͡ѲɤƤ3ΩˤĤơ#432. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ ([2010-07-03-1]) ǾҲ𤷤Ǥ⻲Ȥ Brinton and Arnovick ꡤ"Attitudes Toward Linguistic Change" ꤹΰѤ (20--21) 3ĤΩ줬ɤߤ䤹ޤȤƤ롥
Attitudes Toward Linguistic Change
Jean Aitchison (2001) describes three typical views of language change: as slow deterioration from some perfect state: as slow evolution toward a more efficient state; or as neither progress nor decay. While all three views have at times been held, certainly the most prevalent perception among the general population is that change means deterioration.
Linguistic Corruption
To judge from many schoolteachers, authors of letters to editors, and lay writers on language (such as Edwin Newman or William Safire), language change is always bad. It is a matter of linguistic corruption: a language, as it changes, loses its beauty, its expressiveness, its fineness of distinction, even its grammar. According to this view, English has decayed from some state of purity, its golden age, such as the time when Shakespeare was writing, or Milton, or Pope. People may interpret change in the language as the result of ignorance, laziness, sloppiness, insensitivity, weakness, or perhaps willful rebellion on the part of speakers. Their criticism is couched in moralistic and often emotionally laden terms. For example, Jonathan Swift in 1712 asserted that 'our Language is extremely imperfect; that its daily Improvements are by no Means in Proportion to its daily Corruptions; that the Pretenders to polish and refine it, have chiefly multiplied Abuses and Absurdities; and that in many Instances, it offends against every Part of Grammar' (1957: 6). Such views have prompted critics to try to prevent the decline of the language, to defend it against change, and to admonish speakers to be more careful and vigilant.
Given the inevitability of linguistic change, attested to by the records of all known languages, why is this concept of deterioration so prevalent? One reason is our sense of nostalgia: we resist change of every kind, especially in a world that seems out of our control. As speakers of our language, we feel that we are the best judges of it, and furthermore that it is something that we, in a sense, possess and can control.
A second reason is a concern for linguistic purity. Language may be the most overt indicator of our ethnic and national identity; when we feel that these are threatened, often by external forces, we seek to defend them by protecting our language. Tenets of linguistic purity have not been influential in the history of the English language, which has quite freely accepted foreign elements into it and is now spoken by many different peoples throughout the world. But these feelings are never entirely absent. We see them, for example, in concerns about the Americanization of Canadian or of British English.
A third reason is social class prejudice. Standard English is the social dialect of the educated middle and upper-middle classes. To belong to these classes and to advance socially, one must speak this dialect. The standard is a means of excluding people from these classes and preserving social barriers. Deviations from the standard (which are non-standard or substandard) threaten the social structure. Fourth is a belief in the superiority of highly inflected languages such as Latin and Greek. The loss of inflections, which has characterized change in the English language, is therefore considered bad. A final reason for the belief that change equals deterioration stems from an admiration for the written form. Because written language is more fixed and unchanging than speech, we conclude that the spoken form in use today is fundamentally inferior.
Of the other typical views towards language change, the view that it represents a slow evolution toward some higher state finds expression in the work of nineteenth-century philologists, who saw language as an evolving organism. The Danish linguist Otto Jespersen, in his book Growth and Structure of the English Language (1982 [1905]), suggested that the increasingly analytic nature of English resulted in 'simplification' and hence 'improvement' to the language. Leith (1997: 260) also argues that the historical study of English was motivated by a desire to demonstrate a literary continuity from Old English to the present, resulting in the misleading impression that the language has steadily evolved and improved toward a standard variety worthy of literary expression. The third view, that language change represents the status quo, neither progress nor decay, where every simplification is balanced by some new complexity, underlies the work of historical linguistics in the twentieth century and forms the basis of our text.
1Ѥ2οѤˤĤƤϡ#1728. Jespersen θѡ ([2014-01-19-1])#1839. ñ㲽Ȥϲ ([2014-05-10-1])#2527. evolution evolution (1) ([2016-03-28-1]) ȡ3βʳŪΩˤĤƤϡ#448. Vendryes ۩ָѲϿǤϤʤס ([2010-07-19-1])#1382. ָѲϤѲǤס ([2013-02-07-1])#2525. ָѲ롤ס ([2016-03-26-1])#2513. Samuels "linguistic evolution" ([2016-03-14-1]) Ȥ줿
Brinton, Laurel J. and Leslie K. Arnovick. The English Language: A Linguistic History. Oxford: OUP, 2006.
ε ([2016-04-01-1]) ˰³"spaghetti junction" ˤĤơϡθݤ˴ؤ Aitchison 1989ǯʸɤΤǡݡȤ롥
Aitchison ϡѥץ˥塼˥ǹä Tok Pisin λꡦˡηϤ͡ʼʤκʤäƤȤȤ˰ӤΤˤʤäƤͻҤѻ "spaghetti junction" θ̤ˤΤTok Pisin ˸뤳Τ褦ηϤѲϡϢʤ¾Υԥ䥯쥪ǤѻƤꡤΤ2ĤΩͤƤȤ1Ĥ Bickerton ʤɤؼԤĥ褦ˡʸˡ˶ŪƯƤꡤѲɬŪˤηϤ˽뤹롤ȤΤΩϡŪҥȤΰҤȤ߹ޤƤꤹ뤿ᡤ"bioprogram" ȸƤФ롥⤦1Ĥιͤϡ졤ǧΡߥ˥˴ؤ͡ʰۤʤߤ˺Ѥ̡ǽŪ˻褦ʲФȤΤΩ줬 "spaghetti junction" Ǥ롥Aitchison (152) ϡ2ܤθʲΤ褦ٻƤ롥
This second approach regards a language at any particular point in time as if it were a spaghetti junction which allows a number of possible exit routes. Given certain recurring communicative requirements, and some fairly general assumptions about language, one can sometimes see why particular options are preferred, and others passed over. In this way, one can not only map out a number of preferred pathways for language, but might also find out that some apparent 'constraints' are simply low probability outcomes. 'No way out' signs on a spaghetti junction may be rare, but only a small proportion of possible exit routes might be selected.
Aitchison (169) ϡ2ĤΩΰ㤤͡ʸɽƤ롥"innate programming" Ф "probable rediscovery" ǤȤѲ "prophylaxis" ͽɡˤФ "therapy" ʼšˤǤʡͽɡפȡּšפˤĤƤϡ#1979. ѲŪˤĤƺƹ͡ ([2014-09-27-1]) ȡˡAitchison ϡξΩȿΤȤϡŪ⤷ʤȹͤƤ褦
"spaghetti junction" ΩĤΤǤСθѲβϡФ䤹ƻڡפͽ¬뤫ȤȤˤʤAitchison (170) ϡʸΤ褦äƤ롥
A number of principles combined to account for the pathways taken, principles based jointly on general linguistic capabilities, cognitive abilities, and communicative needs. The route taken is therefore the result of the rediscovery of viable options, rather than the effect of an inevitable bioprogram. At the spaghetti junctions of language, few exits are truly closed. However, a number of converging factors lead speakers to take certain recurrent routes. An overall aim in future research, then, must be to predict and explain the preferred pathways of language evolution.
Τ褦ʸ̤ϸȯȽȯãˤ⿷ʸƤƤ뤫⤷ʤ͡褬ä˽װˤФ䤹ƻڡפѤ졤ˤĤʤηǤΤǤϤʤȡ
Aitchison, Jean. "Spaghetti Junctions and Recurrent Routes: Some Preferred Pathways in Language Evolution." Lingua 77 (1989): 151--71.
3֤ε ([2016-03-28-1], [2016-03-29-1], [2016-03-30-1]) ǡѲʬˤ "evolution" ȤѸ줬ˤȤ館ƤͤȤ櫓ǯθؤˤ "evolution" ϡ٤Ѹ˼깤ĤȾϲäȤ˺Ƥ夷ƤǰǤ뤳Ȥǧ1ʾ³ƤȤäƤ褯1Ĥε䤬롥ؼԤγ̿ŪʻۤαƶΤ19ȾʤΤȤ˸ؤʪؤѳפ˸礦ϤѳפФʤäΤʤ100ǯʾ20ȾˤʤäƤ褦䤯 "linguistic evolution" 졤ɾ褦ˤʤäΤδ֤˸ءʼԡˤˤϲäƤΤ
ˤĤơNerlich ʸߤĤɤǤߤNerlich Ϥζλ֤ͳ(1) 19Ⱦ Schleicher ʲȡ(2) 20Ⱦ Saussure ʬŪиŪˤΩäŪؤؤμήȤʤäȡ(3) 20ȾФˤ Bloomfield Chomsky ϤȤ륢ꥫؤ̣¿üԤڻ뤷Ƥȡ3˵Ƥ롥
(1) ˤĤ Nerlich (104) ϡ Schleicher ϥοʲǤָοפŪݡȤȤѤȤˡοʲμ׳ǰǤ "variation, selection and adaptation" ŬѤ˽ƤޤäȤäȤƤ롥ɸ֤ʤ顤μ¡ιͤΥƤʤäΤǤ롥㤨СˤȤäʪμʬϤޤ2ŪʤΤǤꡤ礿ؿѷβäSchleicher ϸʬˤäƤΤθȯιͤȥμοʲȤƱƤȤäƤ褤Schleicher ϡƤʤäȤ롥
(2) ʳ Saussure ɽ붦ŪؼԤ뤬λ˻ޤǤˤ⡤Schleicher θͭǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤꡤȽƤȽϡѲθؤδؿΤ˷ŪѤ뤳ȤϤʤʤȤˡѲ̻֤ȤΤƤ֤Ƥ֤˴ؿ椵̤Ȥʤäޤlangue ؤδؿƤϤ䤵褦ˤʤȡparole °ѤüԤϼ夲뤳ȤʤʤäϰͤǤȤβΤȤǡѲȤȤʤ¿Ѱۤ뤵줿
Τ褦ʶֽŻϡ(3) ˻äĺޤʬۼθؤʸˡϰ̣ȤθƤ֤ΰȤ뤳Ȥ̤夲Ƥä
(3) λȴФơ褦䤯ؼԤϻѡüԡ̣¿ѰۡѲȤȤγ¦˹äƤ뤳Ȥ˵ŤΡֵŤפˤĤơNerlich (106--07) ϼΰǤǮҲ𤷤Ƥ롥
Thus meaning, language change and language use became problems and were mainly discarded from the science of language for reasons of theoretical tidiness: meaning and change are rather messy phenomena. Hence autonomy, synchrony and homogeneity finally enclosed language in a kind of magic triangle that defended it against any sort of indeterminacy, fluctuation or change. But outside the static triangle, that ideal domain of structural and generative linguistics, lies the terra incognita of linguistic dynamics, where one can discover the main sources of linguistic change, contextuality, history and heterogeneity, fields of study that are slowly being rediscovered by post-Chomskyan and post-Saussurean linguists. This terra incognita is populated by a curious species, also recently discovered: the language user! S/he acts linguistically and non-linguistically in a heterogenous and ever-changing world, constantly trying to adapt the available linguistic means to her/his ever changing ends and communicative needs. In acting and interacting the speakers are the real vectors of linguistic evolution, and their choices must be studied if we are to understand the nature of language. It is not enough to stop at a static analysis of language as a product, organism or system. The study of evolutionary processes and procedures should help to overcome the sterility of the old dichotomies, such as those between langue/parole, competence/performance and even synchrony/diachrony.
Τ褦ˤ20Ⱦ̻֤ؤδؿꡤѲȤХοʲȤ櫓ǡʲθؤαѤƳΤǤ롥䡤ǽ Schleicher λߤԤäȤСƱѤϤޤäȤȤ뤫⤷ʤ
Nerlich, Brigitte. "The Evolution of the Concept of 'Linguistic Evolution' in the 19th and 20th Century." Lingua 77 (1989): 101--12.
2֤ˤ錄ɸε ([2016-03-28-1], [2016-03-29-1]) ˤĤƤ3ơϡevolution 3θߤʪؤǼƤ˸Ѳ˱Ѥ줦뤫ˤĤƹͤ롥McMahon (334) ꡤ3θǧƤ
the development of a race, species or other group ...: the process by which through a series of changes or steps any living organism or group of organisms has acquired the morphological and physiological characters which distinguish it: the theory that the various types of animals and plants have their origin in other preexisting types, the distinguishable differences being due to modifications in successive generations.
ˤʤäƤƤˤ evolution εκüϡޤˤθǤ evolution ȤƤ롥ޤǤ2εǸƤ褦ˡ1920θȾˤơؤˤ evolution ȤѸˤϼ깤ĤƤޤäؤˤơѸϥβʳŪʤ⡤üʲʹѤӤӤƤ뤳ȤŪʥåƥŽƤʪʳءˤȸʳءˤ°פӤƤ椨ǤꡤǫξԤʿʿСͭѤȤǤ³ǽϻĤ롥Ӥκݤ˵äΩĤ٤ evolution Ȥϡ嵭θ evolution Ǥ롥ˤϴޤޤƤʤʪʲʬǹƤ mutation, variation, natural selection, adaptation ʤɤѸ졦ǰ˸Ѳ˱ѤǤ뤫Ǥ롥
McMahon (334--40) ϡʪʳءˤȸʳءˤΡʿˤĤƤιͻΤ褯ޤȤƤ롥ߤΰƱ褯ǤСˡ˸ؤˡʪؤؤ֤٤Ȥ¿षԤΤƤΰǤȼĥƤ롥McMahon (340) ϼ̤
[T]he Darwinian theory of biological evolution, with its interplay of mutation, variation and natural selection, has clear parallels in historical linguistics, and may be used to provide enlightening accounts of linguistic change. Having borrowed the core elements of evolutionary theory, we may then also explore novel concepts from biology, such as exaptation, and assess their relevance for linguistic change. Indeed, the establishment of parallels with historical biology may provide one of the most profitable future directions for historical linguistics.
ʪʳءˤȸʳءˤΡʿˤĤƤϡ#807. ޤʪޤ ([2011-07-13-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
ε ([2016-03-28-1]) ˰³Ѳˤ evolution βˤĤơ evolution Ū (teleology) Ūʴްդ2θ"A series of related changes in a certain direction" ܤä (1) Ⱥθ (2) ϸѲȤˤƶ̤Ƥ뤬(1) ˥٥ˤĹŪʲʹѤȼä˴طΤФơ(2) ϲʹѤѤΤΡѲˤŪˤϱ̿Ť줿Ťȼĥ롥
üŪˤСŪȤ "effects precede (in time) their final causes" ȤȯۤǤ (qtd. in McMahon 325 from p. 312 of Lass, Roger. "Linguistic Orthogenesis? Scots Vowel Length and the English Length Conspiracy." Historical Linguistics. Volume 1: Syntax, Morphology, Internal and Comparative Reconstruction. Ed. John M. Anderson and Charles Jones. Amsterdam: North Holland, 1974. 311--43.) ̾ŪΩ X ³ Y Ȥ̴طʪ뤬ŪˤƤϡ Y 뤳ȤǤ褦 X 롤롥2ϸȿФ1ĤθѲФȤƻȤƤޤȤפǤ롥㤨СΤʳ [mb], [md], [mg], [nb], [nd], [ng], [ŋb], [ŋd], [ŋg] λҲϢ³ƤƤΤʳǤ [mb], [nd], [ŋg] 3路ƤʤʤäȤ롥̾βŪˤСƱﴱƱ (homorganic assimilation) פȤʤ뤬ŪŪѤȡĴ䤹뤿ƱﴱλҲϢ³ȤʤäפȤʤ롥
ػˤˤƤϡ͡ԤŪȤäƤȿԤƱ餤Ƥ㤨 Jakobson ŪԤäθѤŪοǻBloomfield Lass ϡŪΩ˸ȿФƤ롥McMahon (330--31) ⡤ŪŪŪ (teleology of purpose) ȡֵǽŪ (teleology of function) ʬˤ뤳ȤŪŪܤƤơΥˤĤŪŪƱ˲ǽǤȿMcMahon ηѤơ2ΰ̣ evolution ƹͤȤ
There is a useful verdict of Not Proven in the Scottish courts, and this seems the best judgement on teleology. We cannot prove teleological explanations wrong (although this in itself may be an indictment, in a discipline where many regard potentially falsifiable hypotheses as the only valid ones), but nor can we prove them right; they rest on faith in predestination and the omniscient guiding hand. More pragmatically, alleged cases of teleology tend to have equally plausible alternative explanations, and there are valid arguments against the teleological position. Even the weaker teleology of function is flawed because of the numerous cases where it simply does not seem to be applicable. However, this rejection does not make the concept of conspiracy, synchronic or diachronic, any less intriguing, or the perception of directionality . . . any less real.
McMahon, April M. S. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ʪؤˤѸ evolution ƱˡؤǻȤƤ evolution ȤѸΰ̣ˤơֿʲפƤİ뤳ȤοǤ롥McMahon 12 "Linguistic evolution?" Τ褯Ҳ𤷤ƤʤξϤˤĤƤϡ#2260. ʲβ ([2015-07-05-1]) ǤƤΤǻȡˡ
McMahon evolution ˤ3ĤθǧȽҤ٤Ƥ롥ʲϤ Web3 äƤ1ܤ19Ūʥ (pre-Darwinian) 2ܤŪŪ (teleological) ްդä3ܤϸߤʪؾθɽ
(1) Evolution 1 (McMahon 315)
a process of continuous change from a lower, simpler, or worse condition to a higher, more complex, or better state: progressive development.
(2) Evolution 2 (McMahon 325)
A series of related changes in a certain direction.
(3) Evolution 3 (McMahon 334)
the development of a race, species or other group ...: the process by which through a series of changes or steps any living organism or group of organisms has acquired the morphological and physiological characters which distinguish it: the theory that the various types of animals and plants have their origin in other preexisting types, the distinguishable differences being due to modifications in successive generations.
ϡǤŤ (1) ˤĤƹͤƤߤΰ̣Ǥ "evolution" ϡȯۤޤʳŪʳǰɽʪΤ줾μϡˤ¤ (creation) ǤϤʤž (transformation) ФȯƤȤŪʹͤѤƤ뤬ηžθˤĤƤϡֿפפȤäʹּҲβʹѤȿǤΤȤƤ롥19θسǤ̤äͤȤʪʲˤƤΤ褦ʲʹѤޤƤʤĤޤꡤθؼԤʤΤ٤ƤǤϤʤˤϥοʲɸ֤ʤ⡤θؤαѤ˺ݤƤϡ˴Ѥ˴ѤǻȿǤΤǤꡤǤϥθѲѤȤäƤ褤
ΰ̣Ǥ evolution ؼԤɽȤСAugust Schleicher (1821--68) Ǥ롥Schleicher Hegel (1770--1831) αƶϰʲνȯãƤȹͤ (McMahon 320)
a. The physical evolution of man.
b. The evolution of language.
c. History.
a b c ȡֿפƤc ˻äƤޤȡɤͤޤʳǤ뤫顤Τ߽ФʤäơȤϡפʤȤͤǤ롥ޤơߤϤ٤ƤΰӤɤäƤȤΤSchleicher λۤä
ͤ180ٰۤʤ뤬Ʊ褦˲ʹѤƸѲߤΤ Otto Jespersen (1860--1943) Ǥ롥Jespersen ϰˤ٤äŽĤΩ줫顤ޤñ㲽Ρֿפȸ (see #1728. Jespersen θѡ ([2014-01-19-1]), #432. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ ([2010-07-03-1]))
#2525. ָѲ롤ס ([2016-03-26-1]) McMahon ѤʸϤǤŦƤȤꡤߡ¿˸ؼԤϡ1ΰ̣Ǥ evolution ȤƤʤΰ̣ϡǤ˸ػŪʤΤȤʤäƤ롥
McMahon, April M. S. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ؼԤǤʤ̤¿ο͡ˤϡѲȤȤ館ꡤդȤߤʤߤ롥ʲʹѤäƲ᤹봷ԤθˤĤƤϡ#432. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ ([2010-07-03-1]) #1728. Jespersen θѡ ([2014-01-19-1]) ˤ
θؼԡä˸ؼԤϡϤΤ褦ʲʹѤȤ̵طˡѲΤȤƤꡤʾǤʲǤʤȼĥ롥ΩˤĤƤϡ#448. Vendryes ۩ָѲϿǤϤʤס ([2010-07-19-1]) #1382. ָѲϤѲǤס ([2013-02-07-1]) ǾҲ𤷤θŪΩФƤ1 McMahon (324) ˸ĤΤǡѤƤ
The modern view, at least of historical linguists if not the general public, is simply that languages change; we may try to describe and explain the processes of change, and we may set up a complementary typology which will include a classification of languages as isolating, agglutinating or inflecting; but this morphological typology has no special status and certainly does not represent an evolutionary scale. In general, we have no right to attack change as decay or to exalt it as progress. It is true . . . that individual changes may aid or impair communication to a limited extent, but there is no justification for seeing change as cumulative progress or decline: modern languages, attested extinct ones, and even reconstructed ones are all at much the same level of structural complexity or communicative efficiency. We cannot argue that some languages, or stages of languages, are better than others . . . .
ǤϡѲΤȤä˿Ȥ褦ʲʹѤȼäܻؤƤ櫓ǤϤʤġѲˤĤƤϡ¤줿٤ˤƥߥ˥νˤʤä˸ˤʤäꤹ뤳Ȥ⤢ȽҤ٤Ƥܤͤ롥ϡ#2513. Samuels "linguistic evolution" ([2016-03-14-1]) ǰѤ Samuels (1) "every language is of approximately equal value for the purposes for which it has evolved" Ρ֤褽פȤɽȸƱƤ褦˻פ롥
ѲѲȤڤäƤڤΥʤѲˤˤϡλĬΰܤѤռػŪʴäܶᤷƤʤФʤʤ
McMahon, April M. S. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
Samuels, M. L. Linguistic Evolution with Special Reference to English. London: CUP, 1972.
ɸϡ#2513. Samuels "linguistic evolution" ([2016-03-14-1]) ǰټ夲ƹͤƤߤʤ Samuels ܤ̾ "linguistic change" ǤϤʤ "linguistic evolution" ѤΤSamuels ˤȤäơξԤΰ㤤ϲʤΤ20Ⱦ顤٤ϲäƤοʲȤƤ뤬Samuels ѸȤ뤳ȤϡߤθѲͤΩĤٶǤˤĤƵ뵡ơʤ褦˻פΤǡʲ Samuels ƤȻפ "linguistic evolution" Υå
εǤϡ Samuels ˤȤäƤ "linguistic evolution" ַѾ֤ȸߤɽȤȿΤζѹդݤȤȤͻι⤤֡פǤꡤָѲ˴ؤŪȤϡѲƯŪϳؤؤƤѸפȤߤʤŪʤȤ館ѤäƤʤ䤹뤿˰ʲΤ褦ʿޤƤߤ
language-internal and external factors
conservatism or 'inertia' the pressures that work
towards clearer communication
the inherited forms the expressive needs of the present
(= the old) == equilibrium == (= the new)
a considerable margin of tolerance
ʲϡǯ˾褦ˤʤäƤѲ˴ѤǤꡤ˸ؤˤ1ĤĬήȤʤäƤ롥ܥ֥Ǥϡ#432. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ ([2010-07-03-1])#519. εȿʲõ븦ʬ ([2010-09-28-1])#520. ˸ؤϸεȿʲθȤɤΤ褦ʴطˤ뤫 ([2010-09-29-1])#2260. ʲβ ([2015-07-05-1]) ۤ evolution γƵǴϢ夲Ƥ
Samuels (1) "linguistic evolution" ƸѲ椷Ԥ1ͤθŵŪƬ "linguistic change" ǤϤʤ "linguistic evolution" ȤѸȥѤͳˤĤƽҤ٤Ƥ롥
The title of this book ('Linguistic Evolution') was chosen in preference to 'Linguistic Change' although it is about linguistic change. This is because its purpose is to attempt an examination of the large complex of different factors involved, and the title 'Linguistic Change' might have entailed an oversimplification.
Ѳˤʣװʣ˴ͿƤ (multiple causation of language change)ʣޤñ㲽Ƥ "change" ȤưȤȤȤΤ褦ΰѤ³ơSamuels (1) "linguistic evolution" ȤѸ줬䤹ȤǧƤꡤդ¥Ƥ롥"evolution" ֿ⡤ʡפȤƻŪʴްդĤȤ뤫
Nevertheless 'evolution' is itself open to the misunderstanding that some sort of progress is implied, that a clearer or more effective means of communication has been achieved as a result of it. That meaning of 'evolution' is not intended here. We are not concerned here with the prehistoric origins of human language, and, as has often been pointed out, there is today no such thing as a 'primitive' language, every language is of approximately equal value for the purposes for which it has evolved, whether it belongs to an advanced or a primitive culture.
ǤϡSamuels Τ "linguistic evolution" ȤϤʤΤϡѾ֤ȸߤɽȤȿΤζѹդݤȤȤͻι⤤֤ȤȤΤ褦
. . . it would appear, on the one hand, that both externally and internally in language development an equilibrium must be maintained between the old and the new, between the inherited forms and the expressive needs of the present; but at the same time, that the margin of tolerance and choice in the maintenance of that equilibrium is probably fairly wide, except, that is, for certain especial points of pressure that vary in each era. It is in that sense that 'evolution' is intended here.
Samuels ˤȤäơʤơߤ¿θʲԤˤȤäơˡ"linguistic evolution" ȤϡѲ˴ؤŪȤϡѲƯŪϳؤؤƤѸǤ롥
Samuels, M. L. Linguistic Evolution with Special Reference to English. London: CUP, 1972.
³ơGould and Vrba γŬ (exaptation) ꡥGould and Vrba (11--13) ϡʲˤ볰ŬȤѸȳǰν4ۤɻŦƤ롥
(1) Ŭϡ "preadaptation" տ魯Ū (teleology) ŪʴްդʧƤ롥 "preadaptation" ϡѸηϤˤƤ "preaptation" ȸƤ֤٤ΤǤꡤλ¤ˤƹͤ줿 "exaptation" ΰʤ "potential, but unrealized, exaptations" (11) ȤߤʤȤǤ롥
(2) 1˳Ŭ2ŬѤȤ"Feathers, in their basic design, are exaptations for flight, but once this new effect was added to the function of thermoregulation as an important source of fitness, feathers underwent a suite of secondary adaptations (sometimes called post-adaptations) to enhance their utility in flight" (11). Ŭˤäޤ줿θ塤ŬѤβФƤ˵ǽŪˤʤäƤ椯ȤȤϡ̤ΤȤǤ롥
(3) Ŭλ̵¤Ǥꡤ٤ࡥ"[T]he enormous pool of nonaptations must be the wellspring and reservoir of most evolutionary flexibility. We need to recognize the central role of 'cooptability for fitness' as the primary evolutionary significance of ubiquitous nonaptation in organisms" (12). Ϣơ"[A]ll exaptations originate randomly with respect to their effects" (12) Ǥ롥
(4) Ŭ⤿餷ϡnonaptation ä⤷ʤ adaptation ä⤷ʤ"Exaptations . . . are not fashioned for their current role and reflect no attendant process beyond cooptation . . .; they were built in the past either as nonaptive by-products or as adaptations for different roles."
Gould and Vrba (13) ϡȤƼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
We suspect . . . that the subjects of nonaptation and cooptability are of paramount importance in evolution. . . . The flexibility of evolution lies in the range of raw material presented to processes of selection.
ϡ#2155. Ѳȡ̵٤δӡס ([2015-03-22-1]) ǰѤ Lass θѲˤ "The joys of idleness" ľ̤ͤǤ롥
Gould, Stephen Jay and Elizabeth S. Vrba. "Exaptation --- A Missing Term in the Science of Form." Paleobiology 8.1 (1982): 4--15.
ε#2379. Ƶ̾γŬ ([2015-11-01-1]) Ǥ夲Ŭ (exaptation) ϡ衤ʪʲѸǤ롥#2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡGould and Vrba ˤʪʲγŬʪؤˤ褯̤ؼ Lass ѲƤϤΤä
Gould and Vrba ʸϡۤĹʸǤϤʤȯŪǤ롥ʪؤ糰ǤɤۤɤΰƤꡤ餳ؤؤŬѤ;ϤäΤʲˤѸ̤ơб복ǰߴط餫ˤ褦ȤʸǤꡤνѸ䳵ǰϡΤ˹פиѲˤƤϤ뤳ȤǤ褦˻פ롥ʸƬ (4) 餷ŪͤƤΤǡΤޤްѤ
Adaptation has been defined and recognized by two different criteria: historical genesis (features built by natural selection for their present role) and current utility (features now enhancing fitness no matter how they arose). Biologists have often failed to recognize the potential confusion between these different definitions because we have tended to view natural selection as so dominant among evolutionary mechanisms that historical process and current product become one. Yet if many features of organisms are non-adapted, but available for useful cooptation in descendants, then an important concept has no name in our lexicon (and unnamed ideas generally remain unconsidered): features that now enhance fitness but were not built by natural selection for their current role. We propose that such features be called exaptations and that adaptation be restricted, as Darwin suggested, to features built by selection for their current role. We present several examples of exaptation, indicating where a failure to conceptualize such an idea limited the range of hypotheses previously available. We explore several consequences of exaptation and propose a terminological solution to the problem of preadaptation.
̻ŪȯȶŪͭκƱȤꡤƤ뤿οѸȤƤ exaptation ϡˤƤΩĤϤǤ롥ߥ˥ΩĤ٤̻ŪȯƤ (adaptation) ȡȯãƷŪΩĵǽ (exaptation) ̤ƤȤϡΤɬפޤexaptation ϡŪ (teleology) ŪʸѲѤйѸȳǰͿƤ褦ˤפ롥
Gould and Vrba (5) ϡ"A taxonomy of fitness" ꤹɽǡʲΤ褦˴ϢѸƤ롥
| Process | Character | Usage | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Natural selection shapes the character for a current use --- adaptation | adaptation | aptation | function |
| A character, previously shaped by natural selection for a particular function (an adaptation), is coopted for a new use --- cooptation | exaptation | effect | |
| A character whose origin cannot be ascribed to the direct action of natural selection (a nonaptation), is coopted for a current use --- cooptation | |||
ǯevolution, mutation, chance, natural selection, variation, exaptation ʤɡʲʪؤѸڤꤿʲ (linguistic evolution) ˤʤäƤƤ롥ˤֿʲפιͤˤĤƤ͡ʵꡤܥ֥Ǥ#432. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ ([2010-07-03-1])#519. εȿʲõ븦ʬ ([2010-09-28-1])#520. ˸ؤϸεȿʲθȤɤΤ褦ʴطˤ뤫 ([2010-09-29-1]) ۤ evolution γƵǤϢ夲ƤˤֿʲפΤ褯ޤȤΤȤƤϡMcMahon 12 (314--40) McMahon (337) ϡ夳ǤθѲθ椬ͭ˾ȤߤƤ뤬ǼȤޤʤФʤʤϾʤʤȤҤ٤Ƥ롥
. . . many questions remain if we are to make full use of our evolutionary terminology in historical linguistics. We do not know which units selection might operate on in language history; are they words, rules, speakers, or languages themselves? We do not know whether linguistic evolution is governed only by general, universal tendencies, or whether these can be overridden by language-specific factors. And we have yet to formulate the conditions under which variation and selection might conspire to produce regularity.
(selection) Ѥñ̤ϲȤܼŪǤ롥ǡǡ졤硤ᡤʸΧ§üԡüԽġ줽Τθꤹ뤢Ȥñ̤Ȥʤꤦ롥ΤȤϡñ̤ܤƸοʲѲҤȤȤ벾˴Ť٤ǤȤȤפ롥
ʤߤˡ McMahon ʸϤϡäƤ SHEL-9/DSNA-20 Conference (The 9th Studies in the History of the English Language Conference) ǡȼθѲŸ Nikolaus Ritt ĴֱˤʬŪ˰ѡȤƤΤǤ⤢롥
McMahon, April M. S. Understanding Language Change. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
#2144. ȯãȵǽƤȯ ([2015-03-11-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡѸˤƤפѲϤֵǽƤȯפȤª뤳ȤǤ뤬ϡֵǽ¤γŬפȴ뤳ȤǤ롥űѸ衤οȼäƸ¤ (Lexical Projection) ǽ¤ (Functional Projection) ؤȺʬϤˤƤ濴Ȥ빽¤ǽƤ濴Ȥ빽¤ؤȳŬƤäȤΤ
ʸˡεǤϡʪʲʬŪѤ볰Ŭ (exaptation) ȤǰѤ褦ˤʤäƤݺ (151) Τ狼䤹
ŬȤϡȤСʪʲ¦̤ǤϡȤβݻΤ¸ߤƤӤΩ줬¸Ŭ夲̤ȤʤꡤĻؤοʲĤʤäȤͤǤά͡Lass (1990) ϤγǰѲ˱Ѥư DO ȯãγŬʤȤȻưäΤ̵̣¸ߤȤʤꡤ̤Ӥ˳Ѥ줿ˤƤޤܽǤϡιͤʤᡤ¤ޤŬȼĥȻפޤά͵ǽƤϤȤȰĤ FP (Functional Projection) ȹͤ졤Ŭη̡ޤޤʹ¤ȤƶȤ櫓ǤѸϤ̻ŪѲβǡ̾ưζ֤ξüȶˡ濴ι¤鵡ǽ濴ι¤ؤȰܹԤƤȹͤ졤η̡졤ư졤ư֡λʹԷ¿ͤʬۤȸ櫓Ǥ
Τ褦ʸѲѤϡɭοʲȤͤˤĤʤ롥ҥȤͭθȯȿʲָʲפȸƤ֤ȤС嵭Τ褦ʸѲϡָξʲפȤߤ뤳ȤǤȤĴ碌ʤֿʲפȤߤǸ椬ʤƤ롥
ݺ (158) ϡμȿκѤ˿ʤ顤κǸΤ褦äƤ롥
켫ΤĤƻõѤϡ뼫ȿʼȯŪȤޤˤȸʤȤǽǤȿȤη뾽䥷ޥޤΥ֥ͭ̾ǤʪŪʪŪ¦̤ФǤʤȤСϤĻФԷ֡ʰδֳֻ֤ѡˡݸݡкѥƥҲΩʤɤˤڤӤޤξʲޤˤΰȤƹͤ졤ưŪŬѲᥫ˥ߤ¸ߤȤǤ줳ȤФοʲƳָפȸΤǤϤʤǤ礦ѸˤʸˡθݤϤޤˤιǤꡤѲθ椬ʣηϤʳؤĤμʤˤʤ뤳ȤƤƤΤǤ
Ѳ礭1ĤβǤ롥
ݺ ƻͺʸˡѸ١ҡ2014ǯ
ҥȤθħˤĤơ#1327. ҥȤθ˶̤7Ĥ ([2012-12-14-1]) #1281. ū ([2012-10-29-1]) ʤɤεǼ夲ƤΤ褦ʵǤϡʤҥȤθ줬¾ưʪΤĥߥ˥ʤȤϰۤʤħͭ뤳ȤĴΤ̤δߤȤष̤ħ⤭Ħˤʤ뤳Ȥ롥Aitchison (7--9) ˤСҥȤθĻβ (bird-song) ˤȤ
(1) ޤ˻פ⤫֤ΤϥˤޤͤϥҥȤƱ褦ʰ̣ǡ֤٤äƤפ뤤ϡָѤƤפ櫓ǤϤʤĴˡޤǰۤʤ롥ưʪˤϴʬȯǽϤäƤǤϡϥҥȤƱ
(2) ĻŷŪʸƤ (call) ȸŷŪʲ (song) 2ĤäƤ롥ҥȤˤǽŪʶʤɤȸ˽2ȯ롥ĤޤꡤĻβΤȥҥȤθˤϡŷŪ˽Ȥ롥
(3) ĻβΤǤϡΤġβñȤǤϰ̣ʤϢ³פǤ롥ƱͤˡҥȤθǤ⡤ġʬϰ̣⤿̾綠줬ʣȤ߹蘆äƤǤǰʾñ̤ˤʤäȤ˻ϤựġϡҥȤθκǤħȤƤФлŦʬ (double_articulation) ˤۤʤʤĻβΤˤħߤȤȤˤʤ롥
(4) ˡƱĻǤ⡤ϢϤ뤬㴳ۤʤβΤ뤳Ȥ롥ϡҥȤθǤȤˤۤʤʤCalifornia Ρ֤ߤޤȤɡ (white-crowned sparrow) ȤۥʤĻϡ䡤ˤäƤ San Francisco Ǥ顤ζ̤פѻԤǤиΤν褬狼ȤޤǸʴϢơȵԤΤ꤬Τ褦˰ۤʤȤäʹȤˡ
(5) ̣ȤˡѤƤ뵡ϤޤǰۤʤҥȤθĻβΤ⡤̾ﺸǾ椵ƤȤ롥
(6) ĻΤҤʤˤΤνȥҥȤλҶθ콬˻Ƥ롥ҤʤϰĻȤƤβΤˡȾΤʳФ롥⡤ᤤʳˤƲΤȯã˽פ׳뤳ȤΤƤ롥ϡҥȤθǤȤǸ (babbling) 콬׳б褦ˤߤ롥
Aichison (8) ϡʾΤ褦ˤޤȤƤ롥
In short, both birds and humans produce fluent complex sounds, they both have a double-barrel led, double-layered system involving tunes and dialects, which is controlled by the left half of the brain. Youngsters have a type of sub-language en route to the full thing, and are especially good at acquiring the system in the early years of their lives.
礭ȤϸƨƤϤʤʤ㤨СĻǤΤϡͺΤߤǤ롥ޤĻβΤϡҥȤθ٤ơκ礭ȤˤäƤϿεΥФƥߥ˥ȤΤ⡤ĻβΤθħĻβΤμ礿ŪᰦǤΤФơҥȤθŪϤäȹϤǤ롥
ĻβΤȥҥȤθʤȰۼˤӤƤ狼뤳Ȥϡۤʤˤ褦ħΩȤȤǤ롥ξԤ꤬˥ҥȤθε褦ȤƤ⡤餯ޤʤΤǤϤʤ
Aitchison, Jean. The Seeds of Speech: Language Origin and Evolution. Cambridge: CUP, 1996.
ܿʬǤϡѤ䤹Ϥ뤫ȤꡤʤѼ (scale of adoptability, or borrowability scale) äƵ깭ƤThomason and Kaufman ϼѤʤϤʤƤ뤬ȤƤѤ䤹ܤȤǤʤܤ뤳ȤǧƤ롥#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1])#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1]) ʤɤǵΰüߤƤŪʴˤ٤ä褽ɽȤ뼫Ωι⤤֤ǤѤ䤹ǡǤʤɤι«줿֤³ȤäΤʤ˲졤̣ʤɤμѤ⺮äƤ뤬ϽȤƤŪΤۤǤ롥
Ω줬ǤѤ䤹ŪʸˡܤǤѤˤȤŪʼ٤ϡľŪˤ䤹ġ㳰ŪʻϤˤ衤褽ƱդƤȤäƤ褤ȤǡŪʴǤϤʤǽŪʴˤѼ٤ȤΤϤˤĤ Matras (209--10) ̣ŦƤ롥
. . . it was proposed that borrowing hierarchies are sensitive to functional properties of discourse organization and speaker-hearer interaction. Items expressing contrast and change are more likely to be borrowed than items expressing addition and continuation. Discourse markers such as tags and interjections are on the whole more likely to be borrowed than conjunctions, and categories expressing attitudes to propositions (such as focus particles, phrasal adverbs like still or already, or modals) are more likely to be borrowed than categories that are part of the propositional content itself (such as prepositions, or adverbs of time and place). Contact susceptibility is thus stronger in categories that convey a stronger link to hearer expectations, indicating that contact-related change is initiated through the convergence of communication patterns . . . . In the domain of phonology and phonetics, sentence melody, intonation and tones appear more susceptible to borrowing than segmental features. One might take this a step further and suggest that contact first affects those functions of language that are primary or, in evolutionary perspective, primitive. Reacting to external stimuli, seeking attention, and seeking common ground with a counterpart or interlocutor. Contact-induced language change thus has the potential to help illuminate the internal composition of the grammatical apparatus, and indeed even its evolution.
ղûϤȤɸ (discourse_marker) ٤ɽ魯ʤɡʹռߥ˥εǽɽΤۤ̿ŪؼŪʵǽɽѤ䤹ȤŦǤ롥ɸϤƤʸ¾ǤΩƤ롤뤤ϴΩƤϤʤȤ⡤٤ʬΥǽݻƤ롥ĤޤꡤεǽŪʴˤ٤ϡŪΩ伫ͳ٤ȴϢƤ¤ˤơηŪʴˤ٤Ȥ̷⤷ʤषηŪʴΤʤ˼ޤʹˤʤΤǤϤʤ
ȡޤǹͻȤǡΰѤθȾǽҤ٤Ƥ첻˴ؤѼ٤ΤǤϡʬ֤֤겻פǤαΧŪǤΤۤѤ䤹Ȥ롥ηŪʴǤϡʬ䲻ǤμѤؤθڤϤäΧŪǤμѤϤۤȤˤ줿ȤʤΤǤϤʤʺε#1988. Ѹ츦 to-do list (2) ([2014-10-06-1]) (6) ȡˡΧŪǤŪ˼Ѥ䤹ȤŦȹ碌ơѤȾʬƤɾȡǽŪʼѼ٤Ƥ˰롥äʹΥߥ˥ľܴͿࡤСʴ֡˼ޤबǤʤΤѤ䤹ȤΤϡεǽȤߤơΤ˹Ūοʲ (evolution) ؤƶˤڤǤꡤɷŪǤ롥
Τ褦˰츫ʤۤɤȻפ碌ǤϤ뤬Ѥ줿ܤοȤߤȡdiscourse marker μѤϡʳ̿ŪؼŪʵǽɽŵŪˤ̾ưˤ٤ơŪ˾ʤȤϵ褦ʤŪʴȵǽŪʴबߤˤɤΤ褦ʴطǺѤѼ٤ƤΤ¿λ㸦椬ɬפˤʤäƤ
Matras, Yaron. "Language Contact." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 203--14.
˴ؤ뺬¯1ĤˡָͼפȤΤ롥¯ˤϡ롥ʤϸŷŪǤꡤͼŷŪǤ롤ȸкѤʤʤǤΡָפȤϡҥȤθǽϤȤ̣ǤΡָפǤϤʤȤƽ̤ΡָפǤˡ͡ΰռΤʤǤϡФФ2ĤʬӤĤƤꡤۤɴñˤ뤳ȤϤǤʤ
ˤϡȿͼƱˤꡤϢ¿θޤƤ㤨С19ˤϥɡ衼åѸ (the Indo-European) ȤؾѸ줬ͼŪʴްդäѤ줿ɡ衼åѸȤϡӡ˸ؾιʪˤʤˤ⤫餺ǯˤĸäƤʹֽĤʤɡ衼åѿ͡ʼˤǤȤä߽Ф졤ȿͼȤӤĤ줿ĸθϤõߤʤüԽĤεõߤǤȲᤵ졤κǤʸѼԤɥ̱²ǤȤͤǤȤä20ɥĤΥʥˤƤ⡤ޥ줳ɡ衼åѸ²μĹǤꡤޥ̱²ɡ衼åѿͼɽԤǤȤơȿͼζƱ뤬ߤ줿
¯θäƤ뤳Ȥϡ͡ʷdzǧǤ롥ɡ衼åѸ²ǹͤС衼åѤΥɥĿͤ쥤ɤΥ٥ͤϡ줾̴طˤɥĸȥ٥äƤȤϤͼȤƶᤤϤȿԤϤʤޤǹͤƤ⡤ɤʿͼǤҥȤȤޤ줿ΤǤСޤĶˤäơɤʸǤ⽬뤳ȤǤȤȤԤϤʤ
Τ褦˾ͤʬ뤳ȤʤΤȤäƴñˤʤΤ¯ȤΤǤ롥㤨С롼ޥ˥ͤϥ롼ޥ˥ȤޥϤθäΤǡƥϤοͼ˰㤤ʤȤ褦ʹͤƤ롥ºݤDNAĴɤΤ褦ʷ̤Ф뤫Ϥ狼ʤ롼ޥ˥ͤϿͼŪˤϾʤȤ⥹ڥͤݥȥͤʤɤȴطŤΤƱ١뤤Ϥʾˡ٤ΥͤʤɤȤطŤΤǤϤʤδ֡٤ο͡ȺƤϤʤΤǡΤ褦ͽۤȤƤޤää٤ȤǤϤʤΤ¯⤬롥
ؤŪΰǤ顤κǰϱƤȤߡεήɤΰոǤϡεϡǯΥۥ⡦ԥνиȥۥ⡦ԥθȯãŸȴϢŤ뤳Ȥ¿ͼ郎ޤۤɳȻƤʤȻȤǤεǤȤϤƤ⡤ϤƤϷ¯˴٤äƤʤȸڤ
ϢơTrudgill (43--44) ε⻲Ȥ줿
Trudgill, Peter. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction to Language and Society. 4th ed. London: Penguin, 2000.
#1749. οʲŤΥԡɡ ([2014-02-09-1]) ǡȯʲŤˤĤ Aitchison "language bonfire" Ҳ𤷤ؤΡؤפȤƤ롤ƣŹسؤӤΥȤФβʳء٤ɤǤȤβ⤬狼䤹Ҳ𤵤Ƥ
ƣ (23--24) ˤȡߤοؤθ̤餫ȤˤС¾θͤ褫顤पӥͥǥ륿ͤζ̤褬ʬΤ100ǯΤȤǤ롥ơ2Ĥ褬ߤʬΤ50ǯ25ǯ餤˥ͥǥ륿ͤǤӤޤǤϡȶ¸ƤȤ狼äƤ롥बեꥫΤ20ǯΤȤǤ롥θ7--6ǯ˥եꥫسȻ15ǯ餤Ƥã
嵭θˤΤʤǡ˸ΤʤΤƱȯȹͤΤˤĤƤϡ#544. ҥȤȯﴱοʲŬ ([2010-10-23-1]) ȡˡθ夷Ф餯ϡΤϴˤ䤫ʿʲˤ10ǯۤˤ褦䤯ŪʸοãĤĤäȤ롥Ȥ10ǯۤλˡʸοʲ롥ơХեꥫλ濴ˡ˻θηϤˤۤɤŨ٤ʸηϤȯãθϡĹˤ䤫̲λꡤߤ˻롥줬"language bonfire" Ǥ롥ƣ (24) ȡʲΤ褦ˤʤ롥

Ϣơ#41. ʸˤ ([2009-06-08-1])#751. ϵ46ǯΤߤΤʤǤοȸ ([2011-05-18-1])#1544. εȿʲǯɽ ([2013-07-19-1]) ⻲ȡ
ƣ ŹسؤӤΥȤФβʳء١ҤĤ˼2007ǯ
εοʲŤˤĤƤ͡Ƥꡤܥ֥Ǥ origin_of_language evolution εǴϢ夲ƤȤɾΤ Aitchison ˤСȯȽοʲˤϡ3Ĥβ⤬롥
1ܤϡAitchison "rabbit-out-of-a-hat" ȸƤǤΤǡϼʻդ˹Ҥ饦ФΤ褦ǡȤΤȤ#544. ҥȤȯﴱοʲŬ ([2010-10-23-1]) εǾҲ𤷤ѥɥΤǡChomsky ʤɤ羧ԤǤ롥"What use is half a wing for flying?" ȤʲѤطʤˡ줬ȾüȯãʳȤΤǤʤȤ롥ˤȡȯľθˤϡθˤߤʣʵǤäƤȤȤˤʤ롥
2ܤϡ"snail-up-a-wall" ȤǤƤ֤٤ǡʳϢ³ŪȯθⲿǯǯȤ֤ˤ錄äƤäȰ®٤ǿʲƤäȤΤǤ롥ɤΥΥ礦ĥȤǤ롥ʪʲˤơβ˹פ褦ʷʤȤ顤οʲˤƤϤޤʤΤǤϤʤȤ롥
3ܤϡ嵭2ĤȤ߹碌褦ʲǡAitchison "fits-and-starts" ȸƤǤ롥ˤȡȯȿʲϡڴĹȤߤ˷֤ͼħŤȤ롥#1397. ³ʿեǥ ([2013-02-22-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 punctuated_equilibrium ˤϢʤͤ
Aitchison ϤΤ餺4βȤơ٤ƤȤ߹碌褦ƤФܿͤϡ "language bonfire" ȸƤǤ롥
Probably, some sparks of language had been flickering for a very long time, like a bonfire in which just a few twigs catch alight at first. Suddenly, a flame leaps between the twigs, and ignites the whole mass of heaped-up wood. Then the fire slows down and stabilizes, and glows red-hot and powerful. . . . Probably, a simplified type of language began to emerge at least as early as 250,000 BP. Piece by piece, the foundations were slowly put in place. Somewhere between 100,000 and 75,000 BP perhaps, language reached a critical stage of sophistication. Ignition point arrived, and there was a massive blaze, during which language developed fast and dramatically. By around 50,000 BP it was slowing down and stabilizing as a steady long-term glow. (60--61)
ϡSǥȸƤ褤˼Ƥ륿ॹѥǥդȡΤ褦ˤʤ롥

οʲˤĤƤβϾ嵭̤줬͡δ֤ŤƤäͼˤĤƤϤɤ2Ĥ϶̤٤ۤʤǤ롥Aitchison ϡŤˤĤƤϰ쵤˹ޤ "language bushfire" θѤƤ롥դʤСޤʷľ뤤϶ȤȤˤʤ
. . . there's a distinction between language emergence (the bonfire) and its diffusion---the spread to other humans (a bush fire). . . . Once evolved, language could have swept through the hominid world like a bush fire. It would have given its speakers an enormous advantage, and they would have been able to impose their will on others, who might then learn the language. (61--62)
Aitchison, Jean. The Seeds of Speech: Language Origin and Evolution. Cambridge: CUP, 1996.
ѸˤμȤDZѸ줬ФƤѲ⤹ȡָϤɤɤѲƤƤפȤȿȤΤۤ¿ϡ#432. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ ([2010-07-03-1]) (2) ˵ָѲϤΨŪʾ֤ؤδʿǤפƱΤǤꡤѤȤǤƤ֤٤Τ⤷ʤεǤҤ٤ȤꡤѲϿǤǤʤȤΤθؼԤθǤ롥ȤĤƤϡ̾ʸؼԤΤʤˤ⡤ѤȾԤǥޡαѸؼ Otto Jespersen (1860--1943) ⤽1ͤǤ롥
. . . in all those instances in which we are able to examine the history of any language for a sufficient length of time, we find that languages have a progressive tendency. But if languages progress towards greater perfection, it is not in a bee-line, nor are all the changes we witness to be considered steps in the right direction. The only thing I maintain is that the sum total of these changes, when we compare a remote period with the present time, shows a surplus of progressive over retrogressive or indifferent changes, so that the structure of modern languages is nearer perfection than that of ancient languages, if we take them as wholes instead of picking out at random some one or other more or less significant detail. And of course it must not be imagined that progress has been achieved through deliberate acts of men conscious that they were improving their mother-tongue. On the contrary, many a step in advance has at first been a slip or even a blunder, and, as in other fields of human activity, good results have only been won after a good deal of bungling and 'muddling along.' (326)
. . . we cannot be blind to the fact that modern languages as wholes are more practical than ancient ones, and that the latter present so many more anomalies and irregularities than our present-day languages that we may feel inclined, if not to apply to them Shakespeare's line, "Misshapen chaos of well-seeming forms," yet to think that the development has been from something nearer chaos to something nearer kosmos. (366)
Jespersen ɤΤ褦ˤƸѤĤ˻äΤࡼʥ (84--85) ϡJespersen 1928ǯ Novial ȤФطʤʬϤΤ褦ɾƤNovial ˤĤƤϡ#958. 19Ⱦ³Ƚи ([2011-12-11-1]) ȡˡ
बؤɤ夤ΤϤۤοͤξ⤤äߤΤǤꡤޤΤʤˤäȤŤ顤äȤƤΰĤΤǤäȤΤϡθΨ֤ηкӤƤߤФ褤ȤͤǤ롥ˤĤŤΤϡʿŪˤϡǤդΰˤĤƤߤƤ⤢ȤˤĤƤߤƤ⡤鸫ȡθѲ¤Ԥθ¤꾡äƤΤȤͤǤ롽ϡäȤŪ˳ǧƤȾΤ뤽Τ褦ʡֿפȤƼΤ褦ʤΤƤ롥ʤŪȤñ㲽뤳ȡɽǽͤû̡ʬŪĤޤŪ¤ȯãμͳʥˤ֤ε§ζŪʿ̴ˤǤ롥ʡظο⡤ä˱Ѹȹ礷ơ١ˡޥƥͤߤȤ˸ƤȤäȤΤˤϤԤΤʤˤ桼ȥԥָΤ뤷Ȥ⸫ʤħ¤ȿФˡɥĤʸˡˤäƹƤäФȤƤϤäѤ襤äΤȹͤƸȡ¤˶ŪǼ襤ȤΤϡδʲϤޤäƤ˻ĺ˰֤ƤꡤˤϤĤͤ˷֤ȹ¤ѻˤǤ롤Ȥäʡָθס
ĤޤꡤJespersen ϡʤƾʤ餺ߤˤϤäƤָѲϴʾ֤δǤפȤѤйơѤǤФȤȤˤʤ롥ػŪˤ Jespersen ɾǤϤʤ
ˤҤ٤褦ˡJespersen ήθѤϡߤθؤǤϰŪ˼ƤʤˤĤơ#448. Vendryes ۩ָѲϿǤϤʤס ([2010-07-19-1]) ڤӡ#1382. ָѲϤѲǤס ([2013-02-07-1]) ȡ
Jespersen, Otto. Language: Its Nature, Development, and Origin. 1922. London: Routledge, 2007.
른塦ࡼʥƣ θء١ҡ2001ǯ
#41. ʸˤ ([2009-06-08-1])#751. ϵ46ǯΤߤΤʤǤοȸ ([2011-05-18-1]) εǸεȿʲǯɽ¾ԤΡؿʸաθεš (17) ꡤ⤦1Ĥθǯɽ
| 50,000 BC | եꥫονиʺǿοǯ | |
| 45,000 BC | ||
| ȥꥢؤΰư | ||
| 40,000 BC | ۥ⡦ԥ֤¸ߤʣʹưͼʪŪڵ¸ߡ | |
| 35,000 BC | ||
| 30,000 BC | ͥǥ륿ͤλǡǤ⸶Ūʸ | |
| 25,000 BC | ||
| 20,000 BC | ||
| 15,000 BC | ¿Υԡʿˡ10,000?15,000 | |
| ǽɹϴνꡨ桼饷²γ | ||
| ؤΰưȡɸ² | ||
| 10,000 BC | ||
| ؤΰưȡʡǥ² | ||
| 5,000 BC | ȥͥ²γ硨Ѥؤΰư | |
| ɡ衼åĸ | ||
| ɡ衼åѸ²κǸŤεϿҥåȸ졤åȸ | ||
| 0 | ŵ졧奮ꥷ졤ƥ | |
| 500 | ޥɡޥɤȯűѸ | |
| 1000 | ||
| 1500 | ̱ϻ塨ԥȥ쥪ȯɸγȤꡨǤβ® | |
| 2000 |
| 50,000 BC | եꥫονиʺǿοǯ | |
| 45,000 BC | ||
| ȥꥢؤΰư | ||
| 40,000 BC | ۥ⡦ԥ֤¸ߤʣʹưͼʪŪڵ¸ߡ | |
| 35,000 BC | ||
| 30,000 BC | ͥǥ륿ͤλǡǤ⸶Ūʸ | |
| 25,000 BC | ||
| 20,000 BC | ||
| 15,000 BC | ¿Υԡʿˡ10,000?15,000 | |
| ǽɹϴνꡨ桼饷²γ | ||
| ؤΰưȡɸ² | ||
| 10,000 BC | ||
| ؤΰưȡʡǥ² | ||
| 5,000 BC | ȥͥ²γ硨Ѥؤΰư | |
| ɡ衼åĸ | ||
| ɡ衼åѸ²κǸŤεϿҥåȸ졤åȸ | ||
| 0 | ŵ졧奮ꥷ졤ƥ | |
| 500 | ޥɡޥɤȯűѸ | |
| 1000 | ||
| 1500 | ̱ϻ塨ԥȥ쥪ȯɸγȤꡨǤβ® | |
| 2000 |
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