤʤʤȷϿޤΤ褦ˤϤޤܳŪ˺ޤ褦ȤСʸλϤä顤̤ʸλϤä顤Ȥ褦ʣʥͥåȥޤˤʤǤ礦Τ֥åΤˤĤƤ⡤ΤȤƤޤʷϤɤˤ衤Ѹ쥢ե٥åȤ26ʸθġλˤĤƤϡȤ˸̤˷õɬפΤǤ
嵭ϡ#3668. ʤʸȾʸλǰۤʤΤΤǤ ([2019-05-13-1]) ŸȤۤȤƱǤʸȾʸǻΰۤʤʸĤޤȤȤʤäΤκۤͳ褷ޤŪˤߤ <<A>>, <<a>> , <<ɑ>> 3ĤΰۤʤΤͳ褷<<G>>, <<g>>, <<ɡ>> Ʊͤ3ĤΰۤʤΤͳ褹ȤȤˤʤޤä <g> ΤɤäˤʣǤg εȡˡ
Ȥʬ䤹Ǥ礦¡פκǽʸפϡܴΤʤɤμȤƳѤνΤǤϺǽ褬˿ӤޤμȤǽѤνΤǤϺǽϼФȤʤꡤҲ̾Ρ֥ޡפΤ褦ˤʤޤ°ΤۤʤꡤéäƤˤۤʤ뤫餳¿ʤȤۤʤäƤȤȤǤ
ȤСȯžơ֤ʤ¾24ʸˤĤƤϳΤȥ֥åΤλƤΤפ䤤ľۤ⤷٥ʤΤ⤷ޤʤɤ٤ХñʴŪʻᡤ˾νΤ߽ФƤˤƻ˲餫Ρ֤Ҥͤפѷפä줿ȤƤ⡤ǧǤʤۤɰۤʤѲƤޤȤϾʤäΤǤ礦ۤʤΤǤ̤ȤƤ褽Ƥʸ¿ΤϡΤ褦ʻ𤬤äǤϤʤǤ礦
ϢƼε⤴Ȥ
#1309. ʸȾʸ ([2012-11-26-1])
#3714. Ρʥ֥åΡˤɮΡ ([2019-06-28-1])
#3674. Harris Υꥰեܤܼ ([2019-05-19-1])
#1824. <C> <G> ʬ ([2014-04-25-1])
#1914. <g> ֤ ([2014-07-24-1])
#2498. yogh ʸ ([2016-02-28-1])
ܥ֥ǤϡѸΥե٥å (alphabet) ˴ؤ뵭¿Ƥޤǯ٤Ϥ褦䤯ǯ٤ϤޤäƤȤع¿ϤǤΤǡƸ̤˱ѸΥե٥åȤϤƤ뺢ȻפޤΤƱǡե٥åȤγؽäδäȤƥɥΤ褦Τ̤ȻפޤˤϡҤȤѸ쥢ե٥åȤΩȯŸˤĤطμäƤƤ館ФȻפޤμľܻҶ˶ϤȤ⡤1ʸ1ʸŪʿߤ뤳ȤΤäƤǡäƵ;͵ΤǤϤʤǤ礦ʲˡΤεåȤޤȤޤ
ֱѸΤäƤȰ¿Ȥե٥åȴϢäפεå
εåȤϡºݤˤϲǯѸؤ³ƤԤФƤ⽽ʬ˳ڤɤʪȤʤäƤȻפޤե٥åȤ˴ؤͥȤƤɤ
űѸΥȥ˴Ťաʼ˥ڥˤŪͤǤ뤳ȤˡФСָűѸɸ ("Standard Old English") Ȥɽʹ롥"(Late) West-Saxon Standard", "(Late) West-Saxon Schriftsprache" ʤ͡ʸƤ뤬ˤָűѸɸפȸ뤳Ȥ¿
ºݤΤȤָűѸɸפȤ˸䤹Ƥ̾Ǥ롥μҲؤδ餹СϤۤȤɡɸפȸƤ٤Ƥʤcf. #3260. űѸˤɸಽ ([2018-03-31-1])ˡɸ٤͡ꡤ"standard", "standardised", "fixed", "focused", "focusing", "diffuse" ʤɽѸ줬ΩƤ뤬Τ褦ʰϢμ٤ΤʤǡָűѸɸפɤդ˰֤ŤΤȤСͤλ䤿ŵŪ˻פ⤫٤ɸפΰ֤ΥƤ˰㤤ʤ͡ʽѸˤĤƤϡ#3207. ɸѸȸɸಽ˴ؤ뤤ĤνѸ ([2018-02-06-1]) ȡˡ
Mengden (28) ϡָűѸɸפͶ˴ؤơΤ褦մƤ롥
If a standard is understood as an institutionalized variety that, among other things, serves as a means of communication bridging several local and social differences in the usage of a language, the hypothesis of a Late West Saxon standard involves two problems. First, it is not falsifiable, because we have no clues as to how widely a deliberately regulated variety may have made its way outside the scriptoria. And second, the idea is implausible because it is not clear how a variety attested in a number of specialized scholarly texts should have spread into other areas of society given that literacy was limited to a rather small elite. What is plausible, though, and for this we do have evidence, is that there is an influential intellectual elite which has an enormous impact on the literary productivity in late Anglo-Saxon England, and who seem to have used the language of their works in a deliberate and comparatively uniform way.
εŪΤǤ롥ˡ̤βս (27) ǼΤ褦ˤƤ롥
. . . we are dealing with a set of texts covering a limited range of scholarly fields. It would be problematic to deduce the existence of a genuine standard language from the relative homogeneity of the Winchester texts alone. Indeed, the very fact that the documents representing "Standard Old English" all derive from a tight network of authors and instigators in a predominantly monastic context --- all in all a rather small, albeit influential, group of people --- speaks against rather than in favor of the wider use of their linguistic features outside these circles. It is therefore justified to speak of orthographic conventions characteristic of the Winchester school, perhaps of a West Saxon Schriftsprache, but it is difficult, if not impossible to make judgments about the scope and influence of the Winchester conventions.
ָűѸɸפˤĤơΤ褦ˤޤȤƤȥŪѰʽդϡ켫ΤűѸɸಽ˹ȤϤʤϸ¸ʸ˸űѸʸȾȿǤƤȤ¤ʾǤʲǤʤ
Mengden, Ferdinand von. "Periods: Old English." Chapter 2 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 19--32.
ε ([2020-01-29-1]) ˰³ʤꥷȥޤ泤̤˹ԤʤƤʬ (distinctiones) Τơ³ (scriptura continua) ѤȤˤĤơ
Saenger ˤСˤϡɤȤ٤Ф븽ŪȯۤƤ֤ɽȤμҲŪʸ̮ɬפȤüŪˤСͤϤߤɤ®ɤ˴Ƥꡤɤߤ䤹פŻ뤹뤬奮ꥷޤθ¤줿ɤˤȤäơɤ٤ȤϸƬβɤΤȤǤꡤŪʡɤߤ䤹פɵ᤹ϤʤäΤȤʲSaenger βʹƤߤ褦 (11--12)
. . . the ancient world did not possess the desire, characteristic of the modern age, to make reading easier and swifter because the advantages that modern readers perceive as accruing from ease of reading were seldom viewed as advantages by the ancients. These include the effective retrieval of information in reference consultation, the ability to read with minimum difficulty a great many technical logical, and scientific texts, and the greater diffusion of literacy throughout all social strata of the population. We know that the reading habits of the ancient world, which were profoundly oral and rhetorical by physiological necessity as well as by taste, were focused on a limited and intensely scrutinized canon of literature. Because those who read relished the mellifluous metrical and accentual patterns of pronounced text and were not interested in the swift intrusive consultation of books, the absence of interword space in Greek and Latin was not perceived to be an impediment to effective reading, as it would be to the modern reader, who strives to read swiftly. Moreover, oralization, which the ancients savored aesthetically, provided mnemonic compensation (through enhanced short-term aural recall) for the difficulty in gaining access to the meaning of unseparated text. Long-term memory of texts frequently read aloud also compensated for the inherent graphic and grammatical ambiguities of the languages of late antiquity.
Finally, the notion that the greater portion of the population should be autonomous and self-motivated readers was entirely foreign to the elitist literate mentality of the ancient world. For the literate, the reaction to the difficulties of lexical access arising from scriptura continua did not spark the desire to make script easier to decipher, but resulted instead in the delegation of much of the labor of reading and writing to skilled slaves, who acted as professional readers and scribes. It is in the context of a society with an abundant supply of cheap, intellectually skilled labor that ancient attitudes toward reading must be comprehended and the ready and pervasive acceptance of the suppression of word separation throughout the Roman Empire understood.
ѤκǸ˼Ƥ褦ˡͤ³˥եȤ뤳Ȥǡɤߤˤƹ褦ȤȤǤΤ⤷ʤδϡ˺ƤʬؤȲƤǤ⼨ŪǤ롥Ϣơ#1903. ʬˡ ([2014-07-13-1]) ⻲ȡ
Saenger, P. Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1997.
ե٥åȤʬ (distinctiones) ³ (scriptura continua) ˤĤƤϡǶǤϡ#3926. ʬɽɽ ([2020-01-26-1]) ǡˤ distinctiones γƵǼ夲Ƥ
Saenger (9) ˤȡե٥åȤ첻ɽδޤ泤Ǥϡڡˤ뤫ˤ뤫ΰ㤤졤ʬ̤˹ԤʤƤȤꥷˤ첻ɽǽȤʤ˵ڤӡ³ޤ줿ȤȼΤ褦ˤʤ롥
ޤե٥åȻѤνʬ̤ˤäȤꥷˤ줬ѤȤʤꡤä³̲8ˤʤʬƳ졤θ˰̲Ƹ˻롥
ʬϸߤǤ뤵Ƥ뤬첻ɽϤŵδ֤ˡδѤ줿аޤȤȤǤϡʤ첻ɽƳˤꡤ䤿ˤȤä餫˻פʬѤȤʤꡤषɤߤˤȻפ³ȯãΤSaenger (9--10) ˤС첻ɽ³δ֤ˤ̩ܤʴطȤ
The uninterrupted writing of ancient scriptura continua was possible only in the context of a writing system that had a complete set of signs for the unambiguous transcription of pronounced speech. This occurred for the first time in Indo-European languages when the Greeks adapted the Phoenician alphabet by adding symbols for vowels. The Greco-Latin alphabetical scripts, which employed vowels with varying degrees of modification, were used for the transcription of the old forms of the Romance, Germanic, Slavic, and Hindu tongues, all members of the Indo-European language group, in which words were polysyllabic and inflected. For an oral reading of these Indo-European languages, the reader's immediate identification of words was not essential, but a reasonably swift identification and parsing of syllables was fundamental. Vowels as necessary and sufficient codes for sounds permitted the reader to identify syllables swiftly within rows of uninterrupted letters. Before the introduction of vowels to the Phoenician alphabet, all the ancient languages of the Mediterranean world---syllabic or alphabetical, Semitic or Indo-European---were written with word separation by either space, points, or both in conjunction. After the introduction of vowels, word separation was no longer necessary to eliminate an unacceptable level of ambiguity.
Throughout the antique Mediterranean world, the adoption of vowels and of scriptura continua went hand in hand. The ancient writings of Mesopotamia, Phoenicia, and Israel did not employ vowels, so separation between words was retained. Had the space between words been deleted and the signs been written in scriptura continua, the resulting visual presentation of the text would have been analogous to a modern lexogrammatic puzzle. Such written languages might have been decipherable, given their clearly defined conventions for word order and contextual clues, but only after protracted cognitive activity that would have made fluent reading as we know it impractical. While the very earliest Greek inscriptions were written with separation by interpuncts, points placed at midlevel between words, Greece soon thereafter became the first ancient civilization to employ scriptura continua. The Romans, who borrowed their letter forms and vowels from the Greeks, maintained the earlier Mediterranean tradition of separating words by points far longer than the Greeks, but they, too, after a scantily documented period of six centuries, discarded word separation as superfluous and substituted scriptura continua for interpunct-separated script in the second century A.D.
ŸƤˤĤơϤ褯ǤƤʤ첻ɽƳη̡Ʊꤷ䤹ʤäȤ褯狼ʤޤˤ줬äȤơʸɤ꤬ʬǤϤʤ³˥եȤȤƤⲿȤɤǤ롤ȤޤǤǤ뤬ʤ³ѶŪ˥եȤΤǤ롥εϡöŪŤˤʤ褦˻פ롥
첻ʸȯƥե٥åȤˤꥷͤɤߤˤ³˥եȤȤΤϡ̷⤷Ƥ褦˴롥ºݡ¿ԤǺޤ³Ƥ褦 (Saenger 10)
ꥷͤˤ첻ʸƳȤʸ˾βŪʽˤĤƤϡ#423. ե٥åȤˡ ([2010-06-24-1]) #2092. ե٥åȤ첻ľɽ魯Τ ([2015-01-18-1]) ȡ
Saenger, P. Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1997.
ɤ߽˴ؤɸ3ĤΥɤϡߤ˴ϢƤ롥ȸδ֤˶ʬ (distinctiones) ȯãˤꡤɼԤϥե٥åȤΤĤʤɽŪ (phonographic) ɤ߲ΤǤϤʤɽŪ (logographic) ɤ߲ळȤǤ褦ˤʤä̤Ȥơ˽Ф벻ɤǤϤʤƬΤʤǸΰ̣ɤ®ɤʸŪ˻ͤꡤ̤ξ뤳ȤǽˤʤäΤǤ롥#3881. ʸɲΡ2ϩǥס ([2019-12-12-1])#3884. ʸɤΡ2ϩפ ([2019-12-15-1]) ǵѸ˽СɲѤвϩŤֲ롼ȡפָ롼ȡפؤȥեȤƤȤäƤ褤
ΤˤɽȯãλˤĤƤϡҤƥФ (vernacular) ؤεդäȤʤäߥȤơ8Ŧ븫롥θ˴ŤơCook (152--53) ҤβΤ褦ˤޤޤȤƤ롥
Punctuation marks started as an aid for reading Latin aloud, in the form of various dots and other marks. These were necessary because Latin was written without word spaces, making texts difficult to read aloud on sight. Around the eighth century AD, it became usual to put a space between words. According to Saenger (1997), this transformed reading from reading aloud to reading in silence. Without spaces, the reader had to test out loud what the text meant; with spaces, the reader could interpret the text without saying it aloud and they could read and write with greater privacy since their activity was not audible to other people; indeed Galileo saw the advantages of 'communicating one's most secret thoughts to any other person' (cited in Chomsky 2002: 45). Hence, once the lexical route became possible for reading European languages, authors became more daring individuals; and the speed of reading could be increased beyond the speed of articulation. As Harris (1986) put it, 'One is tempted to compare the introduction of the space as a word boundary to the invention of the zero in mathematics . . .'.
ˤƤʬȯϿؤˤ를ȯӤǤפȤΤ°̤ǤϤʤɾ
ܵȴϢơҰʲεˤܤ̤Ƥ
#2058. 츻Ūֻɽʸɽ (1) ([2014-12-15-1])
#2059. 츻Ūֻɽʸɽ (2) ([2014-12-16-1])
#2696. ʬɽꥹȶΥƥȲؤΤ ([2016-09-13-1])
#1903. ʬˡ ([2014-07-13-1])
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
Saenger, P. Space Between Words: The Origins of Silent Reading. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP.
Chomsky, N. On Nature and Language. Cambridge: CUP, 2002.
Harris, R. The Origin of Writing. London: Duckworth, 1986.
츫ȱѸΥڥ Chomsky ȤϷӤĤʤ褦˻פ뤬¤ϴط롥Chomsky ϡοŪɽˡΥڥ˶ᤤ¸ߤƤΤǤϤʤȹͤƤ뤫Cook (77) ͳǡ2ĤۤɰѤ
. . . conventional orthography is . . . a near optimal system for the lexical representation of English words. (N. Chomsky and M. Halle 1968: 49)
In short, conventional orthography is much closer than one might guess to an optimal orthography, an orthography that presents no redundant information and that indicates directly, by direct letter-to-segment correspondence, the underlying lexical form of the spoken language (N. Chomsky 1972: 12)
ʸˡǤϡüԤε˳ǼƤδϡΤ˺Ŭ줿ɽäƤΤȤ롥δȽϤβۤʤäƤȤȤ¿ˤʤȤäξԤ˸̩˰פƤȤ櫓ǤʤξԤδطϴˤطǤ롥δˤϡΥڥȯδطˤƤϤޤ롥ʸˡǤȱѸˡΥڥȤΤϡΩ֤ȤƤƤΤǤ롥
ˤĤơCook (78) ϾˤѤ Chomsky ˰͵ʤ鼡Τ褦Ƥ롥
Most claims that English spelling is deficient are based on the view that English spelling corresponds to the sounds of speech. The purpose of English spelling is instead to link to the underlying lexical representation. However bad English writing may be as a sound-based system, it is efficient at showing the underlying forms of words stripped of the accidental features attached to them by phonological rules. Its purpose is not the representation of sounds but the representation of word forms. Looked at in this light, 'conventional orthography is . . . a near optimal system for the lexical representation of English words' (Chomsky and Halle 1968: 49).
ǽҤ٤ƤΤϡѸ쥹ڥɽȤĤ뤫⤷ʤɽȤܤʤСʤ꤯äƤȤȤ#3873. ֻɸಽ경餳ѸνηϤʣˤʤä ([2019-12-04-1]) 䡤ĥäεǼĥƤ褦ˡѸˡˤ륹ڥνſϡɽȤɽˤȹͤƤ롥
ʤȤ Chomsky ȤĤʤäƤȰճǤϤ롥 Chomskian!?
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
Chomsky, N. and M. Halle. The Sound Pattern of English. London: Harper & Row, 1968.
Chomsky, N. Phonology and Reading. Basic Processes in Reading. Ed. H. Levin. London: Harper & Row, 1972. 3--18.
Cook (86) ˡͥƥ֤γ褯ְ㤨륹ڥǺܤƤ롥ʲ˵Ƥߤ褦
definately, knew (for new), bare (for bear), baring (for barring), demeening, tradditional, detatchment, finnished, grater (for greater), senario, compulsary, relevent (for relevant), illicit (for elicit), pronounciation, booring (for boring), layed out, pysche, embarassing, accomodate, quite (for quiet), syllubus, their (for there), sited (for cited), where (for were), to (for too), usefull, vocabularly, affect (for effect), percieved, principle (for principal), sence (for sense)
Τ˴ְ㤨䤹Ǽ⤢ΤΡǤˤθʤȯˤΤäƤͥƥ֤δְ㤨įƤȡѸ2ȤƳؤǤŵŪܸüԤδְ㤨ȤϰۤʤäƤΤ¿Ȥ˵ŤĿͤȤƤ knew/new, grater/greater, to/too, where/were Τ褦ʺƱ̤иǤ롥ޤˤϵäƤʤͥƥ֤褯ְ㤨ֻȤ⤤ it's/its ˤĤƤ⡤ʤƱΤԥʤȯƱȤƤ餫˵ǽۤʤǤ礦ͤùߤʤ (cf. #198. its ε ([2009-11-11-1]))
Τ褦ʥͥƥ֤ͥƥ֤Υڥδְ㤨κۤϡạ̈ƤΤȯ꤭ΥͥƥŪ콬ȡʸˡ꤭ܤαѸ춵Ū콬Ȥΰ㤤ˤΤȤ뤬˴ߤ٤Ǥ롥콬Ѹ춵ϤȤꡤʸɤ߽βʳؤʤɤγغŪθư٤
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
ε Venezky ˤ#3887. Ѹˡΰ̸7 ([2019-12-18-1]) Ҳ𤷤Ρָ3פܤ"Letters represent sounds and mark graphemic, phonological and morphemic features." ȤСֱѸʸϲɽ魯ǤϤʤʳθŪħɸפȤȤˤʤ롥̤ѸǤ˸ʤС#3882. ֻȯΡб§פȤ̤¸ߤˡ§ס ([2019-12-13-1]) ǸȤꡤб§פȡˡ§פξε§ȤȤǤ⤢롥
˽ǡVenezky ⥹ڥñ̡"functional unit" ȸƤФˤ2˶ʬƤ롥1Ĥϲб "relational unit" Ǥꡤ⤦1ĤϤʳ̤ "marker" Ǥ롥Venezky (7) ˤCook (63) ͳǷǤ褦
Functional units
1 Relational units 'map directly into sounds'
2 'a marker is an instance of a letter that has no pronunciation of its own; instead, it marks the pronunciation of another letter, indicates the morphemic status of a word or preserves a graphemic pattern'
1Ĥ "relational unit" ϡñɽʸεǽȤȤʤΤʬ䤹פΤ2Ĥ "marker" Ǥ롥"marker" ȤʤʸˤϡʬȤβɽ魯櫓ǤϤʤ¾ʸˤβŪɽ路ꡤŪϰ̤ƱΤ˵ǽꡤ뤤ֻˡηˤϤ뤿¸ߤ롥¾ʸˤβŪɽ魯ȤΤϡȤ mat/mate ʤɤФˤ magic <e> ŵŪˤߤƯǤ롥Ūϰ̤ƱΤεǽȤϡCook Ф Cooke ۤʤĿ̾Ȥǧθ e 줿Ǥ롥ǸˡֻˡηˤϤ뤿¸ߤʸˤȤϡhouse jive ˤߤ e Τ褦ˡs v ñʤȤѸˡΥ롼˰ȿʤʤˤñ̤Ǥ롥
ʾΤ褦ˡmate, Cooke, house ϡ e Ȥ "marker" λȤϤ٤иߤ䤬ۤʤ뤳Ȥդ
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
Venezky, R. L. The American Way of Spelling. New York, NY: Gilford P, 1999.
Venezky Ƥ֡1999ǯǡ˱Ѹˡΰ̸ (General principles of English orthography) ϰʲ̤Ǥ (Cook 62)
1 Variation is tolerated.
2 Letter distribution is capriciously limited.
3 Letters represent sounds and mark graphemic, phonological and morphemic features.
4 Etymology is honoured.
5 Regularity is based on more than phonology.
6 Visual identity of meaningful word parts takes precedence over letter-sound simplicity.
7 English orthography facilitates word recognition for the initiated speaker of the language, rather than being a phonetic alphabet for the non-speaker.
Venezky ȤⴰƤȻפ뤬ѸˡˡְŪʸפϤʤäơǤָפȤ̾⤺ạ̈ǤΡָפǤꡤषѸˡλäƤʡפȤȤ館ۤ褤
Τ褦ǡ嵭ΰ̸7ˤĤƴñˡեޥ
1 ϡŪ1Ĥθ1ĤηޤäڥƤƤ뤬honour honor Τ褦ʥڥαƺ¸ߤ롥
2 ϡƱʸ2³ˤƤ⡤<ee>, <oo>, <ff>, <ss> ϵΤˡʤ <aa>, <ii>, <vv>, <zz> ϰŪ˵ʤ
3 ϡƤʸβǤбƤ뤬magic <e> ƼۻΤ褦ˡǤؤбȤ̤εǽ롥
4 ϡdoubt <b> indict <c> ŵɽֲפˤɽָ츻פŻ뤹¿
5 ϡinn ̾ˤ in ֻˤζ̡art ̾ˤ Art ʸͭ̾ˤζ̤Τ褦ˡȯɽ魯Ȥ֡졦¾ξ礬롥
6 ϡprecede precedence κǽ2ȯ礭ۤʤäƤˤ⤫餺б륹ڥϰפƤ롥
7 ϡǤ˱ѸΤäƤɼԤˤʬ䤹ڥǤʤɼԡʡؼԡˤˤϤ狼ˤ (cf. #3884. ʸɤΡ2ϩפ ([2019-12-15-1]) Ρָ롼ȡפħ)
ޤȤ˸餷ʤǤϤ롥
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
Venezky, R. L. The American Way of Spelling. New York, NY: Gilford P, 1999.
äȤФȽȤФӡоȤˤĤơʲεǼ夲Ƥ
#230. äȤФȽȤФΩŪ ([2009-12-13-1])
#748. äդȽա ([2011-05-15-1])
#849. äդȽ (2) ([2011-08-24-1])
#1001. äȤФȽȤ (3) ([2012-01-23-1])
#1665. äȤФȽȤ (4) ([2013-11-17-1])
#2301. äդȽդĤʤڥȥ ([2015-08-15-1])
#3274. äդȽ (5) ([2018-04-14-1])
#3411. äաաΡˡʸΡˡ ([2018-08-29-1])
#3799. äաաΡˡʸΡ (2) ([2019-09-21-1])
#2535. (sign) μ --- ʤˤʬ ([2016-04-05-1])
ݤ˽פʤΤϡξԤ (medium) ȤơʪŪˡװۤʤΤǤȤŪǧǤ롥äȤФİФʤ벻ѤȤФϻФʤ뵭Ѥ롥δŪʰ㤤顤ۤܤ٤Ƥνפʰ㤤߽ФȤȤĤޤꡤ츫Ūˤߤ뤬¤ΤȤʪؤؤ˵夹Ȥ (cf. #1063. ʹ֤θϤʤ˰¸ƤΤ (1) ([2012-03-25-1])#1064. ʹ֤θϤʤ˰¸ƤΤ (2) ([2012-03-26-1])#1065. 軰ŪʵΤȤƤβħ ([2012-03-27-1])ˡ
Cook (38) ξΤħΤ褦˴ʷˤޤȤƤ롥
| Speech is spoken sounds | Writing is written symbols |
|---|---|
| Speech is fleeting | Writing is permanent |
| Speech is linear in time | Writing can be consulted, regardless of time |
| Speech is processed 'on-line' | Writing is stored 'off-line' |
| Speech can be produced and comprehended at around 150 words per minute | Writing can be read at up to 350 words per minutes |
| Speech is spontaneous first-draft | Writing is carefully worked, final-draft |
| Speech is linked to a definite shared context | Writing has an indefinite non-shared context |
| Speech attributes definite roles to the listener | Writing attributes indefinite roles to the reader |
| Speech can use sound features such as intonation | Wiring can use written features such as punctuation |
#3881. ʸɲΡ2ϩǥס ([2019-12-12-1]) εǤߤ褦ˡʸɤˤϡֲ롼ȡ (phonological route) ȡָ롼ȡ (lexical route) 2ϩꤵƤ롥ŵŪˤϳơե٥åȤȴʷɤߡˤ˷ӤĤΤʬ䤹ե٥åȤ֤줿ñ줬롼Ȥɲ뤳Ȥ⤢Сʸδ롼Ȥɲ뤳Ȥ⤢ΤǡñǤϤʤCook (25) ϡ2ĤΥ롼ȤʲΤ褦椷Ƥ롥
| Phonological route | Lexical route | |
|---|---|---|
| Converts written units | To phonemes | To meanings |
| Also known as | Assembled phonology | Addressed phonology |
| Needs | Mental rules | Mental lexicon of items |
| Works by | Correspondence rules | Matching |
| Can handle | Any novel combination | Only familiar symbols |
| Used with | Any words | High frequency words |
ܸä˴ˤɤǤΤȱѸɤǤΤȤǤϡ⡼ɤۤʤ褦ʴФäȤäƤۤʤۤʤ⡼ɤɤǤΤȤФʤΤȤ̤β褦ʵ롥餵ƤΤɽʸɽʸȤ㤤ͿƤ˰㤤ʤΰ´ŪƤȻפΤʸɲΡ2ϩǥ ('dual-route' model) Ǥ롥켫ΤؾβʤȤˡɸǥפȤˤȤϤä꤯Ȥ롥
ɽʸǤޥե٥åȤɽѸɤǤȤܤӹǤʸ11˰ռȤϳΤ¿ɬ⤽ǤϤʤȤ¿ɤ鲻ռֲ롼ȡ (phonological route) ȸռָ롼ȡ (lexical route) ̡¸ߤƤꡤɼԤϾˤäƤ줫Υ롼ȤΤߡˤäξΥ롼ȤѤɲԤʤäƤȤȤ餷ʲˡ2ϩǥפοޤCook 17 ˡ
Phonological route
Converting 'letters' to
Phonemes with a small
Reading Working set of rules
written out 'letters' Saying words aloud
words and 'words'
Lexical route
???Looking up 'words' in a ???
large mental lexicon
ε#3879. ե٥åʸηϤΡ11θס ([2019-12-10-1]) ˰³ե٥åʸηϡʤ뤤ϲʸηϡˤˤˡο¬뤿2Ĥμ礿ɸΤ⤦1ĤΡθ (linearity principle) Ҳ𤷤褦ʲCook (13) ˰͵롥
θϡʸ¤Ӥϲ¤ӤȰפƤʤФʤʤפȤΤǤ롥Ȥ mat Ȥñ /m/, /æ/, /t/ 3Ǥν¤ȯΤ顤бֻ⡤ơβǤбʸ <m>, <a>, <t> Ʊ¤ <mat> ǤʤФʤʤȤΤ<amt> <tam> ʤɤǤϥȤȤǤ롥
ޤǤʤΤȤǡˤХХʹ븶ʤΤ¤ϤۤɥХХʤȤ name, take ʤɤ˸ magic <e> ͤƤߤ褦Τ褦 <e> ϡβ˸ʶŪˤϤǤ2ʸʬΡ첻û /æ/ ǤϤʤĹ /eɪ/ ȯ뤳ȤȤǤ롥̤θС<e> ϸΤۤΤۤȯλؼФԤʤäƤΤǤ롥̾ξήФƵչŪǤꡤıŪǤ⤢뤫顤θæ롥"Fairy e waves its magic wand and makes the vowel before it say its name." ȤȤꡤmagic <e> ϼǤϤʤˡʤΤ
ۤ ?5 ɽȤϵս "five pounds" ɤޤ뤳Ȥ狼褦ˡθȿƤ롥1, 10, 100, 1000 ȤˤƤ⡤<1> αˤ <0> ³ˤäɤޤȤǡƱæ롥ޤŪ̵ w 2Ż <wh> ֤뽬ѸΩƤ뤬ष2ʸս֤äűѸֻ <hw> ΤۤŪˤϤΤȤ⤤ΤǡֻŪǤȵ롥
ϤƤ⡤Devanagari ʸǤϡҲθ³첻ʸϻҲ֤봷Ȥ /bɪt/ <ibt> ֤뤫ǡǤ롥θפɬХХۤΤȤǤϤʤ褦
ǿ줿 magic <e> ˤĤƤϡ#979. Ѹֻ <e> ([2012-01-01-1])#1289. magic <e> ([2012-11-06-1])#1344. final -e ˡ ([2012-12-31-1])#2377. ԤĹ첻ɽ魯 <e> (1) ([2015-10-30-1])#2378. ԤĹ첻ɽ魯 <e> (2) ([2015-10-31-1]) ȡ
Cook, Vivian. The English Writing System. London: Hodder Education, 2004.
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