#1997. Ѳ5Ĥ¦̡ ([2014-10-15-1])#1998. The Embedding Problem ([2014-10-16-1])#2012. ѲȤ٤̸§7 ([2014-10-30-1]) ǡWeinreich, Labov, and Herzog θѲ夲ƤWeinreich et al. ˤȤʤ¤ˡ"orderly heterogeneity" äۼˤ롥ηŪѰ۲ǽ (systematic variability) ȸƤǤ褤Ѱۤ츫ФФ¸ߤƤ褦ˤߤ뤬ΤȤƤϹ¤ʤƤȤˤ "orderly heterogeneity" ֤ǤƱˡϸ줬ѲƤ뤳ȤθǤ롥
"orderly heterogeneity" ϡѲäδ֤˥Τ褦˽˿ʹԤƤȼĥóȻ (lexical_diffusion) βˤ˴ѻ롥ѲϤĶ̤θĶؤηϤϤ⤤ƤΤλ֤γ̤ߤȡȿäѰۤ«롥̻ŪѲΥѥȶŪѰۤȤߤбͤѻΤǤ롥äȤ⡤˽Ҥ٤ΤŪʾǤꡤºݤˤϸ¤Ϻ٤ȤƸ뤳Ȥ¿Ǥ⡤ŪʥǥڵϿ¿θФƤ롥
Wolfram and Schilling-Estes (716) ϡCharles-James N. Bailey (Variation and Linguistic Theory. Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1973.) ˰͵Ѳκˤ "orderly heterogeneity" ɤΤ褦˸ΤǥͿƤ롥Ѳεȿ X, Y ȤY ȤäƤ2ĤθĶ E1, E2 ȤȡѲϼγʳФƿʹԤƤ
Variation model of change
| Stage of change | E1 | E2 | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Categorical status, before undergoing change | X | X |
| 2 | Early stage begins variably in restricted environment | X/Y | X |
| 3 | Change in full progress, greater use of new form in E1 where change first initiated | X/Y | X/Y |
| 4 | Change progresses toward completion with movement toward categoricality first in E1 where change initiated | Y | X/Y |
| 5 | Completed change, new variant | Y | Y |
ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤֲѲ㳰ʤפθ§ (Ausnahmslose Lautgesetze) ϸθؤ˿ʱƶڤܤƤ뤬ǡ͡ʷȽ佤ƤäˡѲϸäδ֤˥褦ˤƿʹԤȼĥóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ϡ㳰ʤѲΥơ˱ԤΩƤ롥
ꥦⲻѲ㳰ʤ̲ˤĤƵƤꡤˤä2ΰ̲̤ɬפ⤯ʰʲʸη֤Ƥˡ
סʸġͤʤ륰롼פθˤˤְŪѲפˤϡä̤٤ĤμΰޤޤƤ롥ʤΥ롼פΤ٤Ƥää٤ˤǡŪʰ뤤ñˡְפȸƤΤġްĤϡѲˤ餵줿Ǥ⤷ϲǷޤह٤Ƥθˤʤ뤤Ѳˤ餵줿Ǥ⤷ϲǷ褦ʾΤȤ˴ޤǤ뤹٤Ƥθˤ˰ǤäơϳơäθŪμǤϤƹͤ뤳ȤǤΤǤäơŪʰ⤷ϡֵ§פȸƤ֤ȤǤ롥 (134--35)
ε#2159. ֤̻֤ӤĤ diffusion ([2015-03-26-1]) ǡѲ֤ˤȻäȶŪˤܤϰüԽĤؤγȻ˿줿ΰ̣ǤγȻʰ̲ˤϡꥦΤŪʰˤΤǤ롥ꥦ۩ֳŪȤɬŪˡֲγȻסʤĤǹԤѤη̤Ǥ (136) ѤȤϸġüԤμͳջ֤ˤΤǤ뤫顤Ūʰ̣Ǥΰ̲λˤϡˡ§ϤʤȤȤˤʤ롥
ŪˤϡʤʤΤǤ롥ΰ̣ˤơֲˡ§פϡǤȡסʲŪγȻˤȤƤǤϤʤֵƤޤäȤγǧפȤơʤʤޤΤǤȤ (Geschichte) ȤƤǤϤʤʪ (Historie) ΤȤȤơºݤˤϡŪʪȤƤˤγǧĤޤ֥ݥƥꥪפʳǧˤȤɤޤΤǤ̸ά͡ (138)
üԸĿͤΤIJηϤ뤢벻̤βؤѲΰ̲ϡŪʰˤΤǤ롥ꥦϡŪˤϡֲѲ㳰ʤפΤǧȤΩǤꡤóȻĥ褦褦ʸ줫ؤŪʳȻꤹ롥
ŪϡȤϤޤä̤ΤϤʤǤ롥ξˤϡκѤΡֳȻפƱθĿͤθŪμΤ勞ǡĤθ줫̤θؤ֤ΤȤ褦˹ͤ뤳ȤŬڤǤʤ˿콬ȤƺѤ줿ͼѤʤФˤѲϢ³Ū˸뤿ᡤ¿ͤʤȤʤΤϡμλѤ˸ΤǤäơμΤΤ˸ΤǤϤʤѤ줿ϡɬƽȯ顤ѤͤθŪμΤ°Ƥ롥η̡ŪͼˤĤƸСͼϡޤˤΤȤˤäɽŪǽȤơ줾θĿͤˤäǧƤ벻ŪͼηϤȤߤޤ롥 (139)
ޤȤСֲˡ§ȤϳŪʰ̣ǤȻǤꡤỤ̄ǤǤ (152) ιͤˤСԤΰ̲ˡ§̾ˤդ路Ԥΰ̲ˡ§Ȥ̵ȤȤˤʤ롥
E. ꥦˡ ɧˡظѲȤ̻֡֡ˡ١ȽŹ2014ǯ
#2134. Ѳ̷ǤϤʤ ([2015-03-01-1]) ǡ̷֤̻֤⤹ΤǤϤʤȤ륳ꥦεߤξԤ̷⤷ʤȤϡ1Ĥθ¤2Ĥ¦̤ˤʤΤǤꡤषºݤˤͻ礷ƤΤǤ롥ΤȤϡʬۤóȻθƤȤ褯ʬ롥֤ή줬֡Ū֤Ҳؤζ֡ˤ˺פĤȤǤФ褤ưŤƱ路ƤΤΤ褦ʻޤ뤳ȤϤǤʤͤƤȤWolfram and Schilling-Estes ˤؤȸŪȻˤĤƤʸϤƬ (713) ˡƤΤߤĤ̯
Dialect variation brings together language synchrony and diachrony in a unique way. Language change is typically initiated by a group of speakers in a particular locale at a given point in time, spreading from that locus outward in successive stages that reflect an apparent time depth in the spatial dispersion of forms. Thus, there is a time dimension that is implied in the layered boundaries, or isoglosses, that represent linguistic diffusion from a known point of origin. Insofar as the synchronic dispersion patterns are reflexes of diachronic change, the examination of synchronic points in a spatial continuum also may open an important observational window into language change in progress.
"spatial" ȤȤ֤ؤƤ褦˻פ뤬ƱȤϼҲ֤ˤƤϤޤ롥ºݡWolfram and Schilling-Estes (714) ϡ2Ĥΰۤʤ֤ؤγȻƱˤĤƹͤƤ롥
Although dialect diffusion is usually associated with linguistic innovations among populations in geographical space, a horizontal dimension, it is essential to recognize that diffusion may take place on the vertical axis of social space as well. In fact, in most cases of diffusion, the vertical and horizontal dimensions operate in tandem. Within a stratified population a change will typically be initiated in a particular social class and spread to other classes in the population from that point, even as the change spreads in geographical space.
֤ȼҲ֤ؤƱγȻΤۤˤ⡤͡ʼؤƱγȻͤ뤳ȤǤ롥óȻ (lexical_diffusion) Ϥ⤽֤ˤȻǤ뤷֤ϰήʤΤǡֳȻפȤɽʤʡֶֻ֡פȤ̯ʸؤΡ˰γȻȤͤ롥Τ褦¿ŪʸȻθˤĤƤϡ#1550. ȾóȻްռ (3) ([2013-07-25-1]) ǡ"double diffusion" "cumulative diffusion" ȸƤӤʤȤǤ⤢롥ˡƱ¿Ȼ (simultaneous multi-dimensional diffusion) ̾դפ̿̾Ϥ塼ˤ֤ζ̤μ뤿Υɤ1ĤȤơ
Wolfram, Walt and Natalie Schilling-Estes. "Dialectology and Linguistic Diffusion." The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Ed. Brian D. Joseph and Richard D. Janda. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003. 713--35.
Ѹˤư츽߿;θ -th -s ѲˤĤƤϡ#1855. ꥫѸ˿ʤǤ3ñ -th -s ([2014-05-26-1])#1856. ưľˡ߷ -eth 17Ⱦˤ -s ȯƤ ([2014-05-27-1])#1857. 3ñ -th -s Ѳθưϡ ([2014-05-28-1])#2141. 3ñ -th -s Ѳγס ([2015-03-08-1]) ʤɤǼ夲Ƥ˴Ϣ Bambas ʸɤߤκǿθ̤ȿǤƤ櫓ǤϤʤ⤷ʤˤ褯ޤȤޤäƤ롥
ѸˤǤϡ1600ǯդξȤ The Authorised Version Լˤ3ñ -s ̵Ǥ뤳ȤФˤ롥Bacon The New Atlantis (1627) ˤ -s ʤȤΤƤ롥顤ʸŪʸǤ -s ϸŪˤȤΤ̤äΤǤϤʤȤ¬Ωġ Jespersen (19) ϤΤ褦ʰոǤ롥
Contemporary prose, at any rate in its higher forms, has generally -th'; the s-ending is not at all found in the A[uthorized] V[ersion], nor in Bacon A[tlantis] (though in Bacon E[ssays] there are some s'es). The conclusion with regard to Elizabethan usage as a whole seems to be that the form in s was a colloquialism and as such was allowed in poetry and especially in the drama. This s must, however, be considered a licence wherever it occurs in the higher literature of that period. (qtd in Bambas, p. 183)
Bambas (183) ˤСꥶ٥īλʸȤΥƥȤĴƤߤȡºݤˤ1590ǯޤǤˤʸŪʸˤƤ -s ǧƤꡤƤͻҤϤʤθ⡤Ŀͤˤä٤ΰ㤤礭ΤΡ-s 줿ȹͤͳϤʤȤJespersen θϡ-s βᾮɾǤȡ
The fact seems to be that by the 1590's the -s-form was fully acceptable in literary prose usage, and the varying frequency of the occurrence of the new form was thereafter a matter of the individual writer's whim or habit rather than of deliberate selection.
ơ17 -th -s ˼äƵˤʤäƤäȸ롥Wyld (333--34) ۩
From the beginning of the seventeenth century the 3rd Singular Present nearly always ends in -s in all kinds of prose writing except in the stateliest and most lofty. Evidently the translators of the Authorized Version of the Bible regarded -s as belonging only to familiar speech, but the exclusive use of -eth here, and in every edition of the Prayer Book, may be partly due to the tradition set by the earlier biblical translations and the early editions of the Prayer Book respectively. Except in liturgical prose, then, -eth becomes more and more uncommon after the beginning of the seventeenth century; it is the survival of this and not the recurrence of -s which is henceforth noteworthy. (qtd in Bambas, p. 185)
Bambas Ϥˤ۵Ĥ롥Wyld θϡ-eth βᾮɾǤȡĤޤȤ Bambas ϡ1600ǯǯδ֡-s -th ŪˤԤԤִȤήǤϤ뤬ξ¸λȤߤΤŬڤǤȤոΰո٤ΤϡBambas ȤԤä16ȾФ17ȾФˤƤλʸˤĴ̤Ǥ롥Bambas (186) ɽƸ褦
| Author | Title | Date | Incidence of -s |
|---|---|---|---|
| Ascham, Roger | Toxophilus | 1545 | 6% |
| Robynson, Ralph | More's Utopia | 1551 | 0% |
| Knox, John | The First Blast of the Trumpet | 1558 | 0% |
| Ascham, Roger | The Scholmaster | 1570 | 0.7% |
| Underdowne, Thomas | Heriodorus's Anaethiopean Historie | 1587 | 2% |
| Greene, Robert | Groats-Worth of Witte; Repentance of Robert Greene; Blacke Bookes Messenger | 1592 | 50% |
| Nashe, Thomas | Pierce Penilesse | 1592 | 50% |
| Spenser, Edmund | A Veue of the Present State of Ireland | 1596 | 18% |
| Meres, Francis | Poetric | 1598 | 13% |
| Dekker, Thomas | The Wonderfull Yeare 1603 | 1603 | 84% |
| Dekker, Thomas | The Seuen Deadlie Sinns of London | 1606 | 78% |
| Daniel, Samuel | The Defence of Ryme | 1607 | 62% |
| Daniel, Samuel | The Collection of the History of England | 1612--18 | 94% |
| Drummond of Hawlhornden, W. | A Cypress Grove | 1623 | 7% |
| Donne, John | Devotions | 1624 | 74% |
| Donne, John | Ivvenilia | 1633 | 64% |
| Fuller, Thomas | A Historie of the Holy Warre | 1638 | 0.4% |
| Jonson, Ben | The English Grammar | 1640 | 20% |
| Milton, John | Areopagitica | 1644 | 85% |

ܸƤѲΤʤǡǥʤɤǤ礭夲ƺǤ褯ΤƤΤˡ֤ȴաפ롥ȴդˤĤܥ֥Ǥϡ#1864. ȴդٸ̡ ([2014-06-04-1]) Ǽ夲٤ǡѲεˤĤ¿ΤȤʬäƤƤ롥ˤĤƽפƶͿƤɤߤ䤹ȤƤϡ˾ΤϤʤ
ȴդȤϡưβǽˤĤơŪɸǤָסֵפ֤פȴơָסֵפȤʤäƤƤ븽ݤؤΤˡ֤פȴƤ褦˸뤬ǤϤʤȤͤ⤢롥Ѳɽǵ mirareru mireruokirareru okireru ȤʤꡤæƤΤ mi(ra)reru, oki(ra)reru Τ褦 ra ǤȤȤߤʤȤΤˤǤ뤬 mir(ar)eru, okir(ar)eru Τ褦 ar æƤȤߤ뤳ȤǤ롥ºݡar ȴաפȤϡưʳβǽޤΤԹ礬褤ưΡɤפɸŪʲǽϡŤɤޤ (yomareru) Фơɤ (yomeru) Ǥϡ֤פæƤȤϸʤΤΡyom(ar)eru Τ褦 ar ȴäƤȤϸ롥̩ʰ̣Dzǽ֤פȴΤϡư졤Ըư졤ѳưΤߤǤꡤ¾ˤĤƤϤȴդȤƾΤŬڤǤϤʤΤǤ롥Ĥޤꡤar ȴդȸƤǤСưǤưǤưγѷˤ餺ŪʲǽФƸ߹Ȥ褦ˤʤäƤ뿷ǽβӤҤǤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
Τ褦ˡar ȴȤʬϤȯŸӾˤǽưη֤ӤƵҤ뤳ȤǤ뤬ñʵˡ롥ǽưν߷ϡȤȤʤưθ촴ؤ eru դǤɽФ褤ưγѷ˸¤餺ָ (mir-u) ָ (mir-eru)ֵ (okir-u) ֵ (okir-eru)ɤ (yom-u) ɤ (yom-eru)ּ (tor-u) ּ (tor-eru) ӤƳФʤѳưϡ (kur-u) Фơ (kor-eru) Τ褦˸촴ؤ뤳Ȥաˡaru ȴʬϤϡָסֵסɤޤסּספʤŪʲǽͳʤȿǽƳФʤeru դʬϤϡǽΤȤưν߷ȤƿǽƳФȤʰ塤pp. 22--23ˡ
߿ʹθѲˤϤ褯뤳ȤȴդⵯϰƳȸŤǤϾ½鵭Ͽꡤ餯ѲϤΤʳܤܤС쳤ǤѤƤȴդʬۤŤηϩɤ߲ȡʤɤμϤޤꡤ줬ơᵦʤɤ濴ήǤΤΤ褦ĹѥǹͤȡȴղϰưΥԸư첽ȤĬήΰôäƤꡤ켫Τǯ³ƤưγѷδάΤʤ˰֤Ť롥
ͺܸ쥦å١ȽŹҴȿӡ1999ǯ
μ (borrowing) ȼѸ (loanword) Ȥϰۤʤ롥ԤϲǤꡤԤϷ̤Ǥ롥ξԤ̤ɬפˤĤơ#900. ([2011-10-14-1])#901. ʬ ([2011-10-15-1])#904. ѸŪƱꤹ뤳ȤϤǤ뤫 ([2011-10-18-1])#1988. Ѹ츦 to-do list (2) ([2014-10-06-1])#2009. ؤˤܿ2 ([2014-10-27-1]) ǰäƤ̤Ǥ롥
ܿʬ餳ζ̤Ĥ뤳ȤĥƤԤ1ͤˡWeinreich (11) 롥
In speech, interference is like sand carried by a stream; in language, it is the sedimented sand deposited on the bottom of a lake. The two phases of interference should be distinguished. In speech, it occurs anew in the utterances of the bilingual speaker as a result of his personal knowledge of the other tongue. In language, we find interference phenomena which, having frequently occurred in the speech of bilinguals, have become habitualized and established. Their use is no longer dependent on bilingualism. When a speaker of language X uses a form of foreign origin not as an on-the-spot borrowing from language Y, but because he has heard it used by others in X-utterances, then this borrowed element can be considered, from the descriptive viewpoint, to have become a part of LANGUAGE X.
ȤƤμѤȷ̤ȤƤμѸϸ촳 (interference) 2Ĥΰۤʤ̤Ǥ롥Ԥ parole ˡԤ langue °ȸƤ褤⤷ʤ³ Weinreich Ʊڡεǡζ̤νǧƤԸϾʤȤʤ顤ʲθ˿Ƥ롥
The only one to have drawn the theoretical distinction seems to be Roberts (450, 31f.), who arbitrarily calls the generative process "fusion" and the accomplished result "mixture." In anthropology, Linton (312, 474) distinguishes in the introduction of a new culture element "(1) its initial acceptance by innovators, (2) its dissemination to other members of the society, and (3) the modifications by which it is finally adjusted to the preexisting culture matrix."
ä˿ؼ Linton ΰʬܤʸޤȹͤʸŪǤƳˤ3ʳ̤ȤŦ뤬ϡ#1466. Smith ˤѲ3ʳ3 ([2013-05-02-1]) Ǥߤ (1) potential for change, (3) diffusion, (2) implementation ˴ˤ䤫бƤ褦˻פ롥ѤϡѸμơ硤ȤʳФʤʹԤƤȤμѤˤĤƤϡΤ褦ʣŪưŪʤȤ館ɬפǤ롥"dissemination" "diffusion" ΥơȴϢơóȻ (lexical_diffusion) γƵȤ櫓#855. lexical diffusion critical mass ([2011-08-30-1]) ȡ
Weinreich, Uriel. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. New York: Publications of the Linguistic Circle of New York, 1953. The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
Niyogi and Berwick ϡѲΥ塼˴ؤơ콬˴ؤ "dynamical systems model" ȤǥƤ롥Ѳ¿εS (logistic curve) ȤʤäƤ뤳ȤФưյSϤޤdzΨŪˤ褯ѥˤʤȼĥ롥
Dynamic envelopes are often logistic, but not always. We note that in some alternative models of language change the logistic shape has sometimes been assumed as a starting point, see e.g., Kroch (1990). However, Kroch concedes that "unlike in the population biology case, no mechanism of change has been proposed from which the logistic form can be deduced". On the contrary, we propose that language learning (or mislearning due to misconvergence) could be the engine driving language change. The nature of evolutionary behavior need not be logistic. Rather, it arises from more fundamental assumptions about the grammatical theory, acquisition algorithm, and sentence distributions. Sometimes the trajectories are S-shaped (often associated with logistic growth); but sometimes not . . . . (Niyogi and Berwick 715)
ǤڤƤ뤬ѲSиŪ˼Ƥ Kroch ⡤ѲΥ塼ȥƥåȤľŪ˷ӤĤŪʺϡΤȤ¸ߤʤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥
ǤϡѲˤơSŪȯã (logistic growth) ʳˤϤɤΤ褦ʥ塼뤬ꤦ뤫ȤȡNiyogi and Berwick ϡ㤨СƼѥͤˤäƻؿؿŪȯã (exponential growth) ŪꤵȤƤ롥ȰʲΤ褦ˤʤ롥

ۤˤѥ䤻мʣʥդNiyogi and Berwick dynamical systems model ظˤʣƻĶ뤬ѲˤSŪȤ뤳ȤϸǤȤݤˤϻƱǤ롥ǡ⡤ºݾ塤ѲˤS˵뤹륱¿ȤȤǧƤ롥SϡΨŪˤ꤬ʥѥǤ롤Ȥ٤ƤΤȤȤ
SˤĤƤϡ#855. lexical diffusion critical mass ([2011-08-30-1])#1551. óȻSؤȽ ([2013-07-26-1])#1569. óȻSؤȽ (2) ([2013-08-13-1])#1572. ʤѲSȹͤΤ ([2013-08-16-1]) ǤΤǡȤ줿
Niyogi, Partha and Robert C. Berwick. "A Dynamical Systems Model of Language Change." Linguistics and Philosophy 20 (1997): 697--719.
Kroch, Anthony S. "Reflexes of Grammar in Patterns of Language Change." Language Variation and Change 1 (1989): 199--244.
#1872. Constant Rate Hypothesis ([2014-06-12-1]) Kroch ξѲΥ塼˴ؤ벾֤Ϥ褽Sɽ蘆졤ΥѥϰۤʤŪĶˤƤ֤ⷫȤۤʤĶˤƤ⡤ѲƱߥƱѲΨǿʹԤȤΤβǤ롥⤷ĶȤζѥǤϤʤ褦˸ˤϡϴĶȤ˿Ƥ٤ǽŪʸŪװˤۤʤ뤫Ǥ롤Ȳ᤹롥
Kroch ΤβΩ벾ФƤ롥1Ĥϡ#1811. "The later a change begins, the sharper its slope becomes." ([2014-04-12-1]) ǾҲ𤷤Ǥ롥Ѳɽ魯ϡĶȤ˥ѥǤϤʤĶȤ˳ϻۤʤ뤷ѲΨ®١ˤۤʤ롤Ȥͤβϡ˰ʤǡϤĶǤѲŪˤäʹԤ뤬٤ϤĶǤѲŪ˵®˿ʹԤ롤ʤٵޡפĥ롥伫Ȥ⤳ε˴Ť路ʸ (Hotta 2010, 2012)
̤β⤢롥ѲɽĶȤ˥ѥǤϤʤĶȤ˳ϻۤʤ뤷ѲΨ®١ˤۤʤ롤ȼĥǤϾҤΡٵޡפβƱषȵդΥ塼Τ롥ĤޤꡤϤĶǤѲŪ˵®˿ʹԤ뤬٤ϤĶǤѲŪˤäȿʹԤ롤ȡٵޡפʤ̡ٴˡפǤ롥ϡBailey ѲθȤƼĥƤΤ1ĤǤ롥
Bailey ϸѲΥ塼˴ؤơ2ĤθƤ롥1ĤϸѲSȤΡ⤦1ĤϾ嵭θѲΡٴˡפȤĥ줾졤ĥսѤ褦
A given change begins quite gradually; after reaching a certain point (say, twenty per cent), it picks up momentum and proceeds at a much faster rate; and finally tails off slowly before reaching completion. The result is an ʃ-curve: the statistical differences among isolects in the middle relative times of the change will be greater than the statistical differences among the early and late isolects. (77)
What is quantitatively less is slower and later; what is more is earlier and faster. (If environment a is heavier-weighted than b, and if b is heavier than c, then: a > b > c.) (82)
2ܤΡٴˡפˤĤƤϡΰѤʬȤꡤŪ¿ʤüŪˤ١ˤȤѥͿƤ뤷Ƥ뤳Ȥդ줿ɤΤȤѲΥ塼뤬ĶȤ˰ۤʤ뤫ȤϡѲΥ塼⤦1Ĥ礭ꡤʤ٤ȸѲνȤȤͿʤΤ⤷ʤȻפ碌롥
ǤϡɤβΤ٤ꤹ뤳ȤϤǤʤ̤θѲˤĤơ¤иŪ˽ƤʤΤ
Kroch, Anthony S. "Reflexes of Grammar in Patterns of Language Change." Language Variation and Change 1 (1989): 199--244.
Hotta, Ryuichi. "Leaders and Laggers of Language Change: Nominal Plural Forms in -s in Early Middle English." Journal of the Institute of Cultural Science (The 30th Anniversary Issue II) 68 (2010): 1--17.
Hotta, Ryuichi. "The Order and Schedule of Nominal Plural Formation Transfer in Three Southern Dialects of Early Middle English." English Historical Linguistics 2010: Selected Papers from the Sixteenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (ICEHL 16), Pécs, 22--27 August 2010. Ed. Irén Hegedüs and Alexandra Fodor. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2012. 94--113.
Bailey, Charles-James. Variation and Linguistic Theory. Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1973.
ѲοʹԤ®٤ϩˤĤƤϡŵŪ neogrammarian hypothesis lexical_diffusion ʤɤβ⤬ƤȴϢϤ뤬ۤʤ٤ѲΥ塼˸ƤƤ벾ȤơKroch ˤ "Constant Rate Hypothesis" 롥β Kroch ΤĤʸǸڤƤ뤬1989ǯʸꡤƱʬ2ȴ褷褦
. . . change seems to proceed at the same rate in all contexts. Contexts change together because they are merely surface manifestations of a single underlying change in grammar. Differences in frequency of use of a new form across contexts reflect functional and stylistic factors, which are constant across time and independent of grammar. (Kroch 199)
. . . when one grammatical option replaces another with which it is in competition across a set of linguistic contexts, the rate of replacement, properly measured, is the same in all of them. The contexts generally differ from one another at each period in the degree to which they favor the spreading form, but they do not differ in the rate at which the form spreads. (Kroch 200)
Kroch ϡʸǼȤƱŪ do (do-periphrasis) äܥ֥Ǥⲿ٤夲ƤȤ櫓#486. Ū do ȯã ([2010-08-26-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 Ellegård θ椬ƶϤ³Ƥ롥ǥդ˼褦ˡŪ do ϰۤʤĶ˥褦ʬۤȤƤܤ٤ϡĶб⡤ͻ̤äѥȤ٤㤤̵뤹ʤСŪ do γϡ٤ƤĶˤ "constant rate" ǿʹԤȤΤǤϤʤ줬Kroch μĥǤ롥
Kroch ϡˤƸŪơĶ˿Ʃٹ礤ϰۤʤäƤΤϡĶȤ˸̤˴Ϳ뵡ǽŪʸŪװ椨ǤꡤθѲΤΤΥ塼ϡƱߥǰΥѥȤƤ롥ʸˡȤߤ Kroch ˤȤäơŪѲȤϴˤ뵬§ѲǤʡ#1406. «ȤʤäƵ®ʸˡѲ ([2013-03-03-1]) ȡˡѲϢĶΤƱ˿ƩȤΤϼȹͤƤ롥ƱʸǤϡŪ do ȯŸۤhave got have ִݥȥνͭ̾ˤ괧λѤáեˤư2ΰ֤ε§ξüȤäŪѲƱ Constant Rate Hypothesis ΤȤƤ롥
ʤConstant Rate Hypothesis Ȥ̾Τϡ̣롥"constant" ȤϳơĶɽ魯ߤƱѥȤ̣Ǥ "constant" ǤꡤSФƱ夬ľʷ˰ˤȤ̣Ǥ "constant" ǤϤʤäơConstant Rate Hypothesis S̷⤹ΤǤϤʤषKroch ϳѲΥ塼ȤƤSǧƤ褦Ǥ롥
Kroch, Anthony S. "Reflexes of Grammar in Patterns of Language Change." Language Variation and Change 1 (1989): 199--244.
Ellegård, A. The Auxiliary Do. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1953.
Ѳˤܤ (frequency) ˤĤơfrequency γƵȤ櫓#694. ٸԵ§ʣ ([2011-03-22-1])#1091. ;١ѡ ([2012-04-22-1])#1239. Frequency Actuation Hypothesis ([2012-09-17-1])#1242. -ate ưζܹԡ ([2012-09-20-1])#1243. ٤θ̻ŪΤˡ ([2012-09-21-1])#1265. ٤ȲѲνδط˵ŤƤ Schuchardt ([2012-10-13-1])#1286. ֲѲΰۤʤ2ưŤ ([2012-11-03-1])#1287. ưζܹԤ١ ([2012-11-04-1]) ͡˵Ƥ
ŪʰȤƤ Phillips ˤ#1239. Frequency Actuation Hypothesis ([2012-09-17-1]) ˴ؿƤ뤬̸ܸˤΤȴ (innovative potential) γȻ٤δĴʸĤƤ "Revised Frequency Hypothesis of Analogical Leveling (RFH)" ܤ줿
ʸǡԤ Matsuda ϤޤǤ˻ŦƤ͡ʸŪҲŪʸŪװ˴ͿŪŪ餫ˤ褦ȤθƤѿϰʲ̤Ǥ (12)
I. Linguistic
1. Length of the stem [measured in mora]
2. Conjugation type of the verb: i-stem/e-stem
3. Conjugation form following the potential suffix: Negative/Others
4. Morphological structure of the preceding stem: Monomorphemic verb/Compound verb/Auxiliary verb/Causative verb
5. Type of clause in which the potential form is embedded:
Main clause
Semi-embedded clause (Adverbial clause/Gerund)
Embedded clause (Quote/Relative clause/Predicate complement clause/Noun complement clause)
II. Social
1. Age
2. Sex
3. Area of residence: Uptown/Downtown
III. Style (taken from Labov & Sankoff, 1988)
Casual (narrative, group, kids, tangent)
Careful (response, language, soapbox, careful)
Matsuda ϤѿʤȤ߹碌ˤθܤŪ˳ΤƤͳơȴդγ˴ͿŪǤ뤳ȤSex Area of residence ʤͭպνФʤѿ⤢äơʬϤΤȤǡθǤϹθƤʤä٤ȤѿƳMatsuda ϡٸ̤ȤΤͤ褦ȤȤˡä٤θФ褤ΤȤܼŪ˸ڤƤ롥㤨 mirare(ru)/mire(ru) ʸʤˡʤˡˤξˤϡ촴 mir- ٤٤Τ뤤ܼ -are/-e ٤٤ʤΤԤǤСmir- Υȡ٤ȥ٤Τɤˤ٤ʤΤѸ drive--drove ʤԵ§Ѳư˸ݤ٤δʬϤˤϡޤΤΤ٤ˤФ褵Ūܸ mir-e(-ru) ʸʤˡˤξˤϡɤηǤ٤Ф褤Τ
ʾΤ褦ʹͻФơMatsuda ϶巿ȤǤϹθ٤٤ñ̤ۤʤäƤΤǤϤʤȤ롥줬Ҥ "Revised Frequency Hypothesis of Analogical Leveling (RFH)" (24) Ǥ롥
In analogical leveling, the token frequency of the unit undergoing the leveling and its degree/rate of leveling tend to show an inverse correlation, where the "unit" is defined according to the degree of fusion of the form undergoing the leveling with its neighboring morpheme(s). If the form is highly fused with the neighboring morpheme, the whole (morpheme, form) combination counts as a "unit" whose frequency is to be measured. If it is not, the form alone counts as a "unit," and its own frequency suffices as a correlate of the rate of leveling.
βѤСΤȴդĴη̵̤ʤǤȤĤޤꡤȴդγȻФơȿŪˡ˴ͿŪ٤Ȥϡβǽɽ魯ܼ -are/-e 켫ΤΥȡ٤Ǥꡤܤư촴Υȡ٤䥿٤ǤϤʤȡ
⤷Τ褦ˤפ뤬ѤʵȤơ٤㤤ܼȤäơʤ켫ȤοʿʤȴˤʤळȤˤʤΤ-are ˤƤ -e ˤƤ٤㤤ΤǤСʤԤԤִƤ椯ȤˤʤΤ
Matsuda, Kenjiro. "Dissecting Analogical Leveling Quantitatively: The Case of the Innovative Potential Suffix in Tokyo Japanese." Language Variation and Change 5 (1993): 1--34.
ư3ʣˤĤơ#1413. Ѹ3ʣ -s ([2013-03-10-1])#1423. Ѹ3ʣ -s (2) ([2013-03-20-1])#1576. Ѹ3ʣ -s (3) ([2013-08-20-1])#1687. Ѹ3ʣ -s (4) ([2013-12-09-1])#1850. AAVE ˤư츽߷ -s ([2014-05-21-1]) ǰäƤ3ñˤˤĤƤϤޤ夲Ƥʤäͽۤ褦ˡ3ñΤۤʤǤꡤȤ櫓ɤǸűѸ -th ΤѸ -s 褦ˤʤäаޤˤĤƤϡ¿ФƤ롥
ѸξΤˤФа礤˽ФΤϡ1611ǯ The Authorised Version (The King James Version [KJV]ˤǤŪ -th ݤƤ뤬Ʊ Shakespeare Ǥ -th -s ߤƤȤȤΤȤϡ17ޤǤ˸ǤϤǤ -th -s ؤѲٿʤǤݼŪνդˤϤ줬ȿǤʤäΤȲᤵƤ롥
ơ礦Ʊ˱Ѹ줬ΦذܿϤƤǤϡλǤ˻ϤޤäƤ -th -s ѲΤθΥ塼ϡꥹѸȥꥫѸȤǰۤʤäϤäΤKytö ϡ16--17ΥꥹѸ쥳ѥȡ17ΥꥫѸ쥳ѥѤơ䤤ؤ͡ʸŪҲŪʥѥꤷӤƤ뤬Ūˤ1Ĥηǧ줿17ξߤ¤ꡤ-s ؤѲϥꥫѸΤۤꥹѸ®˿ʤǤΤǤ롥Kytö (120) ˤɽ
| British English | American English | ||||||
| -S | -TH | Total | -S | -TH | Total | ||
| 1500--1570 | 15 (3%) | 446 | 461 | - | |||
| 1570--1640 | 101 (18%) | 459 | 560 | 1620--1670 | 339 (51%) | 322 | 661 |
| 1640--1710 | 445 (76%) | 140 | 585 | 1670--1720 | 642 (82%) | 138 | 780 |
Contrary to what has usually been attributed to the phenomenon of colonial lag, the subsequent rate of change was more rapid in the colonies. By and large, the colonists' writings seem to reflect the spoken language of the period more faithfully than do the writings of their contemporaries in Britain. In this respect, speaker innovation, rather than conservative tendencies, guided the development.
˽ colonial_lag γƵǤ褦ˡܤˤäƥꥫѸ줬ꥹѸʤǤ뤳Ȥ⤢٤Ƥ뤳Ȥ⤢롥Ѽ⤢̣ǤݼŪǤꡤ̣ǤϳŪǤ롥 Kytö η϶ä٤ΤǤϤʤꥹܹˤƸ夹Ǥ˻ϤޤäƤѲꥫϤäˤɤΤ褦˿ʹԤ1ĤλȤưյ롥
Kytö, Merja. "Third-Person Present Singular Verb Inflection in Early British and American English." Language Variation and Change 5 (1993): 113--39.
#583. ɥĸ켰̾ƬʸѤϱѸˤ⤢ä ([2010-12-01-1]) ˤ褦ˡAddison, Dryden, Swift ʤɤγ17--18ˤϡ̾θƬʸϤäνμݤϥɤȤʤ̾ʸ뤳Ȥä̾ǤвǤʸȤHorobin (157) ˤСδظˤϿβäȤ
The convention seems to have been for a writer to leave the business of spelling to the compositors who were responsible for setting the type for printed texts. This practice led to the introduction of a distinctive feature of punctuation found in this period: the capitalization of nouns. This practice has its origins in an author's wish to stress certain important nouns within a piece of writing. Because ultimate authority for spelling and punctuation lay with compositors, who were often unable to distinguish capital letters from regular ones in current handwriting, they adopted a policy of capitalization of nouns by default.
#1829. եƥȤ3Ĥεǽ ([2014-04-30-1]) εǻȤ (45--46) ϡȼԤˤƤƥȤνǽ˱ƶڤܤƤ뤳ȤŦƤ롥
줿ƥȤǤϡǽΥǤʬŪˡǽΥǤϤۤȤɤäѤ黺ȵФƽɬϤ⤿ʤ¤Ϥ椨ˡʬܤ줿ΤɤȤϡʬǽΤȤ̤ܤˤƤ봶ΤǤ롥줿ΤФƤ븢Ҥγˤ롥
θ塤̾θƬϤ٤ʸȤˡδĹ³Ĥɸಽ뤳ȤϤʤäդɸಽˤ뿢ȤŪˤդƤɬפʤǶθǤϰȼԤνɸಽؤδͿ⾮˸Ѥ뷹ǧ뤬δͿΤΤǧƤ櫓ǤϤʤβϴְ㤤ʤäϢơcat:printing standardisation ΤĤεȤ줿
ѸǤǤڤˤʤä̾ʸδϥɥĸǤɸಽƤ롥ϥɥĸˤˤϰŤǯ8 Oslo ؤdz줿 ICHL 21 (International Conference on Historical Linguistics) ˻äޤˡɥĸˤ뤳ζˡȯŸˤĤƤθȯɽꡤ̣İ긵˻ĤäƤˤȡɥĸǤ16--17ˤδȯŸǽ餫餹٤Ƥ̾줬ʸ줿櫓ǤϤʤ[+animal] ΰ̣̾줫Ϥޤꡤ[+agentive], [+material] ʤɤνǿʹԤȤŪˤ⡤ȤƤΤۤŪȤƤ̾ʸᤫäȤֻѲóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ˽ΤȴؿΤФƤ롥
ˤʸȾʸζ̤ȯˤĤƤϡ#1309. ʸȾʸ ([2012-11-26-1]) ȡ
Horobin, Simon. Does Spelling Matter? Oxford: OUP, 2013.
١롦 衡ʸȥߥ˥١ҡʸ˥ӡ1988ǯ
ε#1810. ѰۤΥȥԡ ([2014-04-11-1]) κǸǡ٤ϤޤäѲϵ®˿ʹԤȤѲˤФиѥפ˸ڤɬŪΤƤ뤳ȤǤϤʤΤǡƤ¤ϤΥѥѲˤɤ٤褯뤳ȤʤΤϾܤ狼äƤ餺ϻοǯθơޤȤʤäƤ롥
ѲΤʤˤϡʹ®٤ slow-quick-quick-slow ѲóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ȸƤФ륿פΤΤ롥óȻθˤȡѲϤ륿ߥϸˤäưۤʤꡤŪѲݤ߹ޤΤ顤Ū٤ޤѲΤޤ͡Ǥ롥Ogura Ogura and Wang λŦǶ̣ΤϡΥߥᤤ٤ˤäơϸѲοʹ®٤ۤʤǽȤȤ˳Ϥ (leaders) ϤäȿʤΤФơ٤ƳϤ (laggers) ϵޥԥåǿʤȤ좤ϰᵯɤ⤯Τ٤Τٹ魯륿פȡ˷ɤƤΤǴ֤˹礦פȤäȤɸ˵ "the later a change begins, the sharper its slope becomes" ϡOgura (78) ΰѤǤ.
伫ȡѸˤʣ -s γ˴ؤ2010ǯʸǡη餫ˤʸ顤Ogura Ogura and Wang ظڤƤʬʤ2սѤ롥
In their series of studies on Lexical Diffusion, Ogura and Wang discussed whether leaders and laggers of a change are any different from one another in terms of the speed of diffusion. In case studies such as the development of periphrastic do and the development of -s in the third person singular present indicative, they proposed that the later the change, the more items change and the faster they change . . . . (12)
. . . the laggers catching up with the leaders in SWM C13b and in SEM C13b concurs with the recent proposition of Lexical Diffusion that "the later a change begins, the sharper its slope becomes." (14)
Ѳ˻ͿƸ줾SȤɽ魯ȡ㤨аʲΤ褦ʿŪSνȤʤ롥

ǺХȥԡäΤ褦ʥդYХȥԡͤȤľСȤᤤʤߤ٤ϡĹٻλȤ٤ʤߤ®ϡäޥåۥȤˤʤ
óȻSȥԡ[2013-09-09-1]εǿ줿#1596. ʬˤβפʤɤϸߤ˲餫δطȸ졤ѲΥԡɤ䥹塼ȤŪҥȤͿƤ
Ogura, Mieko. "The Development of Periphrastic Do in English: A Case of Lexical Diffusion in Syntax." Diachronica 10 (1993): 51--85.
Ogura, Mieko and William S-Y. Wang. "Snowball Effect in Lexical Diffusion: The Development of -s in the Third Person Singular Present Indicative in English." English Historical Linguistics 1994. Papers from the 8th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics. Ed. Derek Britton. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1994. 119--41.
Hotta, Ryuichi. "Leaders and Laggers of Language Change: Nominal Plural Forms in -s in Early Middle English." Journal of the Institute of Cultural Science (The 30th Anniversary Issue II) 68 (2010): 1--17.
can, could, may, might, will, would, shall, should, must Τ褦ʸѸˡưϡ̤ưȤϰۤʤä졦Ū͡ʺۤ뤬ʲˤĤ
(1) λȤʤ: *He has could understand chapter 4. (cf. He has understood chapter 4.)
(2) ʬȤʤ: *Canning understand chapter 4, . . . . (cf. Understanding chapter 4, . . . .)
(3) Ȥʤ: *He wanted to can understand. (cf. He wanted to understand.)
(4) ̤ˡư˸³ʤ: *He will can understand. (cf. He will understand.)
(5) ŪľܤˤϤȤʤ: *He can music. (cf. He understands music.)
űѸѸǤϡ嵭ʸб빽ʸϤ٤ƲǽäĤޤꡤˡưϡĤƤϰưäΤǤ롥ѸˤδפʤȤϡ(1)--(5) ˡưŪħġΡʽưˤäƻ֤ȤȤ˰ĤҤȤĽ˳줿ΤǤϤʤɤ餹٤Ƥħ쵤˳줿褦ȤȤǤ롥Ĥޤꡤθϡư줫ˡưؤȯŸƤäȤϡҤȤӤư줫ˡưؤڤؤäŪˤС16Ⱦ Sir Thomas More (1478--1535) ϡ(1)--(5) ʸȤιʸ٤ѤƤηѾԤ1ĤѤʤä (Lightfoot 29) Lightfoot ϡ16 V-to-I movement η̤ǤƤ롥
ѸѸ칽¤줾ڤǼ
a) Ѹ
b) Ѹ
Ѹι¤ꤹȡI ΰ֤ can Ƥ뤳Ȥˤꡤ(1)--(5) ʸʤǧʤΤŪ롥λʹԷ VP Ǻ뤿ˡγˤ can ˤϴͿʤɸ to ̤ˡư I 뤿ᡤcan Ȥ϶¸ǤʤI ľܤŪ뤳ȤϤǤʤѸι¤ꤹȡ̤Ƥ I ΰ֤ذư;Ϥ뤿ᡤ(1)--(5) θѸˤʸϡʸȤʤʤ
Ūʥ٥ǤѲʤʸˡѲϡġΡˡ˽ưˤĤƤϰۤʤ륿ߥ⤷ʤΤˤĤƤ (1)--(5) γƹܤҤȤޤȤˤǰ쵤ΤǤϤʤǵƤΤϡ#1406. «ȤʤäƵ®ʸˡѲ ([2013-03-03-1]) Ǽ夲Ѳ "clusters" "bumpy" ȤǤ롥"clusters" Ȥñ̤ "bumpy" Ѳ켫ΤġΡˡ˽ưˤäưۤʤ륿ߥ뤳ȤϤ뤷ϤޤäѲ˸춦ƱΤعäƤ椯Ȥ⤢롥Ĥޤꡤ "bumpy" ĥ Lightfoot θѲϡ"gradual" ĥóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ɽŪˤ̷⤹褦Ǥʤ顤ºݤˤ̷⤷ʤΤǤ롥̷⤹褦̷⤷ʤȤˤĤơľ Lightfoot (30) ΤȤФѤ褦
The change in category membership of the English modals explains the catastrophic nature of the change, not in the sense that the change spread through the population rapidly, but that phenomena changed together. The notion of change in grammars is a way of unifying disparate phenomena, taking them to be various surface manifestations of a single change at the abstract level. Tony Kroch and his associates . . . have done interesting statistical work on the spread of such changes through populations of speakers, showing that it is grammars which spread: competing grammars may coexist in individual speakers for periods of time. They have shown that the variation observed represents oscillation between two fixed points, two grammars, and not oscillation in which the phenomena vary independently of each other.
"bumpy but gradual" ϡѲλŪǻɷŪǤ롥
ʤLightfoot ƱͤʬϤƱʸˡȤߤǤ⡤principles and parameters theory ѤʬϤΤ Roberts 롥Roberts (33) ˤСѸΰ (agreement) ˤϡŪʤΤŪʤΤؤΥѥڤؤȤƲǤȤλ16ȤƤ롥ơˡ˽ư V-to-I movement ⤽礭ڤؤΰĤˤʤȤ
[T]he choice of a morphological or a syntactic agreement system is a parameter of UG. Our central proposal in this paper is that English has historically developed from having a morphological agreement system to having a syntactic agreement system: We propose that this parametric change took place during the sixteenth century. The development of a class of modal auxiliaries was part of this change.
Lightfoot, David W. "Cuing a New Grammar." Chapter 2 of The Handbook of the History of English. Ed. Ans van Kemenade and Bettelou Los. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006. 24--44.
Roberts, I. "Agreement Parameters and the Development of English Modal Auxiliaries." Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 3 (1985): 21--58.
#1550. ȾóȻްռ (3) ([2013-07-25-1]) ȡ#1569. óȻSؤȽ (2) ([2013-08-13-1]) ǤˤѲγ˴ؤóȻǥ (lexical_diffusion) ȤơóȻSΥդˤYϲؤΤȤ䤬롥Xϻ֤ɽ魯ȤȤǰʤYɽ魯ѿˤ͡ʤΤͤ롥
ޡܤˤĤƵ֤Ȥͤ褦ɤܤѹȸƤӡ(ITEM) ɽ롥ޤ /O/, /N/ ɽ魯Ȥ褦θѲϡŪ "(ITEM): /O/ /N/" ɽǤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
ơθѲꤵSΥդˤơYβǽͤƤߤ褦óȻȤ̾ޤפ⤫֤ΤϡΥդϡ1ͤüԤˤĤѲä˥褦˿ʹԤƤ椯ȤɽƤ롤ȤȤǤ롥ξ硤YѲڤӤäΤ100%Ȥ뼴Ǥꡤ֤ȤȤ¿θˤ /N/ /O/ ֤Ƥ椯ˤĤ졤YͤƤ椯ȤդɤߤȤʤ롥SϡѲ "lexical gradualness" ɽ路Ƥ롥
̤Yͤ롥üԤΤ夲θˤ /N/ /O/ ֤ƤȤȤºݤˤϤθΤ٤ƤˤĤơޤ /O/ äΤˤʤä /N/ ؤѲ櫓ǤϤʤष/O/ /N/ ΨʲΤ褦ʳŪѲƤ椭̤Ȥƿ֤äƤߤ /O/ /N/ äƤȤΤ¤
| Time | t1 | t2 | t3 | t4 | t5 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| /O/ | 0% | 15% | 50% | 85% | 100% |
| /N/ | 100% | 85% | 50% | 15% | 0% |
[T]he overall smooth S-curve for a change is an abstraction from (a) individual lexical curves, and (b) variable and phonetically gradual phonetic implementation along these curves. But the final historical effect is a levelling-out, so that the single-curve abstraction in fact BECOMES TRUE of the change as a whole. Thus we distinguish, in the broader historical perspective, between the change-as-a-whole and the piecemeal mechanism of its implementation.
/O/ /N/ ȤѲɽϡѲλϤޤȽΤߤάǤ롥ºݤˤϡΤʤˡ͡ʥ٥ˤ̵вޤޤƤ롥ΤʤäѻƸѲ褦ȤΩ줬 diffusionist˷̤ȤƤѲȤ館褦ȤΩ줬 Neogrammarian ξԤΩΰ㤤ˤѲȤƵäƤ뤳Ȥ1ĤʤΤǤ롥Τ褦˹ͤСε#1641. Neogrammarian hypothesis lexical diffusion ͻ¡ ([2013-10-24-1]) ȤˤнǤ
Lass, Roger. Phonology. Cambridge: CUP, 1983.
ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ϡֲѲ㳰ʤפȾβ "phonetically gradual and lexically abrupt" ǤȼĥФóȻ (lexical_diffusion) Ԥϡ˴ŤѲȤǰƬˡѲβ "phonetically abrupt and lexically gradual" ǤȾοøΩ2ĤΩͻ礷褦ȤߤϡޤǤʤƤ㤨С#1532. ȾóȻްռ (1) ([2013-07-07-1]), #1533. ȾóȻްռ (2) ([2013-07-08-1]), #1154. ѲΥȢȤƤ analogy ([2012-06-24-1]) ʤɤεǡ嵭Ωβä褦ĴҲ𤷤
Lass ϡΩ̤Ȳȴ֡ΩˤȤ館ʤ1ĤθѲ2Ĥΰۤʤ¦̤ȹͤ
[T]he problem with the Neogrammarian model is that it is non-historical: it neglects TIME. That is, our 'punctual' model of the implementation of a change is wrong. Changes, apparently, need time to BECOME exceptionless; they don't start out that way. / What are we suggesting? A model in which a change is not be be looked at as an EVENT, but as a PERIOD in the history of a language. (326--27)
Neogrammarian 'regularity' is not a mechanism of change proper, but a result. The Neogrammarian Hypothesis might better be called the 'Neogrammarian Effect': Sound change TENDS TO BECOME REGULAR, given enough time, and if curves go to completion. (329)
ǯָóȻ椷ƤѲˤĤơŪ Lass ιͤ˻Ǥ롥˵äѲߤ鿶֤äƤߤȡ̤Ȥơ㳰ʤפȸ㤬ꡤΤ褦㤬 Neogrammarian ŪȤƤФоҲ𤵤ˤʤȤʤʤäˤĤƤϡͿ벻ˡ§ʬꡤѤʤɤ̤θФƲᤷ褦Ȥ뤬ϤषѲ쵤ˤǤϤʤʤʳФƿʹԤȤóȻθ˶Ť
Lass, Roger. Phonology. Cambridge: CUP, 1983.
ɸϱѸ "polarization hypothesis" ȸƤФ롥ǽΤäΤǤ롥ε#1572. ʤѲSȹͤΤ ([2013-08-16-1]) ӡ#1569. óȻSؤȽ (2) ([2013-08-13-1]) ʤɤǸѲοʹԥѥˤĤƵƤSʬˤβϿ⤤
ʬˤβϡʸˡ䤽˴Ť콬ȤߤߤѲοʹԤ˴ؤ벾Ǥ롥ˤȡʸˡ§ˤ絬§ (major rule) Ⱦ§ (minor rule) ̤Ȥ絬§ϡƤʬιܤˤĤŬѤ뵬§Ǥꡤ㳰ŪʹܡŵŪˤϸùܡˤˤ㳰ǤȤĤƤꡤ̤˽롥§ϡΰĤ줿ܤˤΤŬѤ뵬§Ǥꡤʳ¿ιܤˤŬѤʤξԤκۤΩƸС絬§ˤϸ§ȤŬѤ뤬ŬѤʤ㳰ꡤ§ˤϸ§ȤŬѤʤŬѤ㳰롤ȤȤˤʤ롥ϡ㳰ܤοʤȤǤ롥ʬˤβ⤬ͽۤΤϡε§㳰ܤξʤ絬§§Τ줫Ǥꡤ㳰ܤ¿浬§פϤꤨʤȤȤδ⡤㳰Τޤ¿浬§ʤϤ䵬§ȸƤ٤ʤ⤷ʤˤΨŪǤ뤳Ȥ餫Ǥꡤʬˤβ˹Ϥ롥
ʬˤβȸѲȤδطΤˡŪ do ( do-periphrasis ) ˤ깽¤ȯã褦#486. Ū do ȯã ([2010-08-26-1]) ۤεǿ줿űѸѸǤ깽ʸˤưθ not ʤɤ꼭֤ǺѤ꼭֡neg-placementˤѸ do ˤ깽¤ȯãƤdo ؤΰܹԤβˤĤƤ褯ΤƤΤϡknow, doubt, care ʤɾưϤΰܹԤФƺǸޤI know not ʤɤ餳ƤȤǤ롥
ơűѸѸǤ꼭֤絬§äѸǤ do ֤졤ư㳰ȤƤľ§ؤѤädo δߤСȯãϤ16ˤϡư줬Ϳˤʤ§ä17ȾˤϾ㳰絬§ؤѤä꼭֤ο do ȯãդȡʳ®ѲʵաSȤʤ롥

óȻʬˤβϡνн꤬ޤǰۤʤˤ⤫餺SȤǰפȤΤ⤷
碌ơʬˤβδϢʸȤƱĤΡʬˤβȽưdoȯãΰ¦̡פɤĤϡʬˤβαѤȤ̻ŪݤȰ֤ŤƤ롥
إեѸˡ١ҤĤ˼1996ǯ111--12ǡ
ѡʬˤβȽưdoȯãΰ¦̡סThe Northern Review ̳ƻءˡ١121984ǯ47--57ǡ
óȻŵŪSˤĤƤϡǶǤϡ#1569. óȻSؤȽ (2) ([2013-08-13-1]) ǡˤ#855. lexical diffusion critical mass ([2011-08-30-1]) #5. ڥե륨ȸóȻ"take-off" ([2009-05-04-1]) ޤ lexical_diffusion νǰäƤʹּҲˤȻŤλ¿ּ˱äSʤʹԤ뤳ȤиŪΤƤ롥ιꡤήԤšʤΥȥɤʤɡҲؤǤϤߤΥѥǤ롥
ѲˤƤΥѥΤϡʻ¤ȤСˤʤʤΤŪϲǽʤΤƥåΤ褦ʿŪʥǥȤ뤳ȤϡŪΤˤϻͤˤʤ뤫⤷ʤ⤽Ȥʤǥ뤬ƥåǤ뤫ɤϡ[2013-08-13-1] (2) Ǥ줿褦ˡǤϤʤ
Denison (58) ϡѰ۷ˤ밵Ϥslow-quick-quick-slow ΥѥSθưϤǤȤƤ롥
Now, speakers reproduce approximately what they hear, including variation, and even apparently including the rough proportions of variant usage they hear around them. However, if there is some slight advantage in the new form over the old, the proportions may adjust slightly in favour of the new. Thus the status quo is not reproduced with perfect fidelity. The speaker has (unconsciously) made a slightly different choice between variants --- albeit a statistical choice, reflected in frequencies of occurrence. And this effect of choice is greatest when the two variants are both there to choose from. In the very early stages of a change, so the argument runs, the new form is rare, so the pressures of choice are relatively weak and the rate of change is slow. In the late stages of a change, the old form is rare, so that the selective effect of having two forms to compare and choose between is again weak, and once again the rate of change is slow. Only in the middle period, when there are substantial numbers of each form in competition, does the rate of change speed up. Hence the S-curve.
ѲβκǽȺǸϡŷȿ2Ĥ variants Τ줫ŪͥǤ뤿ˡɤ뤫¤ʤʤϡˤ㤤Ѳβפ¿եեƥեեƥ˶ʤȡΰϤƯˡθ̤߲䤹ѲΥԡɤȤˤʤ롥
Denison (60) Ϥޤ¾Ԥε˵ʤ顤Τ褦ˤҤ٤Ƥ롥
Suppose that the small impetus towards change has to do with some structural disadvantage in the old form . . ., then after the change had taken place in a majority of contexts, reduction in numbers of the old form would perhaps reduce the pressure for change, allowing the rate of transfer to the new form to slow down again. Or words that are particularly salient, or maybe especially frequent or infrequent, or of a particular form, might resist the change for reasons which had not applied --- or at least did not apply so strongly --- to those words which had succumbed early on. Even if the impetus towards change is not structural but to do with social convention . . . there would still be the same slow-down towards the end.
ƱΰϤεϹ¤ŪǤҲŪǤƱͤ˸ΤǤϤʤȼƤ롥ѲκǽȺǸ˴ؤΤŪ salience Ǥꡤեեƥեեƥն˴ؤΤ non-salience ǤȤԤŦȻפDenison εϡѲSΤ˾嵭Τ褦ФȤϤǤΤΡºݤˤϤޤϿʤޤʤȤʤΤǡñʵǤϤʤȤդɬפ롥
Danison, David. "Log(ist)ic and Simplistic S-Curves." Motives for Language Change. Ed. Raymond Hickey. Cambridge: CUP, 2003. 54--70.
Rogers, Everett M. Diffusion of Innovations. 5th ed. New York: Free Press, 1995.
[2013-07-26-1]ε˰³lexical_diffusion ʸóȻˤθѲȤƤˤĤơεκǽΰѤǿ줿 Denison (2003) äɤDenison Ĺ餯ŵŪʸѲοʹԥѥȤ lexical diffusion ξħǤSƤˤĤƹͤľ褦ˤʤäȽҤ١Ūʲսꡤ٤餫ˤƤ롥lexical diffusion ˤĤƻƤռȽŤʤʬ¿äᶽʳʤɤʲ˲վޤȤ褦
(1) lexical diffusion ϸѲ slow-quick-quick-slow ȿʹԤȾƤ뤬ʤΤ褦ʥѥΤˤĤƤιŪϡ̵ǤϤʤΤ (ex. Bloomfield, Labov) Фе̤˸Ƥʤ
(2) SطʤˤŪʣꤦ뤬¿ξ硤̵Ƚ˥ƥå (logistic curve) ȤƤ롥
(3) óȻΥդYɽ魯ΤȤˤĤƿ˵Ƥʤä"lexical diffusion" Ȥ̾Ȥꡤ̾Ѳ˴ͿäΤ100%ȤY˿롥ʸפοŪʴĶοüԸĿͤοѤγ硤춦ƱüԿγʤɡͤY¿ˤ錄롥
(4) Yɽ魯ͤпʤΤʤΤˤꡤظˤؤ礭ۤʤ뤬ιͻϤʤƤʤ
(5) X֤ɽ魯Ȥ˵;ϤϤʤĿͤολ֤ȤȤ館뤳ȤϤǤΤϡĿͤΰΤʤǤθѲȤ̤ζ̣ȴؤäƤ
(6) ѲSϡʬʾڵʤȤͳ뤤ѲߤޤäչԤꤹȤͳˤꡤȾʬʤȤ¿餯S⡤Τ褦ԴʶΤۤ¿
(7) ۤȤɤθóȻϡФƤ뿷礷Ƥ椯ѥܤƤ롥Ω variants ϡ٤ƤθѲˤĤơ1ġ1Ĥη2ĤͿƤʤΤºݤˤ¿ variants ϤǤϤʤ3İʾ variants ؤθѲǥϡ2ĤξΥǥȤ˰ۤʤΤǤϤʤǽŪˤ variants ȤߤʤϤɤΤ褦˷Τ
(8) 1ˤѲ«ǤȤơʤS«ǤȤ˴Ѥ㤨СűѸȶѸŪꤷƤ뤬ѸϷѤλǤ뤫顤Ѹˤ礭SȤ븫ˡ̵θġθѲɽ魯S«ͤȤȤϡäɤȤʤΤ̣ΤǤ롥
(3) ιͤYȤˤĤ褦#1550. ȾóȻްռ (3) ([2013-07-25-1]) "double diffusion" Ȥͤ˿줿double ɤ multiple γȻͤȤΤYʤΤǤϤʤYƱΤμȤȤ館СȻȤ wave_theory ˤŤȰۤʤʤȤˤʤ
٤ɷŪʸä
Denison, David. "Log(ist)ic and Simplistic S-Curves." Motives for Language Change. Ed. Raymond Hickey. Cambridge: CUP, 2003. 54--70.
ε#1550. ȾóȻްռ (3) ([2013-07-25-1]) Ϥᡤlexical_diffusion ˴ؤ뤤ĤεǡóȻοʹԥѥSȤˤĤƸڤƤóȻSϻζǯ礭ʸơޤȤʤäƤΤ͡ʸѲοʹԥѥŪĴƤߤȡŪS뤳ȤϾʤȸ¤Ͽ㤦Ȥ¿ΤǤ롥
̤θѲλ㸦椬ѤˤĤ졤óȻSФȽʹ褦ˤʤäƤWardhaugh ¹Ȥʤ뤬ͤȽʹޤϡDenison, D. ("Log(ist)ic and Simplistic S-curves." Motives for Language Change. Ed. R. Hickey. Cambridge: CUP.) ꡥ
. . . after reviewing S-curve type diffusion as an attempt to account for different changes that have occurred in English, Denison (2003) cautions that: 'The S-curve is neither as simple nor as uniform a phenomenon as it is sometimes assumed. Given too the simplistic picture of variation it sometimes reflects (and requires), the S-curve should not be seized on too readily as the general shape of language change' (p. 68). (222)
Nevalainen, T. and H. Raumolin-Brunberg (Historical Sociolinguistics. Harlow: Longman, 2003.) ϡc.1410--1681 νʥƥȤ The Corpus of Early Correspondence ˤηѲθηȤơΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
They conclude: 'Although the S-shaped curves serve as an ideal pattern of the diffusion of language change, several of the fourteen morphosyntactic changes . . . do not replicate the model in an unequivocal way' (p. 79). They also found that the actual rate of change varied a great deal from item to item. (223)
Labov, W. (Principles of Linguistic Change, I: Internal Factors. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994.) ޤóȻ˵ǰƤ롥
Labov's view of lexical diffusion is that it has only a very limited role to play in change. He says (1994, p. 501), 'There is no evidence . . . that lexical diffusion is the fundamental mechanism of sound change.' It happens but is only a complement --- and a small one at that --- to regular sound change. (225)
óȻSˤȤäơϻѤƤ롥
Wardhaugh, Ronald. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 6th ed. Malden: Blackwell, 2010.
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