[2013-07-07-1], [2013-07-08-1]ε˰³wave_theory lexical_diffusion δطˤĤơѲ濴ϤȾ˼ϰŤƤ椯Ȥǥ벽ȾȡѲäδ֤˥褦ˤʳŪ˿ʤǤ椯ȤƤóȻȤοϹ⤤ظˤSȤإǥꤵƤꡤ̾ͤʷϵɺäƤ롥
ξԤȤ˲餫ΰ̣ (diffusion) äƤΤŪʰ㤤ϡȾŪ֤ȤƤΤФơóȻϸŪ֤ˤƤ뤳ȤǤ롥Wardhaugh (222--23) ŦƤΤǡսѤ褦
The theory of lexical diffusion has resemblances to the wave theory of language change: a wave is also a diffusion process. . . .
The wave theory of change and the theory of lexical diffusion are very much alike. Each attempts to explain how a linguistic change spreads through a language; the wave theory makes claims about how people are affected by change, whereas lexical diffusion makes claims concerning how a particular change spreads through the set of words in which the feature undergoing change actually occurs: diffusion through linguistic space. That the two theories deal with much the same phenomenon is apparent when we look at how individuals deal with such sets of words. What we find is that in individual usage the change is introduced progressively through the set, and once it is made in a particular word it is not 'unmade', i.e., there is no reversion to previous use. What is remarkable is that, with a particular change in a particular set of words, speakers tend to follow the same order of progression through the set; that is, all speakers seem to start with the same sub-set of words, have the same intermediate sub-set, and extend the change to the same final sub-set. For example, in Belfast the change from [ʊ] to [ʌ] in the vowel in words like pull, put, and should shows a 74 percent incidence in the first word, a 39 percent incidence in the second, and only an 8 percent incidence in the third . . . . In East Anglia and the East Midlands of England, a sound change is well established in must and come but the same change is found hardly at all in uncle and hundred . . . . This diffusion is through social space.
ǤϸóȻ "linguistic space" бȾ "social space" бƤ롥Ԥ "geographical space" 礹빭ǰȤƤȤ館Ѳ˿ʹԽԲĵ뤳ȤˤƤ뤬϶Ūˤϴްռ (implicational scale) 뤳Ȥб롥
social space geographical space ˤŤȤϡŪˤ϶ƱΤ鶦ƱΤؤŤΤȤǤꡤ˥ߥˤüԤüԤؤŤΤȤǤ롥 S-diffusion ȸƤӡФƸ줫ؤŤ W-diffusion ȸƤǡξԤΰƱΤϡOgura and Wang Ǥ롥 (Hotta 120) ƳȤΤǡʲ˰Ѥ롥
Ogura and Wang call these two different levels of diffusion W-diffusion and S-diffusion. W-diffusion proceeds from word to word of a single speaker or at a single site, while S-diffusion proceeds from speaker to speaker, or from site to site of a single word. Students of language change have sometimes spoken of this "double diffusion," which may be compared to diffusion of infectious diseases:
These diffusion processes are comparable to epidemics of infectious diseases, and the standard model of an epidemic produces an S-curve (called logistic) describing the increase of frequency of the trait. There are potentially two epidemics, or more exactly two dimensions in which the epidemic can proceed. One dimension is represented by W-diffusion and the other dimension by S-diffusion. (Ogura and Wang, "Evolution Theory" 322)
Ѳ2Ťΰ̣ŤƤ椯Ȥ "double diffusion" ιͤˡ礭ʲǽȤǤǤ롥Hudson (183) ǤС"cumulative diffusion" ȤɽȤ⤷ʤ
How does the theory of lexical diffusion relate to the wave theory . . . . According to the latter, changes spread gradually through the population, just as, according to the former, they diffuse through the lexicon, so we might expect a connection between them. A reasonable hypothesis is that changes spread cumulatively through the lexicon at the same time as they spread through the population, so that the words which were affected first by the change will be the first to be adopted in the new pronunciation by other speakers.
Wardhaugh, Ronald. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 6th ed. Malden: Blackwell, 2010.
Hotta, Ryuichi. The Development of the Nominal Plural Forms in Early Middle English. Hituzi Linguistics in English 10. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo, 2009.
Ogura, Mieko and William S-Y. Wang. "Evolution Theory and Lexical Diffusion." Advances in English Historical Linguistics. Ed. Jacek Fisiak and Marcin Krygier. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1998. 315--43.
Hudson, R. A. Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Cambridge: CUP, 1996.
ε[2013-07-07-1]˰³ѲˤޤĤ3ĤγǰδطˤĤơϡSecond Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) ŪȾ˳礷ɤΤ褦ʽǸä˥äƿʹԤȤ夲ϡѸνѼˤߤ -t/-d deletion Ȥݤܤ롥
-t/-d deletion Ȥϡmissed, grabbed, mist, hand ʤɤθλĺü벻Ǥ롥ɸŪάȯäǤϤ褯ߤ븽ݤ٤ϷֲĶˤäưۤʤȹͤƤ롥ͿŪʷֲĶȤϡθ줬 (1) mist Τ褦1 (monomorphemic) ʤ뤫 miss-ed Τ褦2 (bimorphemic) ʤ뤫(2) ³벻Ҳ (ex. missed train) 첻 (ex. missed Alice) 2Ǥ롥(1) 1 > 2, (2) Ҳ³ > 첻³ȤطΩ1ǤǻҲ³ -t/-d Ǥü䤹2Ǥ첻³ -t/-d ǤüˤȤȤͽۤ롥ͽۤ mist missed ˴ؤɽηȡʲΤ褦ˤʤRomain, p. 142 "Temporal development of varieties for the rule of -t/-d deletion" ˡ

ϡ SGCS θɽƤ롥ǤϡѼˡֲĶ˱ơ-t deletion θ礬ʾʬۤʤƤ롥ѼؤγȤȤߤȾɽ魯ΤȤơǤߤóȻɽ魯ΤȤơ̻ŪʽζŪʸȤߤްռɽ魯ΤȤơɽ᤹뤳ȤǤ롥
2ηֲĶˤĤƤϡ-t/-d deletion θ˴ؤ (constraint) ȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥(1) ̣ͭ -ed ϾüˤȤ(2) ʻҲϢ³ʤ -t/-d ϾüˤȤȤƺƲǤ롥δ餹ȡ2Ĥθ̤ͥˤäơۤʤä -t/-d deletion ʬɽ뤳ȤˤʤˤơȾóȻްռȤäǰȡOptimality Theory ŬˤȤ⸫ƤΤǤϤʤ
Romain, Suzanne. Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: OUP, 2000.
#1506. The Rhenish fan ([2013-06-11-1]) εǡϥɥĸϥɥĸʬˤäƸߤ˰פʤ¤ǧλ¤ˤϡǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤ벻ˡ§ΰΧŬѤȤΤǤϤʤषȾ (wave_theory) Ȥơ줴Ȥ˳礷Ƥ椯ΰ褬ۤʤΤȤߤʤɬפ롥
The Rhenish fan ̤ؤľ˽ǤϢΰۤʤϰ1--7̾դ褦ļ˼ꡤѰۤθҲޤ6 (ich, machen, dorf, das, apfel, pfund) ˼롥ȡSecond Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) θ̤ˤĤơʲΤ褦ʳʾʬۤ뤳ȤǤRomain, p. 138 "Isoglosses between Low and High German consonant shift: /p t k/ /(p)f s x/" ˡ

1Ǥ SGCS θ̤ϥ2Ǥ ich ˴ؤƤΤ߸̤Ƥ롥3Ǥ machen ˸̤ڤӡ4Ǥ dorf ˤڤ֡³Ƥ椭Ǹ7ˤäơ6줹٤ƤҲѲФȤˤʤ롥1--7ŪľϢ³Ǥ뤳ȤפФСɽϡѲȾ˳礷Ƥ椯ͻҡʤȾɽ魯ΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
ơ1--7ľܤɽ魯ΤǤϤʤ1ˤɽ魯ΤȤƲᤷ褦ˤơ1ˤƤ SGCS θ̤ϤޤƤʤ2ˤƤ ich ˴ؤƸ̤Ƥ롥34ˤ machen, dorf 줾ѲФơ缡7 pfund ޤ³λˤäƤ褦䤯٤Ƥθˤ SGCS λ롥βȤСɽϡ֤ȤȤ SGCS ä˥褦ˤƿʹԤóȻ (lexical diffusion) ɽ魯ΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
ļ1--7Ȥ٥ϡŪľ¤ΤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤС֤ΤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥ԤȾԤϸóȻɽ路Ѳˤξδط褯ΤǤϤʤ
ˡɽϸѲȼްռ (implicational scale) ƤǤͭյǤ롥6Τ줬 SGCS Ǥ˷ФƤȤ狼äƤΤǤС뤤Ϥλˤơθ꺸¦ˤ뤹٤Ƥθ SGCS ФƤϤǤ롥ΤȤϱ¦θϺ¦θްդɽǤ롥ѲνȤ̻Ūʼȡɤθ줬 SGCS θ̤ͽ¬ǽǤȤŪʼȤߤȤͻ¤Ƥ롥
Ѳ implicational scale ˤĤƤϡ#841. yod-dropping ([2011-08-16-1]) ⻲ȡ
Romain, Suzanne. Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: OUP, 2000.
Ѳ뤤ʸˡѲ®٤ˤĤƤ speed_of_change γƵǼ夲ƤۤȤɤѲ®˴ؤҲŪװŦˤȤɤޤꡤŪˤäƤʤä#621. ʸˡѲοʹԤα߳ꤵ®١ ([2011-01-08-1]) ǡ̤Ѳ®٤ˤĤơ餤Ǥ롥
ʸˡǤϡҶθ콬˴ؤᥫ˥ Primary Linguistic Data (PLD) ȤФϤδ顤ŪʸˡѲƤεͼԤ Lightfoot Ǥ롥Lightfoot 2006ǯʸĹǯˤ錄Ƥ롥
Changes often take place in clusters: apparently unrelated superficial changes occur simultaneously or in rapid sequence. Such clusters manifest a single theoretical choice which has been taken differently. If so, the singularity of the change can be explained by the appropriately defined theoretical choice. So the principles of UG and the definition of the cues constitute the laws which guide change in grammars, defining the available terrain. Any change is explained if we show, first, that the linguistic environment has changed and, second, that the new phenomenon . . . must be the way that it is because of some principle of the theory and the new PLD. (42)
Ѥ1ʸˡѲˤƤϡϢѲ«ȤʤäƱˤ뤤ϵ®롤Ȥ롥̤ΰѤ⼨
[I]f grammars are abstract, then they change only occasionally and sometimes with dramatic consequences for a wide range of constructions and expressions; grammar change tends to be "bumpy," manifested by clusters of phenomena changing at the same time . . . . (27)
ʸΤʤǡLightfoot ϡcan, may, must ʤɤˡư첽 (auxiliary_verb) Ϳ¿θˤû֤16ޤǤ˴λȡdo-periphrasis ([2010-08-26-1]) 18ȡ2Ĥΰ츫ȴϢʤѸˤˤʸˡѲV-to-I operation ȤξüˤäƴϢŤ뤳Ȥ롥ޤѸˤˤפǤʤοȸȯãδطˤĤơsplit genitive, group genitive, of ˤ뱪Ū°ʡ-'s ˤȤꡤѤ뤳ȤǰϢʸˡѲϢŤǤȼĥ롥
«Ȥʤäơסֵ®ˡפȤΤLightfoot θѲˤƺǤפʼĥ1ĤǤ롥Ǥ餯Ū˷ӤĤƤΤóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ȹͤƤ롥óȻˤƤϡϢܤ«ȤʤäơʤȤȻʳˤƤϡֵ®ˡʹԤȤƤ롥Lightfoot θѲȸóȻϡѤޤǰۤʤ뤷оݤ㤦ΤϳΤ"clusters" "bumpy" Ȥ̤ΥɤϸѲħɽ路Ƥ褦˻פƤʤʤ
Lightfoot, David W. "Cuing a New Grammar." Chapter 2 of The Handbook of the History of English. Ed. Ans van Kemenade and Bettelou Los. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006. 24--44.
ε#1286. ֲѲΰۤʤ2ưŤ ([2012-11-03-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 Hooper ʸǤϡĴ1ĤȤưζܹԡʶѲưμѲˤ夲ƤHooper εñǤ롥ܹԤˤʿ (analogical leveling) ŵǤꡤ٤㤤ư줫˰ܹԤ뤲ƤΤȤ
Hooper ĴоݤȤưϸűѸζѲI, II, IIIͳ褹ưΤߤǤꡤθѸˤپˤĤƤ Kučera and Francis ɽȤƤ롥ٷ lemma ñ̤ǤֻΤߤȤФǤꡤdrive, ride ʤɤθʲɽ * դƤΡˤˤĤʻζ̤θƤʤӺʤΤޤǯʾˤ錄ѲˤƤȤˡѸˤ٤ΤߤȤƤ褤ΤȤ[2012-09-21-1]ε#1243. ٤θ̻ŪΤˡסˤˤĤƤڴŪǤ (99) ΤȤơ᤹Τ˻ͤޤǤˤȤâɬפʲ Hooper (100) ɽ䤹ѤΤǤ褦

ΤˤΤ褦˸ȡܹԤФưΤȤ٤Ūˤä㤤Ȥ狼롥Ϣơkeep, *leave, *sleep *creep, *leap, weep ˤĤơ3줬ŪʲݻƤΤФơ3ˤϼŪ creeped, leaped, weeped ΰ۷ǧȤԤ٤Ϥ줾 531, 792, 132 ФƸԤϤ줾 37, 42, 31 Ȥ (Hooper 100) ͤޤǤˤȤϤäƤ⡤ȤƤ餫Τ褦˻פ롥
ưζܹԤϱѸˤˤƴŪǤꡤܥ֥Ǥ#178. ưε§Ѳά ([2009-10-22-1]) #527. Ե§Ѳưε§®٤ٻɸ2ȿ㤹? ([2010-10-06-1]) #528. ˵§ư wed !? ([2010-10-07-1]) ʤɤǿƤƳȤ狼äƤʤȤ¿ξܺ٤ʸ椬ؤ롥
Hooper, Joan. "Word Frequency in Lexical Diffusion and the Source of Morphophonological Change." Current Progress in Historical Linguistics. Ed. William M. Christie Jr. Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1976. 95--105.
Ѳȸ٤ȤδطˤĤƤϡPhillips θҲ𤷤ʤ顤#1239. Frequency Actuation Hypothesis ([2012-09-17-1]) #1242. -ate ưζܹԡ ([2012-09-20-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥ#1265. ٤ȲѲνδط˵ŤƤ Schuchardt ([2012-10-13-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡ˲ŪѲϹٸ줫ϤޤȤȤ19ŦƤդ (analogy) δؤֲŪѲٸ줫ϤޤȤȤ⡤ۤƱ Herman Paul ˤäƻŦƤHooper 95)
Hooper ϡ1984ǯʸǡ٤Ȥ顤벻Ѳȹͤ븽Ѹˤ schwa-deletion memory ʤɤ2첻ˤˤʿȹͤưμѲĴ2Ω "phonetic change tends to affect frequent words first, while analogical leveling tends to affect infrequent words first" (101) ٻPhillips Ϥñ2ΩˤäƤǤʤΤ뤳ȤƤ뤬ΩνȯȤ뤳ȤϺǤ
Τ褦٤ȲѲδطˤäƤ褦˸ Hooper ¤ΤȤüԤϸپ˥ǤʤϤȹͤƤ (102)
I do not think the relative frequency of words is a part of native speaker competence, so I would not propose to make the rule sensitive to word frequency.
Ǥ٤ȲѲοʹԽشط뤳Ȥǧ³ΤǤСξԤϡüԤθǽϤǤϤʤ챿ѤΤʤˤȤȤˤʤΤHooper ϻҶθĤ褦ȤƤ褦
٤ȲѲν˴ؤΤŪʰյϡʷ֡˲Ѳˤϸΰۤʤʣμब뤳Ȥˤ롥ѲνۤʤȤȤϡ餯ѲΥᥫ˥बۤʤȤȤǤꡤѲθۤʤȤȤǤϤʤȤСѲν狼СѲưŤ狼뤳Ȥˤʤ롥ϤΤ褦ʸΰۤʤѲˡֽ벻ѲפŪʷֲѲפȤ٥ŽդƤϤ٤ʬबɬפHooper (103) ηƤ
. . . if it turned out that vowel shifts and some other phonetic changes affect infrequent forms before frequent forms, then we would have an interesting indication that phonetic changes arise from different sources, and furthermore, if my hypotheses are correct, a way of determining which types of changes are traceable to which source. Thus it appears that lexical diffusion, studied in terms of word frequency, may turn up some interesting evidence concerning the source of morpho-phonological change. (103)
Hooper, Joan. "Word Frequency in Lexical Diffusion and the Source of Morphophonological Change." Current Progress in Historical Linguistics. Ed. William M. Christie Jr. Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1976. 95--105.
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and the Actuation of Sound Change." Language 60 (1984): 320--42.
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and Lexical Diffusion in English Stress Shifts." Germanic Linguistics. Ed. Richard Hogg and Linda van Bergen. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1998. 223--32.
٤óȻ (lexical diffusion) οʹԽδطˤĤƤϡ[2012-09-17-1], [2012-09-20-1], [2012-09-21-1]γƵǰäƤ19ǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤСѲ "phonetically gradual and lexically abrupt" ǤȤȤQäǯθóȻθˤꡤѲˤѲŵŪ˸ "lexically gradual" βǧ褦ˤʤäƤƤ롥֤Ǥ첻Ǥ졤ѲΤʤˤϽȵڤƤ椯ΤȤθϡѲθȤƤ (analogy) Ȥ褯Ѳ֤Ƥ Neogrammarians ⤷ΤȤΤäξȤ
˿ʹԤ벻Ѳǧ硤줬ɤΤ褦ʽǿʹԤΤȤȤʤ롥ǡ٤ȤƤƤΤδθϤޤ˽ФǤ롥ȤȤȤǤСƤϰճʤƤǯʸˡɤй Hugo Ernst Maria Schuchardt (1842--1927) 1885ǯȤᤤʳǡ٤ȲѲνܤդƤΤʲϡPhillips (321) ˷ǺܤƤ Schuchardt ΰѡʱˤǤ롥
The greater or lesser frequency in the use of individual words that plays such a prominent role in analogical formation is also of great importance for their phonetic transformation, not within rather small differences, but within significant ones. Rarely used words drag behind; very frequently used ones hurry ahead. Exceptions to the sound laws are formed in both groups.
Neogrammarian λˤơ٤ȲѲνܤ Schuchardt ״˶äʤμϡθˤüξǤꡤƥΤȤ˭٤dzΤʴפΤäޥؤʬबȤꤸƤȤȴط롥ϡ¤λˤ Neogrammarian βˡ§ȿ㤬˭٤ˤ뤳ȤϤäǧƤꡤˡ§ˤˤκƷǤϸοʤȤ˴Ƥ²ȤͤˤŪǡ˺ȾȻβꤷƤäκؤδؿϲ̤ƤʤŪʸ椬ɾ褦ˤʤäΤϡ1塤쥪츦θ1960ǯΤȤǤ롥
Schuchardt Τ褦ʸۤäƤȤΤС嵭ΰѤ⼫ǤSchuchardt ȥ쥪ؤȯŸȤδطˤĤƤϡ (188--96) ܤ
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and the Actuation of Sound Change." Language 60 (1984): 320--42.
Schuchardt, Hugo. Über die Lautgesetze: Gegen die Junggrammatiker. 1885. Trans. in Shuchardt, the Neogrammarians, and the Transformational Theory of Phonological Change. Ed. Theo Vennemann and Terence Wilbur. Frankfurt: Altenäum, 1972. 39--72.
ɧظؤȤϲ١ȽŹҴȿӡ1993ǯ
[2012-09-17-1]ε#1239. Frequency Actuation Hypothesisפǡ -ate ưζưƤƤȤѲ˿줿̾ư (diatone Ʊͤ˸ߤʹζܹԤǤꡤóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ȤƤܤͤ롥
ΰܹԤˤĤƤ Phillips óȻδ鸦椷Ƥ뤬OED "contemplate, v" ˤޤȤޤä⤬ΤǡҲ𤷤褦Danielsson (271--72) Ǥ⡤OED Τβս꤬Ƥ롥
In a few rare cases (Shakes., Hudibras) stressed 'contemplate in 16--7th c.; also by Kenrick 1773, Webster 1828, among writers on pronunciation. Byron, Shelley, and Tennyson have both modes, but the orthoepists generally have con'template down to third quarter of 19th c.; since that time 'contemplate has more and more prevailed, and con'template begins to have a flavour of age. This is the common tendency with all verbs in -ate. Of these, the antepenult stress is historical in all words in which the penult represents a short Latin syllable, as ac'celerate, 'animate, 'fascinate, 'machinate, 'militate, or one prosodically short or long, as in 'celebrate, 'consecrate, 'emigrate; regularly also when the penult has a vowel long in Latin, as 'alienate, 'aspirate, con'catenate, 'denudate, e'laborate, 'indurate, 'personate, 'ruinate (L. aliēno, aspīro, etc.). But where the penult has two or three consonants giving positional length, the stress has historically been on the penult, and its shift to the antepenult is recent or still in progress, as in acervate, adumbrate, alternate, compensate, concentrate, condensate, confiscate, conquassate, constellate, demonstrate, decussate, desiccate, enervate, exacerbate, exculpate, illustrate, inculcate, objurgate, etc., all familiar with penult stress to middle-aged men. The influence of the noun of action in -ation is a factor in the change; thus the analogy of ,conse'cration, 'consecrate, etc., suggests ,demon'stration, 'demonstrate. But there being no remonstration in use, re'monstrate, supported by re'monstrance, keeps the earlier stress.
Ĥޤꡤ3ʾθˤƤϡŪˤ penult ι˱ƶ penult antepenult Ūˤϡpenult ˻ҲˤϡŪˤϤβ˶ȤḽѸˤơб̾ -ation ζѥˤȤŤ䤬Ưᤫζ˰ĺءantepenult ؤȰܹԤƤƤȤΤǤ롥
Danielsson OED ˤ3ʾθˤĤƤθڤʤPhillips 2ˤĤƤĴ̣Ȥˡ2 -ate ưʤ penult IJΤΡˤǤϡȿФζܹԤäƤȤfrustrate, dictate, prostrate, pulsate, stagnate, truncate ʤɤθǤϡŪˤ penult ˶Ѹˤ ultima ˶۷ƤƤʺǽ3ˤĤƤ夷ˡơζܹԤˤĤƤ⡤Phillips ٤ι⤤ΤѲƤƤȤ¤ͤߤ (226--28)
٤㤤ΤѲƤ Phillips μĥ̾ưȡΩ̤Ǥ롥٤ȸóȻοʹԽȤˡʰФꤸƤ롥
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and Lexical Diffusion in English Stress Shifts." Germanic Linguistics. Ed. Richard Hogg and Linda van Bergen. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1998. 223--32.
Danielsson, Bror. Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance Loan-Words in English. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1948.
óȻ (lexical diffusion) ȤƿʹԤ벻Ѳƻڤ٤ؤƤ餷ȤϡŤ19ŦƤºݤˡPhillips (1984: 321) ˵Ƥ褦ˡ٤ι⤤줫Ѳ뤲ȤѲϿڤƤǡ٤㤤줫Ѳ뤲ǧƤꡤ٤ȸóȻνδطˤĤƤϡޤ˵䤬¿ˤĤơPhillips ϡꥫѸˤ glide deletion Ѹ unrounding Ѹ̾ưdiatonic stress shift; diatone εȡˤȤ٤㤤˿ʹԤȤ3ĤβѲ夲ơ"Frequency Actuation Hypothesis" ϡ"physiologically motivated sound changes affect the most frequent words first; other sound changes affect the least frequent words first" (1984: 336) ȤΤǤԤ surface phonetic form ƯѲԤ underlying phonetic form ƯѲؤˡ
Phillips 1998ǯ -ate ǽưζ֤ΰư˴ؤ븦ˤơŪưŤƤʤѲͽۤ褦٤㤤ˤϿʤޤष٤ι⤤˿ʤǤ뤳Ȥ餫ˤǡ Frequency Actuation Hypothesis
[F]or segmental changes, physiologically motivated sound changes affect the most frequent words first; other sound changes affect the least frequent words first. For suprasegmental changes, changes which require analysis (e.g., by part of speech or by morphemic element) affect the least frequent words first, whereas changes which eliminate or ignore grammatical information affect the most frequent words first. (1998: 231)
ĤޤꡤΰưΤ褦ĶʬβѲ˴ؤƤϡüԤˤʬϤ뤫ʤǡ٤ȽδطžȤ櫓Ǥ롥ʤʤΤˤĤơPhillips Bybee (117--19) "lexical strength" ȤͤФƤ롥
ɬ⤳εǼƤʤޤPhillips μĥȤϰۤʤꡤ̾ư夬٤ι⤤˿ʹԤȤǡȼƤ롥٤ѲνˤĤƤθϽ˽ФǤꡤ;Ϥ¿ʬ˻ĤƤ롥
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and the Actuation of Sound Change." Language 60 (1984): 320--42.
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and Lexical Diffusion in English Stress Shifts." Germanic Linguistics. Ed. Richard Hogg and Linda van Bergen. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1998. 223--32.
Bybee, Joan L. Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1985.
ε#1214. °̾ΰ֤θ경ˡ ([2012-08-23-1]) ǡѸˤ、̾Ф°̾ΰ֤θĤˤĤƸ֤Ǥ֤Ǥ졤°̾줽ΤΤƱ˿षƤäȤ¤˺ƤϤʤʤ°̾Ѥ A's B B of A Ȥof ˤ뱪ȯãԤθطϡɤ鸫С礫ʬϤ (synthesis_to_analysis) ȤѸˤĬή˾äѲǤ롥
Fries (206) ͿƤɽϡűѸ줫Ѹˤ3°ʡ°ʡof °ʡˤ줾ɤ٤γѤ줿ͤǤ롥ղƤߤ
| Post-positive genitive | 'Periphrastic' genitive | Pre-positive genitive | |
|---|---|---|---|
| c. 900 | 47.5% | 0.5% | 52.0% |
| c. 1000 | 30.5% | 1.0% | 68.5% |
| c. 1100 | 22.2% | 1.2% | 76.6% |
| c. 1200 | 11.8% | 6.3% | 81.9% |
| c. 1250 | 0.6% | 31.4% | 68.9% |
| c. 1300 | 0.0% | 84.5% | 15.6% |

#132. űѸ줫Ѹؤθȯã ([2009-09-06-1]) Ⱥε#1213. Ūΰ֤θ경ˡ ([2012-08-22-1]) ˰³Fries θξҲ𡥺ϡ°̾줬、̾Ф֤뤫֤뤫ȤˤĤơ
c900--c1250ǯȯŸˤĤơΤ褦ʷ̤줿 (Fries 205)
| c. 900 | c. 1000 | c. 1100 | c. 1200 | c. 1250 | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Genitive before its noun | 52.4% | 69.1% | 77.4% | 87.4% | 99.1% |
| Genitive after its noun | 47.6% | 30.9% | 22.6% | 12.6% | 0.9% |

[2009-09-06-1]ε#132. űѸ줫ѸؤθȯãפǼ夲 Fries ĴϡѸθȯã˴ؤפʸǤ롥εǤϡưФľŪŪʰ֤˴ؤ̻ŪܤΤߤ夲Fries ϤۤˤľŪưФŪŪʰ֤䡤、̾Фƻ°̾Ūʰ֤оݤȤƤ롥ԤˤĤƾҲ𤹤롥
űѸ줫ϡ900--1000ǯϰϤΥѥ2558 F. C. Cassidy Ĵ̤ȤƤ롥ŪľŪΰִطˤĤơԤ̾줫̾줫ξԤޤफˤꡤͤ (202)
| OE Corpus (900--1000) | Dative-object before acc-obj. | Dative-object after acc-obj. |
|---|---|---|
| Nouns | 249 (64.0%) | 140 (36.0%) |
| Pronouns | 674 (82.8%) | 141 (17.2%) |
| Both together | 923 (76.6%) | 281 (23.3%) |
| OE Corpus (900--1000) | Dative-object before the verb | Dative-object after the verb |
|---|---|---|
| Nouns | 95 (27.6%) | 249 (72.4%) |
| Pronouns | 495 (48.7%) | 518 (51.3%) |
| Both together | 587 (43.4%) | 767 (56.6%) |
| EME Corpus (c1200) | Dative-object before the verb | Dative-object after the verb |
| Nouns | 26 (23.0%) | 88 (77.0%) |
| Pronouns | 218 (43.0%) | 288 (57.0%) |
| Both together | 244 (39.4%) | 376 (60.6%) |
analogy ѡˤϡѲθȤơǤΤƤ뤬Ʊ˺Ǥڻ뤵ƤȤäƤ褤ֲѲ㳰ʤפȾ19ǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ϡˡ§ϳϡ䤫ѤˤäƸ̤ˤǤȼĥˤäơȤ櫓ϡ㳰ꤲ٤ȢȲƤä
ǯʸˡɤβѲιͤ "phonetically gradual and lexically abrupt" ȤΤ¤βѲΤʤˤ "phonetically abrupt and lexically gradual" ΤΤ뤳ȤʬäƤƤ롥óȻ (lexical diffusion) νޤѲѲػȡष "morphologically abrupt and lexically gradual" λ㤬̾Ǥ롥ϡޤˤѲŵŪ˸Ǥ롥Ūʲˡ§Ω줫鸫СϥȢΤ褦ʤΤդ濴Ȥ餹ȡˡ§ðۤʻΤ褦˻פƤ롥ξԤʤΰƱǡ⼡βѲˤϸѲФȤɬפʤΤǤϤʤ
֤ƤԹΩˤĤơޤȲѲȤ֤ƤԹʾˤĤơPostal (234) 3ǡΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
'Analogy' is really an unfortunate term. There is reason to believe that rather than being some sharply defined process, analogy actually is a residual category into which is put every kind of linguistic change which does not meet some set of a priori notions about the nature of change. In particular, I think that the term 'analogy' has been used very misleadingly to refer to cases of perfectly regular phonological change in which part of the conditioning environment involves Surface Constituent Structure; i.e. changes which happen only in nouns, or only in verb stems, etc. I suspect that an analytic survey of cases which have been referred to as 'analogy' would yield many instances of regular phonological change with nonphonetic environments . . . .
Postal ϡ"the regularity of phonetic change "its putative purely phonetic character" (281) ȤƱƤȤŪŦʤ顤벻ѲȤεΥϤۤ礭ʤΤǤϤʤȼƤ롥
ϡŪԵ§ŪʺѤȤơѲεˤƤⰷȤƤŪʲˡ§ˤ顤ŪʲФƤºݤˤԵ§뤫餳ȢɬפȤƤΤǤ롥analogy ϿޤƤ٤
Postal, P. Aspects of Phonological Theory. New York: Harper & Row, 1968.
ѲȾ˼ϤäƹԤȤȾ (the wave theory; Wellentheorie) ˤĤơ#999. ѲȾ ([2012-01-21-1]) #1000. Ÿն˻Ĥ ([2012-01-22-1]) #1045. Ĺˤ ([2012-03-07-1]) εǼ夲ƤȾϡӸؤȤƤ the family tree model ФȿȤ줿ΤäѲˤ¾ʸŤƱͤŪ¦̤ȤͤƤߤФäȤʼĥ˳ΩͿȤɾ롥
ȾϡѲŤˤĤƤ͡¦̤˸ƤƤʲˡȾ⤬ѲθͿȵڸ̤ߤˤĤơιͤȤ褦
(1) ָŸն˻Ĥ (archaism in marginal areas) θ§ǤΩơƤߤͿ
(2) ѲŤŪ¦̤ˤĤƤν߽ФΤȤʤä㤨СȾФ the gravity model 䡤 the gravity model й the counterhierarchical modelŪڤܤ border effect ʤɡ (linguistic geography) ȯŸ˹
(3) Ⱦθϡ٥ŤǤʤҲ٥ŤˤѤǤǽ롥㤨С[2010-06-07-1]ε#406. Labov New York City /r/פǾҲ𤷤ĴǡҲкŪʳؤβ˸äơʺǾ̤Ȥơ /r/ Ψ⤫ä¤ϡrhotic ȯؤ˥äȾ˹äƤΤǤϤʤȤٻ롥
(4) óȻ (lexical diffusion) ϡ衤Ū¦̤ϴطʤηϤΤʤ˥褦˿ʤѲȤ줿ŪȾȤ褦˻פ롥Ⱦ¤2ܡ3ܤȳȤФ줾Ѥ4ܡ9ܤ˳礹褦ˡóȻǤ⤢ʳĤ "take-off" ȡ®٤˾夬ꡤäȾ쵤ݤ߹ࡥ
Ⱦ⤬ѲŪͣηǤϤʤȤΤƤ뤬(2) ǽҤ٤褦ˡѲθŪ֤ȤᤷӤ礭Britain ϡʸƬǡߤǤҲؤˤŪ֤μؤδؿ˳ȻŦƤ롥
The geographical dimension of space has been an almost wholly unexplored dimension in sociolinguistics. This is a somewhat surprising state of affairs since modern sociolinguistics can rightfully claim roots in a number of (seemingly) spatially-aware antecedents: the cartographic tradition of early dialectology, early linguistic anthropology, the cultural geography of Vidal de la Blache . . . and so on. Almost without exception, and rather than having been critically explored as a potential social variable, space has been treated as a blank canvas onto which sociolinguistic processes are painted. It has been unexamined, untheorised and its role in shaping and being shaped by language untested.
Ū֤ѲΥХȤƤǤϤʤζȤƤȤ館ƤƤɬפ롥
Britain, Dave. "Geolinguistics and Linguistic Diffusion." Sociolinguistics: International Handbook of the Science of Language and Society. Ed. U. Ammon et al. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2004.
[2010-02-03-1]ε#282. Sir William JonesαԤŦפǽҤ٤褦ˡSir William Jones (1746--1794) βŪƶˤꡤ18ν꤫ӸؤϤޤäθ塤ӸؤδפϡAugust Schleicher (1821--68) ˤꡤ19ȾФˤϳΩƤȤäƤ褤Schleicher ȤСƷ˥ƥꥹĤ뽬ϤؼԤǤ⤢롥Ӹؤβڡ̤ϡΰη ([2009-06-17-1], [2010-07-26-1]) ˶Ž̤Ƥ롥
ǡƱӸؤȤѲѡ the family tree model ФưлϤƤޤϻּ˱äϤƤ뤬¤ˤϡϸߤܿʤȯŸƤ롥ɤδطͤˤϡּǼĤμǤʤ֤Ǥܿɽ魯μ碌ǰƬˤɬפΤǤϤʤǡSchleicher θѼԤΰ Johannes Schmidt (1843--1901) ϡthe family tree model ؤΥơȤ the wave theory (Wellentheorie) ܤŪȵڤƤ椯Ȥ֤μ˾ƤѲѤǤ롥Campbell and Mixco (221) Ѥ褦
According to the wave model, linguistic changes spread outward concentrically as waves on a pond do when a stone is thrown into it, becoming progressively weaker with the distance from their central point. Since later changes may not cover the same area there may be no sharp boundaries between neighboring dialects or languages; rather, the greater the distance between them, the fewer linguistic traits dialects or languages may share.
ŪʸܤϡӤꤲޤ줿ФΤ褦ˡ濴ȤƱ߾˶٤عäƤ椯ͤƤߤСΤ褦˻פ롥ιꡤήԤšȯڴʬ۳硤Ȥʸݤ the wave theory ξˡǹäƤ椯褦˸뤫ӸؤϻּˤȤ줹Ƥꡤʤʤּȯۤˤɤ夫ʤäơѲ϶֤μȤ̿ޤ졤 (linguistic geography) ȯŸؤȤĤʤäƤä
Ǥϡthe family tree model ˴Ť²ηޤϡthe wave theory ǤϤɤΤ褦ʿޤȤΤʲβѤޤߤʤ Schmidt ˴ŤδطޤǤʾϲp. 43 οޤͤ˺ˡ

Ƹʤ־ΰˤϽŤʤ꤬ꡤ餬 Italic Ȥ餬 Germanic ȤΤȤǤʤȤȤ褯Ƥ롥ΰѤ2ʸǽҤ٤Ƥ褦ˡۤʤǻϤޤä2Ĥθ㤨п A B ϡȤƱȯȤƤƤ⡤ƱȾ¤ȤϤʤȾ¤κˤꡤABξ줿A줿ʤäʤɤΰ㤤롥ºݤˤϡ̤Τ褦ˤ줤˱ߤ櫓ǤϤʤΤǡƸεڤΰθ³ɽ魯 (isogloss) ʣȤΤȤʤ롥ABΤߤʤ餺¿θΤ褦ˤƹäƤ椯ˡŪΥΥۤɡۤʤä줬ޤ줶ʤΤ Schmidt ϹͤޤƱ⤫顤ؤκ±äȤ⤤ "Every word has its own history." Ȥ⤤ޤ줿
Schleicher, August. Compendium der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Weimar: Böhlau, 1861--62.
Schmidt, Johannes. Die Verwandtschaftsverhältnisse der indogermanischen Sprachen. Weimar: Böhlau, 1872.
Campbell, Lyle and Mauricio J. Mixco, eds. A Glossary of Historical Linguistics. Salt Lake City: U of utah P, 2007.
ϲ ͭӾ ɧ ˮɧ ԡ罤۱Ѹؼŵ١罤ۡ1983ǯ
óȻ (lexical diffusion) SǤϡͤäϤ"take-off" ȸƤФ롥̤ѸǤϡcritical mass ׳̡ˤȤƤФ롥LDOCE5 critical mass ߤƤߤ褦
1. the amount of a substance that is necessary for a nuclear chain reaction to start
2. the smallest number of people or things that are needed in order for something to happen or be possible
1ˤ褦ˡȤȤʪؤѸǡʬʪϢȿγ³Τɬפʪ̤ؤ̣ΰ̲ꡤʪؤ˸¤餺̤ˡĶȤʤϢȿߤ뤳ȤʤȤֶ̤פ̣褦ˤʤä
Ѳ lexical diffusion Ĺ餯ؿƤ"S-curve", "take-off", "critical mass" Ȥ褦ʥɤͭʤΤϲѲ˸¤ʤȻȤݤˤˤˤߤ뤷षѲγȻʤɤϳȻθ̤ˤƶˤƼŪǤ롥ȻϸѲʳΰǤǤꡤθѲᤷƤ뤳Ȥפȹͤ롥
ǡdiffusion Rogers Diffusion of Innovations ɤʸ471ǤȤΤܤˤĤƤθڤϡդɤ¤ʤȰ쥫ΤߤǤ롥⡤¾θԤΰʸΤʤǿƤˤʤʲϡcritical mass εΤʤǡԤ Schelling ȤԤѤƤսǤֻܥ֥ɮԡˡ
The notion of critical mass originated in physics, where it was defined as the amount of radioactive material necessary to produce a nuclear reaction. "An atomic pile 'goes critical' when a chain reaction of nuclear fission becomes elf-sustaining" (Schelling, 1978, p. 89). Various illustrations of critical mass situations, in which a process becomes self-sustaining after some threshold point has been reached, abound in everyday life. A single log must be present so that each log reflects its heat onto the other. When the ignition point is reached, the fire takes off, and the two logs burn to ashes. / The critical mass bears on the relationship between the behavior of individuals and the larger system of which they are part. It thus centers on a crucial cross-level analysis that is "characteristic of a large part of the social sciences, especially the more theoretical part" (Schelling, 1978, p. 13). "The principle of 'critical mass' is so simple that it is no wonder that it shows up in epidemiology, fashion, survival and extinction of species, language systems, racial integration, jaywalking, panic behavior, and political movements" (Schelling, 1978, p. 89). / The concept of the critical mass is fundamental to understanding a wide range of human behavior because an individual's actions often depend on a perception of how many other individuals are behaving in a particular way (Schelling, 1978). (Rogers 349)
βս꤬ܽͣθؤθڤȤäƼ˾櫓ǤʤषѲؤγȻαѤϻϤޤäФʤΤʤȥѥ줿Ȼ˳غŪǤꡤѲ̤ѶŪ˻ǤĶäƤ褦lexical diffusion ʤɤȸƤ֤Ȥʤˤ鸷ᤷɭѲ¾¿ʪƱ褦γȤΤ̤ʤȤϲʤ
¿ΰ̤γȻλǤϡȻγ礬5--20%ãȤʤȻߤ뤳ȤʤȤ (Rogers 12, 274, 360)פˡն critical mass ȹͤƤ褤ϸѲξˤ⤽ΤޤƤϤޤΤڤɬפ롥
Rogers, Everett M. Diffusion of Innovations. 5th ed. New York: Free Press, 1995.
Schelling, Thomas C. Micromotives and Macrobehavior. New York: Norton, 1978.
ɸˤĤ[2011-08-27-1], [2011-08-28-1]εˤƤѸǤˡ she ԸդȤʤäƤƤ롤뤤ϾʤȤ⤽ register ޤäƤƤΤϤʤ
ˤϡ1960ǯʹߡȤ櫓ꥫѸǹޤäƤ gender ˽ʿȤ political correctness (PC) ؤδؿäƤ롥δ顤ʹ֤ΤȤƤ man(kind) -essȿͤɽ魯ʣ -man̿;̾ȤƤ he λѤʤɤ뤵졤ɽƤƤʴϢϡ[2009-08-20-1]ˤο͵ϤʤΤ, [2010-01-27-1]ָѸλ;ñ̾, [2011-04-17-1]֥ȥåŪȥݥȤƤθ츻פʤɤεȡ
δ she üˡȡ̾ΩƤƽ̾ǼͳϤʤǤϤʤȤ롥ΰԤȤäȤѸˤȿǤƤ뤳ȤϳΤߤδѤ٤ϤʤȤͤǤ롥
ä˹̾ she ˡϡĥäդȤ register ˸¤ȡ1960ǯʹߡ㸺ƤƤ뤳Ȥ¾ڤ롥The Times corpus ѤƤڤ Bauer (148--49) ˤȡ1930ǯޤǤϹؼ she ˡɸŪäºݡ1900ǯ1930ǯδ֤ǡؼ it 3ΤߤäȤȤ1935ǯʹߡit 㤬³Ū˸1970ǯˤshe ư쵤ɸȤʤäshe 㤬ƤϵSƤ뤫Τ褦ǤꡤóȻ (lexical diffusion) פ碌롥ʲΥդ Bauer (149) Υդ˴ŤƳƺΤǤ롥

Bauer, Laurie. Watching English Change: An Introduction to the Study of Linguistic Change in Standard Englishes in the Twentieth Century. Harlow: Longman, 1994.
[2010-08-02-1]εBNC ФȯʤƬ <h>פ h-dropping ˤĤƿ줿ϸѸƤ̤βæ yod-dropping 夲롥yod Ȥ /j/ ɽ蘆Ⱦ첻ؤѸμפѼˤơΤ /juː/ /j/ æƤ뤳Ȥ𤵤Ƥ롥 <u(e)> <ew> ֻϤʬȯŪ /juː/ ǤäȤֻޤ¿θ줬ߤޤǤ /j/ äƤ롥
Bauer (103--10) ˤȡƹɸȯǤ blue, rule /j/ äȯԤʤƤ뤬dew, enthuse, lewd, new, suit, tune ǤѼˤä /j/ ̵ͭɤȤɤѼǤŪ /j/ ݤäƤ beautiful, cute, ewe, fume, huge, mute Τ褦ʸ⾯ʤʤ
Bauer Ĵˤꡤyod-dropping ϤѼ˸¤äȤƤä˰ͤ˺ѤƤ櫓ǤϤʤä˥褦˽˿ʹԤƤ뤳Ȥ餫ˤ줿߿ʹ óȻ (lexical diffusion) ιȤ˶̣ΤϡѼ鷺Ȼν褽Ǥ餷ȤȤǤ롥Bauer (106) ϡyod-dropping β˼Τ褦 "implicational scale" ƤƤ롥
/s/ > /θ/ > /l/ > /n, d, t/
scaleϡyod-dropping äλŪ /j/ ľλҲˤäƷޤäƤ뤳Ȥɽ魯 /s/ ǽ /n, d, t/ ǸˡƱˡscale Τʳ yod-dropping λƤ뤳ȤʬСκ¦Τ٤ƤʳǤǤ yod-dropping λƤϤȤͽ¬ǽˤ롥
⤫ϡνˤϲŪʺΤȤȤǤ롥Ҳ⤤Τ㤤Τؤȳ礷ƤäƤ褦˸뤬
Bauer, Laurie. Watching English Change: An Introduction to the Study of Linguistic Change in Standard Englishes in the Twentieth Century. Harlow: Longman, 1994.
ε̾ưñ ([2011-07-10-1]) ǤϸѸˤ̾ưפθε̾ư̻Ū([2011-07-09-1]) 鼨褦ˡߡ̾ưפƤ oxytone θ⺣̾ưײƤ椯ǽ礤ˤ롥Sherman ϡ2˸¤215줬θȤƵȤƤꡤΰƤ (ºݤ˿213Τ) ΰʲ˺Ƹ
abuse, accord, account, advance, affront, alarm, amount, appeal, approach, array, arrest, assault, assent, assign, attack, attaint, attempt, attire, award, bastille, bespeak, blockade, brigade, brocade, canoe, career, caress, carouse, cartoon, cascade, cashier, chagrin, chicane, collapse, command, compare, conceit, concern, consent, control, croquet, crusade, cuirass, debate, debauch, decay, decease, decline, decree, default, defeat, delay, delight, demand, demean, demise, demur, derout, design, desire, despair, devise, direct, distain, disease, disgrace, disguise, disgust, dislike, dismay, dismount, dispatch, display, dispraise, dispute, disquiet, dissent, dissolve, distress, distrust, disuse, divide, divine, divorce, dragoon, eclipse, effect, embrace, employ, entail, escape, escheat, essoin, estate, esteem, exchange, excuse, exempt, exhaust, express, festoon, finesse, galosh, garage, garotte, guitar, halloo, harpoon, hello, hollo, hurrah, incuse, japan, lament, lampoon, machine, manure, marcel, maroon, massage, misprize, misrule, mistake, mistrust, misuse, neglect, obstruct, parade, parole, patrol, pirouette, police, pomade, pontoon, preserve, profane, ratoon, ravine, rebuff, rebuke, rebus, receipt, recruit, reform, refrain, regale, regard, regret, release, remand, remark, remove, repair, repeal, replay, reply, report, repose, reprieve, reproach, repulse, repute, request, reserve, resist, resolve, resort, respect, respond, result, retard, retort, retouch, retreat, retrieve, return, reveal, revenge, reverse, revert, review, revise, revoke, revolt, revolve, reward, romance, salaam, salute, secure, shampoo, siamese, silhouette, stampede, stockade, supply, support, suppose, surmise, surprise, surround, syringe, taboo, tattoo, tehee, traject, travail, trepan, trephine, trustee, vandyke, veneer, vignette
ΥꥹȤΤޤ Frequency Sorter ήȡ٤ι⤤줬¿ޤޤƤ뤳Ȥʬ롥500ޤǤ˥ȡeffect, result, report, police, control, return, support 롥⤤Ĥ̾ưפ̤ȤˤʤΤ
óȻ (Lexical Diffusion) δϡɤθ줬Ϥ䤯̾ư岽䤹ȤͤȤ뤳ȤפȤʤ롥Ƭˤ̤䡤ȤƤΤ뤤ʻ줴Ȥ٤ͿΤ⤷ʤϺĴȤʤ
Sherman, D. "Noun-Verb Stress Alternation: An Example of the Lexical Diffusion of Sound Change in English." Linguistics 159 (1975): 43--71.
̾ưפεˤĤ[2009-11-01-1], [2009-11-02-1], [2011-07-07-1], [2011-07-08-1]εǵƤ̻Ūλ¤ˤĤƤϤޤҲ𤷤Ƥʤä
Sherman ϡSOED Web3 ξ˽ʣƳǧ̾ư줬Ʊ֤ (homograph) ǤФΤʤǶؤʬ̤̤ȡʲ̤Ȥʤ (Sherman 51)
| potential diatonics | actual diatonics | |
|---|---|---|
| disyllabic N-V pairs | 1,315 | 150 (11.41%) |
| trisyllabic | 442 | 70 (15.84%) |
| polysyllabic | 1,757 | 220 (12.52%) |

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