ɸ˵ѸϡܿʬѽФѸǤꡤͤŪˤⶦͭƤ褦˻פ롥٤ߤФϸԤˤۤʤäƤꡤŪ˵뤿ˤϡǧƤɬפΤѸ췲Ǥ⤢롥㤨 (borrowing) ȤѸ1ĤȤäƤߤƤ⡤#900. ([2011-10-14-1])#1661. Ѥ code-switching ζ֡ ([2013-11-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1]) Ǽ褦ˡϤǤ롥
ε#2008. ܿάˡ ([2014-10-26-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡܿʬζ1ĤȤ Weinreich Languages in Contact 롥ƬˡɸѸͿƤ롥
In the present study, two or more languages will be said to be IN CONTACT if they are used alternately by the same persons. The language-using individuals are thus the locus of the contact.
The practice of alternately using two languages will be called BILINGUALISM, and the persons involved, BILINGUAL. Those instances of deviation from the norms of either language which occur in the speech of bilinguals as a result of their familiarity with more than one language, i.e. as a result of language contact, will be refereed to as INTERFERENCE phenomena. It is these phenomena of speech, and their impact on the norms of either language exposed to contact, that invite the interest of the linguist. (Weinreich 1)
ΰѤ³ǡ¤Ω줫顤"interference" Ϲ¤ȤؤްդΤǤȤΤ褦ʴްդĤȤϸ¤ʤ "borrowing" Ȥ϶̤٤ȽҤ٤Ƥ롥¤ȤؤȼʤɽŪʸäμѤʤɤؤ "borrowing" ȸƤ֤ȤϤǤȤƤ⡤äμѤȤƴ¸θạ̈ι¤˱ƶͿ뤳Ȥꤦʾ塤"borrowing" ȤѸλѤˤϿŤǤ٤Ȥ⼨Ƥ롥
ܽκμĥ1Ĥ嵭Ѥ2ʸʤʤܽ2ʸˤ˽Ƥ롥ܿξϡХĿͤǤȤȤޤХȤѸϺ¤˹ᤵƤ뤳Ȥˤդ줿̤鷺2ĤѼ˰ۤʤ줫˶ᤤޤˤ餫ͼǺ礷ؤꤹѤ bilingualism ǤꡤĿͤ bilingual Ǥ롥äơˤСñʤΡּѡפ⡤츫ȹ٤ʵѤˤߤ code-switching ⡤Ȥ bilingualism ȤȤˤʤ롥ơΰĤҤȤĤζŪʸθ줬ĤȤȤˤʤ롥
줯餤ȡϢƹͤ뤢븽ݤܿȤʤ롥ѸΥХȤ뤤ϵΤ褵ε ([2014-10-26-1]) Ǹ褦ˡʬ̵¤γƤȤȤ⤷ʤ
Weinreich, Uriel. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. New York: Publications of the Linguistic Circle of New York, 1953. The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
ܿʬǤϡѤ䤹Ϥ뤫ȤꡤʤѼ (scale of adoptability, or borrowability scale) äƵ깭ƤThomason and Kaufman ϼѤʤϤʤƤ뤬ȤƤѤ䤹ܤȤǤʤܤ뤳ȤǧƤ롥#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1])#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1]) ʤɤǵΰüߤƤŪʴˤ٤ä褽ɽȤ뼫Ωι⤤֤ǤѤ䤹ǡǤʤɤι«줿֤³ȤäΤʤ˲졤̣ʤɤμѤ⺮äƤ뤬ϽȤƤŪΤۤǤ롥
Ω줬ǤѤ䤹ŪʸˡܤǤѤˤȤŪʼ٤ϡľŪˤ䤹ġ㳰ŪʻϤˤ衤褽ƱդƤȤäƤ褤ȤǡŪʴǤϤʤǽŪʴˤѼ٤ȤΤϤˤĤ Matras (209--10) ̣ŦƤ롥
. . . it was proposed that borrowing hierarchies are sensitive to functional properties of discourse organization and speaker-hearer interaction. Items expressing contrast and change are more likely to be borrowed than items expressing addition and continuation. Discourse markers such as tags and interjections are on the whole more likely to be borrowed than conjunctions, and categories expressing attitudes to propositions (such as focus particles, phrasal adverbs like still or already, or modals) are more likely to be borrowed than categories that are part of the propositional content itself (such as prepositions, or adverbs of time and place). Contact susceptibility is thus stronger in categories that convey a stronger link to hearer expectations, indicating that contact-related change is initiated through the convergence of communication patterns . . . . In the domain of phonology and phonetics, sentence melody, intonation and tones appear more susceptible to borrowing than segmental features. One might take this a step further and suggest that contact first affects those functions of language that are primary or, in evolutionary perspective, primitive. Reacting to external stimuli, seeking attention, and seeking common ground with a counterpart or interlocutor. Contact-induced language change thus has the potential to help illuminate the internal composition of the grammatical apparatus, and indeed even its evolution.
ղûϤȤɸ (discourse_marker) ٤ɽ魯ʤɡʹռߥ˥εǽɽΤۤ̿ŪؼŪʵǽɽѤ䤹ȤŦǤ롥ɸϤƤʸ¾ǤΩƤ롤뤤ϴΩƤϤʤȤ⡤٤ʬΥǽݻƤ롥ĤޤꡤεǽŪʴˤ٤ϡŪΩ伫ͳ٤ȴϢƤ¤ˤơηŪʴˤ٤Ȥ̷⤷ʤषηŪʴΤʤ˼ޤʹˤʤΤǤϤʤ
ȡޤǹͻȤǡΰѤθȾǽҤ٤Ƥ첻˴ؤѼ٤ΤǤϡʬ֤֤겻פǤαΧŪǤΤۤѤ䤹Ȥ롥ηŪʴǤϡʬ䲻ǤμѤؤθڤϤäΧŪǤμѤϤۤȤˤ줿ȤʤΤǤϤʤʺε#1988. Ѹ츦 to-do list (2) ([2014-10-06-1]) (6) ȡˡΧŪǤŪ˼Ѥ䤹ȤŦȹ碌ơѤȾʬƤɾȡǽŪʼѼ٤Ƥ˰롥äʹΥߥ˥ľܴͿࡤСʴ֡˼ޤबǤʤΤѤ䤹ȤΤϡεǽȤߤơΤ˹Ūοʲ (evolution) ؤƶˤڤǤꡤɷŪǤ롥
Τ褦˰츫ʤۤɤȻפ碌ǤϤ뤬Ѥ줿ܤοȤߤȡdiscourse marker μѤϡʳ̿ŪؼŪʵǽɽŵŪˤ̾ưˤ٤ơŪ˾ʤȤϵ褦ʤŪʴȵǽŪʴबߤˤɤΤ褦ʴطǺѤѼ٤ƤΤ¿λ㸦椬ɬפˤʤäƤ
Matras, Yaron. "Language Contact." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 203--14.
Treffers-Daller μѤ˴ؤʸ Meeuwis and Östman θܿ˴ؤʸɤߡ#1778. Ѹ츦 to-do list ([2014-03-10-1]) դ٤ܤ¿뤳ȤΤäʲˡĤƤߤ롥
(1) ѤˤϸѲβ1ĤȤƹͻ٤¦̤뤬θǤϼȤƸŪ¦̤ܤƤܿǤˤ⤫餺쳰Ū¦̤ιͻҲŪʻʤäΤǤϤʤŪˤϡѤηȻɾθ椬٤Ƥ롥Treffers-Dalle (17--18) ΰʲλŦ狼䤹
. . . researchers have mainly focused on what Weinreich, Herzog and Labov (1968) have called the embedding problem and the constraints problem. . . . Other questions have received less systematic attention. The actuation problem and the transition problem (how and when do borrowed features enter the borrowing language and how do they spread through the system and among different groups of borrowing language speakers) have only recently been studied. The evaluation problem (the subjective evaluation of borrowing by different speaker groups) has not been investigated in much detail, even though many researchers report that borrowing is evaluated negatively.
(2) ѸΤߤʤ餺ܿΥơΤ˴ؤ뤬ǯϥͥåȤϤȤǥȯŸˤꡤѤεʪŪʾ¸ߤȤʤʤäƤĤޤꡤܿμѤäƤȤȤǤꡤѲϼѡʸˤμ̤ˤƶڤܤ
Due to modern advances in telecommunication and information technology and to more extensive traveling, members within such groupings, although not being physically adjacent, come into close contact with one another, and their language and communicative behaviors in general take on features from a joint pool . . . . (Meeuwis and Östman 38)
(3) Ūʸ桥#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1]) Ǽ "scale of adoptability" (or "borrowability scale") βˤĤơ2ѼԤäեѥѤƸڤ뤳ȤǤ褦ˤʤäƤOttawa-Hull ΥեˤѸѤ䡤եȥ2쥳ѥˤѤηڥȥ奢2¸女ѥˤʬϤʤɤϤƤ롥
(4) ˤѤȤʥ뤬ڤ곫ĤĤ롥ޤοϾʤ2ѼԤˤɸ (discourse marker) õǽμѤλ㤬𤵤Ƥ롥
(5) 嵭 (3) (4) Ȥط뤬2ѼԤμѤ˺ݤ뿴ŪʥץŪʬǤ롥#1661. Ѥ code-switching ζ֡ ([2013-11-13-1]) 褦ˡcode-switching ȤδϢȤʤ롥
(6) ȥ͡ꥺʤɱΧŪǤμ̡
ƺǿμѸϡηϤȤδϢˤƸȤϡüԸĿͤ뤤ϼҲȤδϢˤƸؿܤƤƤ褦ޤ̤ȤƤμѸ (loanword) ܤȤϡȤƤμ (borrowing) ܤȤؿѲ⤢褦
ĿͤȤƤϡ跿θηϤȤδϢˤƤμѤθˤƤ⡤ޤʤȤϤȹͤƤ롥㤨С̣ (semantic loan) ʤɤϡ¿;ϤĤƤȻפäƤ롥
Treffers-Daller, Jeanine. "Borrowing." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 17--35.
Meeuwis, Michael and Jan-Ola Östman. "Contact Linguistics." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 36--45.
#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1]) ȡ#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1]) Ǥ줾츫褦ˡ̤ܿ1ĤȤ contact-induced language change 롥Ϥ˼ (borrowing) ܿˤ봳 (shift-induced interference) ʬ롥Ԥ L2 θŪ L1 ذư븽ݡԤ L1 θŪ L2 ذư븽ݤǤ롥shift-induced interference ϡ2콬World Englishesظƶ (substratum_theory) ʤɤ˴طܿβȤ䤹⤷ʤ
2ĤۤʤΤdzǰ̤뤳Ȥưפ¤θܿλˤƤꤹΤ¿뤳ȤΤäƤɬפ롥Meeuwis and Östman (41) ꡤվǵ
(1) code-switching Ǥϡɤθ줫ɤθظबưƤȤߤʤФ褤ΤȽȤʤȤ¿#1661. Ѥ code-switching ζ֡ ([2013-11-13-1]) 褦ˡborrowing shift-induced interference ʬˡδ֤ˤϥ졼ȤäƤ롥
(2) (mixed language) ˤƤϡͿξθ줬褽Ʊ٤Ϳ¦Ǥ⤢ꡤ¦Ǥ⤢롥ŵŪˤϡ#1717. dual-source κ ([2014-01-08-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 Russenorsk Michif ʤɤ pidgin creole/creoloid 롥Thomason ϡμθܿ contact-induced language change ȤܤǤϤʤextreme language mixture ȤܤΤȤǰäƤꡤüʤΤȤƶ̤Ƥ (cf. [2014-03-13-1])
(3) ߤ礨ۤɤѼ郎ܿȤˤ⡤ΰưꤹ뤳ȤŵŪΤϡɤκʤ koineization Ǥ롥#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1]) ȡ#1690. pidgin ȤδϢ ([2013-12-12-1]) ȡ
(4) "false friends" (Fr. "faux amis") ꡥL2 dzؤħL1 ˤǤϤʤ̤˽褦ȤƤ L3 ˱ѤƤޤȤ롥㤨СܸüԤ L2 ȤƤαѸ magazine ʻˤˡL3 ȤƤΥե magasin ʾŹˤֻפΰ̣dzФƤޤ褦3Ȥ٤ǤꡤʬˡǤϰȤǤʤ
(5) ⤽⡤ĿͤˤȤäƲ L1 Dz L2 ȽȤʤ롥ХθĿͤˤäƤϡ2Ĥθ줬ۤƱ1ǤȤߤʤ礬롥Ϣơ#1537. פˤޤĤ3Ĥ ([2013-07-12-1]) ⻲ȡ
borrowing shift-induced interference ʬˡϡζʬǤ뤳ȡƤޤǤθ¤ˤͭǤ뤳ȤƤ
Meeuwis, Michael and Jan-Ola Östman. "Contact Linguistics." Variation and Change. Ed. Mirjam Fried et al. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 2010. 36--45.
#32. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2009-05-30-1])#1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1]) ³ơűѸΥƥѸꡥűѸˤƥѸοϡˤ뤬ɴĤȤ롥Ȥ Miller (53) ϡο600--700ĤۤɤȸѤäƤ롥
Old English had some 600--700 loanwords from Latin, about 500 of which are common to Northwest Germanic . . ., and 287 of which are ultimately from Greek, seventy-nine via Christianity . . . .
ĿȤȤ˳ꤷΤϤ줾μѸμǯǤ롥[2013-04-03-1]εǤϡSerjeantson ˽äƼǯ (i) Φ塤(ii) c. 450--c. 650, (iii) c. 650--c. 1100 3ʬƼ¿ԤˤäƺѤƤŪʻʬǤ롥ȤۤܽŤʤ뤬4μѤȤäʲ4ʬƤƤ롥
(1) continental borrowings
(2) insular borrowings during the settlement phase [c. 450--600]
(3) borrowings [600+] from christianization
(4) learned borrowings that accompanied and followed the Benedictine Reform [c10e]
4ʬ˺٤ Dennis H. Green (Language and History in the Early Germanic World. Cambridge: CUP, 1998.) ˤʬ⤢ꡤMiller (54) Ҳ𤷤Ƥ롥줾ħˤĤ Miller Ѥ˴ñդ
(1a) an early continental phase, when the Angles and Saxons were in Schleswig-Holstein (contact with merchants) and on the North Sea littoral as far as the mouth of the Ems (direct contact with the Romans)
ϾʤȤƾȸ줬¿ޤξʡƻʤɡwine ŵ㡥
(1b) a later continental period, when the Angles and Saxons had penetrated to the litus Saxonicum (Flanders and Normandy)
饤ϸǥͤȤľܿƼѤ줿Ȼפ street, tile ŵ㡥
(2a) an early phase, featuring possible borrowing via Celtic
λ°ȻפϡꥢäƤ¯ƥȲŪ˰פƤꡤ֥ƥǤμѤɤϵ路Ȥ⤤롥
(2b) a later phase, with loans from the continental Franks as part of their influence across the Channel, especially on Kent
(3) begins "with the coming of Augustine and his 40 companions in 597, and possibly even at an earlier date, with the arrival of Bishop Liudhard in the retinue of Queen Bertha of Kent in the 560s"
λμѸϸűѸβѲۤȤɼʤǡ¾λΤΤȰۤʤäƤ롥¿϶ƥѸǤ롥
(4) of a learned nature, culled from classical Latin texts, and differ little from the classical written form
ºݤˤϡޤǺ٤ȤꤷƤ⡤ѸȤˤϤ٤οäƷ褹뤳Ȥcontinental insular Ȥ绨ĤʬǤۣ early later 餤դȤȤ⾯ʤʤ
Miller, D. Gary. External Influences on English: From its Beginnings to the Renaissance. Oxford: OUP, 2012.
Ѹˤϱʩδ֤Ǹڤؤ code-switching ƥȤ뤳Ȥ#1470. macaronic lyric ([2013-05-06-1])#1625. Ѹνդˤ code-switching ([2013-10-08-1]) εǤߤȤƤϽŪʱʸ件ʸޤʤʤɤλ㤬뤬餬ԤˤڤؤʤΤ뤤ڤؤ˺ݤƲ餫 "social and discourse-pragmatic reasons" äΤȤʤcf. #1627. code-switching code-mixing ([2013-10-10-1])ˡ
̾嵭 macaronic code-switching ȤΤϡ硤ᡤʸȤäŪ礭ʸñ̤ǰθ줫¾θڤؤ꾮ñ̡㤨зǤ䲻ǡʸǡˤȤñ̤Ǥ macaronic code-switching ϤꤦΤ⤷ȤСˤⲿ餫 "social and discourse-pragmatic reasons" ؤäƤȹͤΤ
Miller (211) ϡ<doubt> (cf. ME <doute>) ˸褦ʸ츻Ūֻ (etymological_respelling) Ϥ⤷ macaronic code-switching ˤΤ⤷ʤȿ¬Ƥ롥
Some changes may be due to the macaronic codeswitching between Medieval Latin and Late Middle English in certain poetic texts and especially London accounting records . . . .
ο¬ɤ뤳Ȥ<doubt> <receipt> Τ褦 <b> <p> ٤ϡ¤˺Ĥƥ줫֤ι٤Ǥ롥礭ʸñ̤Ǥα֤ڤؤˤ˵äƤʤ¤ꡤκʪΤϡԤή礦2ѼԤǤϤʤƥȤơԽʬˡ˳ؤѸüԤȤȤƥθ츻Ȥʸ macaronic code-switching ȸƤ֤٤ɤϡɭˤäƤ롥code-switching ȤϲͤϤСbilingualism ȤϲȤƬˤˤ餶ʤޤ#1661. Ѥ code-switching ζ֡ ([2013-11-13-1]) ؤäƤ褦<b> <p> 줿ȤϤϤ macaronic code-switching θʤΤ뤤ϥƥμѤʤΤơˤ衤˼ҲŪŪʰտޤϤäΤ
ٴƤȡ츻ֻʳŪĬǤơּҲŪŪʰյפղä뤳ȤˤϤʤä줿ȤˡΤ褦ʰյտޤäɤϡ¬ΰФʤ
ʾͻǡΤ褦ʴۤä(1) code-switching ʸȤñ̤ǵ뤫ɤ路(2) #653. ѸˤեѸȥƥѸζ̡ ([2011-02-09-1]) Ǥߤեˤ㤬褦ˡȾüʥƥμ˴ŤѤȤߤʤȤǽʬǤϤʤ(3) ̤ȤƸˡ<b> <p> ˼ҲŪŪʰյդ줿פʤΤǤäơβ code-switching ѤʤɤϳơǤꡤۤɽפǤϤʤβ macaronic text ¸ߤͤƤߤϤʤäΤǡʿ¬ǤϤ롥
Miller, D. Gary. External Influences on English: From its Beginnings to the Renaissance. Oxford: OUP, 2012.
#999. ѲȾ ([2012-01-21-1])#1118. Schleicher η ([2012-05-19-1])#1236. ڤȡ ([2012-09-14-1])#1925. ɴ֤δطɥ衼åѸ²ηޡ ([2014-08-04-1]) ǿƤ褦ˡθޤμȤơܿ (language contact) Ūܴط˴Ť (linguistic area; cf. #1314. [2012-12-01-1]ˤޤɽǤʤȤ꤬äǡޤΤʤ¾줫αƶ˴ؤळȤԲǽǤϤʤMiller (3) Τ褦ʻߤԤäƤΤǡ䤹˺ޤΤ

οޤǤϡѸ줬Ū˷иƤܿŪʾ郎ޤɽƤ롥äˡפʸȤܿϡ褽狼褦Ƥ롥ޤƥ졤ե졤ꥷ줫αƶ٤κϤŪǤꡤŪʤΤ˸¤뤳Ȥ鸫Ƽ롥ťΥɸ (ENorse) ȤθܿˤĤƤƱͤΰ뤬ˤꡤ¤Ūʳˤƶ̹ξʤʤȤƤ롥ȸ (Brythonic) ȤδطˤĤƤϡǯȯƤƤ뤬ϰŪΥͥˤäƼƤ롥
οޤѸȽȤαƶδط˼Ƥ櫓ǤϤʤ㤨СǿƤΤϼ礿ܿΤߤǤμȿ䤷ƿޤ̲뤳ȤϤǤˡޤեȤܿˤĤơѸʹߤη³ŪʴͿϤޤƤʤǤ⡤οޤ̤ξޤƤ뤳ȤϳΤǤꡤѸˤγѤȤƤΩĤΤǤϤʤ
Miller, D. Gary. External Influences on English: From its Beginnings to the Renaissance. Oxford: OUP, 2012.
#1895. űѸΥƥѸֻȼѤ ([2014-07-05-1]) εǡűѸΥƥѸϡѸ첽ֻǤϤʤƥΤޤޤֻǼ뤳ȤŦΥƥѸϱѸ첽ֻǼ뷹äȤͤȡѤδ餤СűѸ˸ä substitution ٹ礤礭ʤäɽǤΤǤϤʤȡ
ơѸȡѸֻηϤ̤Ÿ̤ΥեѸ줬ήˤĤ졤ȤȤ˥ե켰ֻƶϤαѸ˾νǶ̣Τϡե켰ֻ˽äΤϥեѸΤߤǤϤʤäȤ;äˤޤDZƶڤܤűѸ켰ֻ֤ƤäפʤΤƤ⡤űѸ <c> (= /ʧ/) ϥե켰 <ch> ִ줿<cw> <qw> , <s> ΰ <ce> ء<u> <ou> ؤִ줿椨ˡǤ⸽Ѹˤ <chin>, <choose>, <queen>, <quick>, <ice>, <mice>, <about>, <house> ʤɤ֤褦ˤʤäƤ롥ֻηϾΥΥޥȤȤǤ⤤٤ΤǤꡤξܤˤСűѸΥƥ켰ֻˤ٤ substitution ʤɡ襤Ƥۤɤϡե켰ֻѸ˵ڤȤǡ#1793. -<ce> 꽤 ([2014-03-25-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡβ꽤 (hypercorrection) ȸƤǤ褤⤷ʤʤۤˡ#81. once twice -ce Ȥϲ ([2009-07-18-1]) ӡ#1153. ̾ adviceư advise ([2012-06-23-1]) ⻲ȡˡ̾ hypercorrection ññ̤ñȯ˺ѤؤȤ¿嵭ξˤϹϤ˱ƶεڤǤΤħŪǤ롥ե켰ֻηŪ substitution Ȥ
Horobin (89) "rather than adjust the spelling of the French loans to fit the native pattern, existing English words were respelled according to the French practices" ȽҤ٤ȤϡѸ줬եѸ첽褦ȤΤǤϤʤѸ켫餬ե첽褦ȤƤħؤƤΤǤ롥
#1208. եαʸˡؤαƶɾ ([2012-08-17-1]) #1222. ե줬ѸβǤͿʱƶ ([2012-08-31-1]) ˤ褦ˡեαѸؤαƶϡäСֻˤǤ⸲ˡηŪ˸Ƥ롥̾ñȯλѤ substitution hypercorrection ȤѸΤ褦ηŪʸѲŬѤȿƶΤǤϤʤȤ뤬
Horobin, Simon. Does Spelling Matter? Oxford: OUP, 2013.
ܸθ줬ƻޤ줿Τϡ16ȾФǤ롥#1879. ܸˤˡ ([2014-06-19-1]) Ǥ줿褦ˡݥȥͤ褬äꥹȶѸȤȤ˰ŪѸ⤿餵줿Ԥϸ˶ضȤʤäȤ⤢ä夷ʤäԤǤϡإȥͭʿ(alfeloa) ƥ (Castella)å (capa)ܥCambodia)륵ʷסcalsãnˡ륿 (carta)ڥȥʶʿconfeitosˡ饵ʹӡsaraçaˡܥ (zamboa)ܥ (sabão)ХۡgibãoˡХʱtabacoˡ (charamela)ȥ (tutanaga)ѥ (pão)ӥɥ (vidro)ӥåȡʥӥåȡbiscoitoˡӥ (veludo)ե饹 (frasco)֥ (blanço)ܥ (bolo)ܥ (botão) ʤɤĤä16ˤϥڥäƤ夷Τϥ䥹 (medias) 餤ä
ؤȡμѸ줬ήǤ롥ʳؤθä¿˷طθääޤءؤǤϡƥ (ether) (extract)֥顼 (oblaat)륷 (calcium)ե (kamfer, kampher) (cholera)ꥹ (digitalis)ݥ (spuit)ڥ (pest) (mes)ҥ (morphine)ءʪŷʸǤϡ륫 (alkali)륳 (alcohol)쥭ƥ (electriciteit)ѥ (kompas) (soda)ƥ쥹 (telescoop)ԥ (brandpunt) (lenz)طǤϡ르 (orgel)ޥ (diamant) (koffij)å (kok)åסkop; cf. #1027. åפȥåס ([2012-02-18-1])ˡ (gom)å (siroop)å (schop)å (doek)åסʥסsoepˡå (jak)ӡ (bier)֥ꥭ (blik)ڥ (pen)ڥ (pek), ݥ (pomp)ۥå (hoek)ۥå (hop) (lamp)طǤϡ٥ (sabel)ԥȥ (pistool)ɥ (ransel)
ˤθΤʤǤϱѸ줬ͥȤʤäƤ뤬ˤϤޤ֥åסס֥ɥȥפʤɥѸλѤƤʹߤϱѸϤȾ褦ˤʤꡤΡ֥åספѸΡ֥ספִ줿褦ˡȯѸؤ줵Ƥ롥ѸʳθȤƤϡ龼¤ˤƥɥĸʼ˰ءлůشطˡեʼ˷ݽѡطˡꥢʼ˲ڴطˡ⸫褦ˤʤä줾Ƥߤ褦
ɥĸ졧ΥNeuroseˡơKarteˡGazeˡץKapselˡ說VakzinˡǥIdeologieˡߥʡSeminarˡơޡThemaˡơTheseˡååRucksackˡSeilˡҥåơHütteˡ֥顼 (Oblate), 쥪 (Kreosot)
ե졧ǥådessinˡconcoursˡchansonˡޥromanˡץespritˡgenreˡȥꥨatelierˡcrayonˡ롼rougeˡͥꥸnégligeˡġomeletteˡ˥åcognacˡѥchampagneˡޥ͡mayonnaise
ꥢ졧ڥoperaˡʥsonataˡƥݡtempoˡեʡfinaleˡޥˡmacaroniˡѥåƥspaghetti
졧åvodkaˡѡkampaniyaˡڥpechkaˡΥޡnorma
θ8䤬ѸϤǤꡤѤоݤȤʤѸѼȤƤʿϤDZѤƤؤڤؤä
ʾ塤ƣ (179--80, 185--86) Ӳƣ¾ (74) ȤƼɮϢơ#1645. ܸθʬۡ ([2013-10-28-1])#1526. Ѹܸθûоɽ ([2013-07-01-1])#1067. Ѹȸܸθüѡ ([2012-03-29-1]) ε⻲Ȥ줿
ƣ س⡡ܸˡ١īҽŹ1995ǯ
ƣ ɧ ɹ ԡܸ쳵١դ1989ǯ
ܸθ줬ƻޤ줿Τϡ16ȾФǤ롥#1879. ܸˤˡ ([2014-06-19-1]) Ǥ줿褦ˡݥȥͤ褬äꥹȶѸȤȤ˰ŪѸ⤿餵줿Ԥϸ˶ضȤʤäȤ⤢ä夷ʤäԤǤϡإȥͭʿ(alfeloa) ƥ (Castella)å (capa)ܥCambodia)륵ʷסcalsãnˡ륿 (carta)ڥȥʶʿconfeitosˡ饵ʹӡsaraçaˡܥ (zamboa)ܥ (sabão)ХۡgibãoˡХʱtabacoˡ (charamela)ȥ (tutanaga)ѥ (pão)ӥɥ (vidro)ӥåȡʥӥåȡbiscoitoˡӥ (veludo)ե饹 (frasco)֥ (blanço)ܥ (bolo)ܥ (botão) ʤɤĤä16ˤϥڥäƤ夷Τϥ䥹 (medias) 餤ä
ؤȡμѸ줬ήǤ롥ʳؤθä¿˷طθääޤءؤǤϡƥ (ether) (extract)֥顼 (oblaat)륷 (calcium)ե (kamfer, kampher) (cholera)ꥹ (digitalis)ݥ (spuit)ڥ (pest) (mes)ҥ (morphine)ءʪŷʸǤϡ륫 (alkali)륳 (alcohol)쥭ƥ (electriciteit)ѥ (kompas) (soda)ƥ쥹 (telescoop)ԥ (brandpunt) (lenz)طǤϡ르 (orgel)ޥ (diamant) (koffij)å (kok)åסkop; cf. #1027. åפȥåס ([2012-02-18-1])ˡ (gom)å (siroop)å (schop)å (doek)åסʥסsoepˡå (jak)ӡ (bier)֥ꥭ (blik)ڥ (pen)ڥ (pek), ݥ (pomp)ۥå (hoek)ۥå (hop) (lamp)طǤϡ٥ (sabel)ԥȥ (pistool)ɥ (ransel)
ˤθΤʤǤϱѸ줬ͥȤʤäƤ뤬ˤϤޤ֥åסס֥ɥȥפʤɥѸλѤƤʹߤϱѸϤȾ褦ˤʤꡤΡ֥åספѸΡ֥ספִ줿褦ˡȯѸؤ줵Ƥ롥ѸʳθȤƤϡ龼¤ˤƥɥĸʼ˰ءлůشطˡեʼ˷ݽѡطˡꥢʼ˲ڴطˡ⸫褦ˤʤä줾Ƥߤ褦
ɥĸ졧ΥNeuroseˡơKarteˡGazeˡץKapselˡ說VakzinˡǥIdeologieˡߥʡSeminarˡơޡThemaˡơTheseˡååRucksackˡSeilˡҥåơHütteˡ֥顼 (Oblate), 쥪 (Kreosot)
ե졧ǥådessinˡconcoursˡchansonˡޥromanˡץespritˡgenreˡȥꥨatelierˡcrayonˡ롼rougeˡͥꥸnégligeˡġomeletteˡ˥åcognacˡѥchampagneˡޥ͡mayonnaise
ꥢ졧ڥoperaˡʥsonataˡƥݡtempoˡեʡfinaleˡޥˡmacaroniˡѥåƥspaghetti
졧åvodkaˡѡkampaniyaˡڥpechkaˡΥޡnorma
θ8䤬ѸϤǤꡤѤоݤȤʤѸѼȤƤʿϤDZѤƤؤڤؤä
ʾ塤ƣ (179--80, 185--86) Ӳƣ¾ (74) ȤƼɮϢơ#1645. ܸθʬۡ ([2013-10-28-1])#1526. Ѹܸθûоɽ ([2013-07-01-1])#1067. Ѹȸܸθüѡ ([2012-03-29-1]) ε⻲Ȥ줿
ƣ س⡡ܸˡ١īҽŹ1995ǯ
ƣ ɧ ɹ ԡܸ쳵١դ1989ǯ
ꥹȶȥƥñμѤδطˤĤơ#32. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2009-05-30-1]) #1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1]) ʤɤεǼ夲ƤѤ˴ؤȤơ#901. ʬ ([2011-10-15-1])#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1])#903. Ѥ¿Ⱦʤ ([2011-10-17-1])#1619. ʤ deus Ѥ줺 God ݤ줿Τ ([2013-10-02-1])#1778. Ѹ츦 to-do list ([2014-03-10-1]) ʤɤεƤϡűѸΥƥѸֻȤ𤷤ơѤͻƤߤ
űѸˤϡꥹȶȤȤˡ¿νѸѸ줬ƥ줫ѸνդؤȤ⤿餵줿apostol (L apostulus), abbod (L abbadem), fenix (L phoenix), biscop (L episcopus) ʤɤǤ롥դ٤ϡѤκݤˡȯˤֻˤ衤ƥη֤ΤޤѤΤǤϤʤ¿ʬ˱Ѹ첽ƼǤ뤳ȤǤ롥Ȥ10˥ƥѤΤ⤦1ĤȤäȤˤϡƥñϱѸ첽줺ۤܤΤޤޤη֤ǼѤƤ롥ĤޤꡤűѸΥƥѤ2ĤȤδ֤ˤϡŪʺäȤˤʤ롥κHorobin (64--65) ϼΤ褦˻ŦƤ롥
What is striking about these loanwords is that their pronunciation and spelling has been assimilated to Old English practices, so that the spelling-sound correspondences were not disturbed. Note, for instance, the spelling mynster, which shows the Old English front rounded vowel /y/, the <æ> in Old English mæsse, indicating the Old English front vowel. The Old English spelling of fenix with initial <f> shows that the word was pronounced the same way as in Latin, but that the spelling was changed to reflect Old English practices. While the spelling of Old English biscop appears similar to that of Latin episcopus, the pronunciation was altered to the /ʃ/ sound, still heard today in bishop, and so the <sc> spelling retained its Old English usage. This process of assimilation can be contrasted with the fate of the later loanword, episcopal, borrowed from the same Latin root in the fifteenth century but which has retained its Latin spelling and pronunciation. However, during the third state of Latin borrowing in the tenth century, a number of words from Classical Latin were borrowed which were not integrated into the native language in the same way. The foreign status of these technical words was emphasized by the preservation of their Latinate spellings and structure, as we can see from a comparison of the tenth-century Old English word magister (Latin magister), with the earlier loan mægester, derived from the same Latin word. Where the earlier borrowing has been respelled according to Old English practices, the later adoption has retained its classical Latin spelling.
ѤμȤƤϡƥη֤˴ŤƤȤ substitution ǤϤʤ importation Ǥ롥Ʊ importation ȤäƤ⡤ϥǥ뤫æֻˤϥǥ¤ֻˤǤꡤimportation ȤǤٺ롥 substitution ǤϤʤΤԤϸԤ substitution ˰ᤤ importation Ǥ롤ɽ뤳ȤϤǤ뤫⤷ʤäդǤȤСԤϥƥñѸŪȯǼ뤳ȤˡԤϸǤƥȯǼ뤳Ȥ롥äݤȤСñܸؼѤȤ˥ʽ뤫ѸƱ褦˥ե٥åȤ֤뤫ȤƱȤűѸǤϡˡ뤫ˤäưۤʤäƤȤΤ̣
ѸΥǥؤζ٤ȤݤˡƤŪ˼ѤͻݤˡֻκȤѥͿȤΤϡȯäϢơ줬ѤȤ importation Ǥ٤ȡѤ줿˽˼Ʊ٤Ȥζ̤Τˤɬפ뤫⤷ʤ
Horobin, Simon. Does Spelling Matter? Oxford: OUP, 2013.
եϱѸθäֻˤ礭ʱƶڤܤƤʸˡ˵ڤܤľܤαƶϤۤȤɤʤȤ롥#1208. եαʸˡؤαƶɾ ([2012-08-17-1]) 褦ˡŪʱƶȤȤǤС#1171. եȤθܿȶޤο ([2012-07-11-1]) Ǽ夲Ϥ˵ͤ뤬֤ؤΥեαƶϤۤȤɤʤȤäƤ褤ʤ1ĤȤơ#204. ;ιʸ ([2009-11-17-1]) εǤߤ褦ˡѸ;ư줪;ιʸäϥեäƤ뤳ȤŦ뤬줯餤ΤΤ
⤦1ġȤ˥ե줫ʸˡŪʱƶȤƻŦܤ롥One should always listen to what other people say. Τ褦Ѥ롤̾ one Ǥ롥줬бե̾ on (< L homo) μѤǤϤʤȤǶǤϡMillar (126) Τ褦˻ŦƤ롥
What is noteworthy about these large-scale French-induced changes is that they are dependent upon the massive lexical borrowing. Other structural changes not connected to this are limited (and also contested), such as the origin of the Modern English impersonal pronoun one in the ancestor of Modern French on.
OED one, adj., n., and pron. ˤȡեƶɬǤϤʤ⤷ʤݤƤ롥
The use as an indefinite generic pronoun (sense C. 17), which replaced ME pron.2, MEN pron. in late Middle English, may have been influenced by Anglo-Norman hom, on, un, Old French, Middle French on (12th cent.; mid 9th cent. in form om ; French on; ultimately < classical Latin homō: see HOMO n.1), though this is not regarded as a necessary influence by some scholars.
C. 17 ˵ƤϡMED ōn (pron) θ2νäΤǤ롥
a1400 (a1325) Cursor Mundi (Vesp.) 1023 (MED), Of an [a1400 Gött. ane; a1400 Trin. Cambr. oon] qua siþen ete at þe last, he suld in eild be ai stedfast.
Mustanoja (223--24) Ѹˤ one ΤˡȯˤĤơޤȤޤäŸƤ롥Ĺ٤ưѤ褦
'ONE.' --- The origin of the one used for the indefinite person has been the subject of some scholarly dispute. Some grammarians believe that it developed from the indefinite one (originally a numeral . . .) meaning 'a person,' just as man expressing the indefinite person developed from man meaning 'a human being.' It has also been suggested that the one used for the indefinite person is in reality French on (from Latin homo), though influenced by the native indefinite one. This view, first expressed by R. G. Latham (The English Language, Vol. II, London 1855), has been more recently advocated by G. L. Trager and H. Marchand . . . . The case of those who maintain that one is a direct loan from French is, however, somewhat weakened by the fact that in the two earliest known instances of this use one occurs as an object of the verb and as an attributive genitive ('possessive dative'); one of these is doo thus fro be to be; thus wol thai lede oon to thaire dwelliyng place (Pall. Husb. v 181). The earliest examples of one as an indefinite subject are recorded in works of the late 15th century: --- he herde a man say that one was surer in keping his tunge than in moche speking, for in moche langage one may lightly erre (Earl Rivers Dicts 57); --- every chambre was walled and closed rounde aboute, and yet myghte one goo from one to another (Caxton En. 117). It is not until the second half of the 16th century that the use of one in this sense becomes common.
From all we know about the first appearance and the subsequent development of one expressing the indefinite person it seems that this use arose as a synthesis of native one and French on. This view is further supported by the fact that in Anglo-Norman the spelling un is used not only for the numeral un but also for the indefinite person, as in the proverb un vout pendre par compaignie.
ɸϡޤ夬ĤƤʤ
Millar, Robert McColl. English Historical Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2012.
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
#46. ѤϤʤ뤫 ([2009-06-13-1]) εǡä¾줫ѤͳͤΡ֤ʤפϵˤ䤤ǤꡤܳŪɵ椹ΤǤС¾4W1H䤤٤ƤʤФʤʤwhy ˡwhat, who, when, where, how 䤦ɬפȤȤ borrowing ε濴ˡܥ֥Ǥ͡ʥץΤäƤ
ѸΡ֤ʤפͤȤƤϡHans Käsmann (Studien zum kirchlichen Wortschatz des Mittelenglischen 1100--1350. Eng Beitrag zum Problem der Sprachmischung. Tübingen, 1961.) ˵ä Görlach (149--50) ΤΤΤǾҲ𤷤褦"causes and situations favouring the transfer" ȤơΤ褦ʬɽǤƤʸ "A11" ʤɤϡGörlach ΥƥȻȵˡ
(A) Gaps in the indigenous lexis
1. The word is taken over together with the new content and the new object: A11 myrre, D31 senep, F21 sabat, synagoge.
2. A well-known content has no word to designate it: D32 plant
3. Existing expressions are insufficient to render specific nuances ('misericordia', see blow).
(B) Previous weakening of the indigenous lexis
4. The content had been experimentally rendered by a number of unsatisfactory expressions: E15 leorningcniht||disciple.
5. The content had been rendered by a word weakened by homonymy, polysemy, or being part of an obsolescent type of word-formation: C24 hilid||covered; C25 hǣlan = heal, save; H11 hǣlend||sauyoure.
6. An expression which is connotationally loaded needs to be replaced by a neutral expression.
(C) Associative relations
7. A word is borrowed after a word of the same family has been adopted: D49 iust (after justice; cf. judge n., v., judgement).
8. The borrowing is supported by a native word of similar form: læccan catchen; the process was particularly important with adoptions from Scandinavian.
9. 'Corrections': an earlier loanword is adapted in form/replaced by a new loanword: F2 engel||aungel.
(D) Special extralinguistic conditions
10. Borrowing of words needed for rhymes and metre.
11. Adoptions not motivated by necessity but by fashion and prestige.
12. Words left untranslated because the translator was incompetent, lazy or anxious to stay close to his source: H10 euangelise EV.
There remain a large number of uncertain classifications, most of these somehow connected with 11), a category which is very difficult to define.
(A), (B), (C) ϤޤȤơ¸θηϤѤؤΰϤȤȤǤ#901. ʬ ([2011-10-15-1]) ǤߤݥȤ롥(D) Ϥ褽쳰ŪװȤ٤ΤǤ롥̾μѤˤˤϡ쳰Ūװܤ뤳Ȥ¿ʬŪˤΰ夤ΤħɤΤȤǸâƨǤäƤ褦ˡΤ褦ʬΩƤ뤳Ȥ˸³ΤFischer (105) ϡʬɽƤ롥
Like all attempts to "explain" language change, this one suffers from the fact that explanations can only be guessed at and that actual, verifiable proof is hard to come by. Any such typology, therefore, will remain tentative.
ƬǽҤ٤褦ˡޤϼѤ4W1H¤Ƥ椯ȤϤɬפ롥
Görlach, Manfred. The Linguistic History of English. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997.
Fischer, Andreas. "Lexical Borrowing and the History of English: A Typology of Typologies." Language Contact in the History of English. 2nd rev. ed. Ed. Dieter Kastovsky and Arthur Mettingers. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2003. 97--115.
2֤θܿˤƤϡ뤤˸μѤ롥θܿȼѤζ٤ϡθäѤ٤ξʤΤ顤ʸˡƤʤɤι¤ŪǤѤ٤礭Τޤ͡ꤦ뤬źθܿλ㤫顤μ٤뤳Ȥϲǽ
ˤĤƤϡ#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1])#903. Ѥ¿Ⱦʤ ([2011-10-17-1])#934. Ѥ¿Ⱦʤ (2) ([2011-11-17-1]) ۤʬŪ˸ڤƤε#1779. ܿ٤ȼͽ¬ɸ ([2014-03-11-1]) ǰѤ Thomason and Kaufman (74--76) ˤѼ ("BORROWING SCALE") ߤΤȤǤܳŪʤΤԤϸܿ礭 borrowing shift-induced interference ʬƤ뤬Ǥμ٤ϤޤԤ˴ؤΤǤ롥5ʳ˶̤줿٥Ѥ롥
(1) Casual contact: lexical borrowing only
Lexicon:
Content words. For cultural and functional (rather than typological) reasons, non-basic vocabulary will be borrowed before basic vocabulary.
(2) Slightly more intense contact: slight structural borrowing
Lexicon:
Function words: conjunctions and various adverbial particles.
Structure:
Minor phonological, syntactic, and lexical semantic features. Phonological borrowing here is likely to be confined to the appearance of new phonemes with new phones, but only in loanwords. Syntactic features borrowed at this stage will probably be restricted to new functions (or functional restrictions) and new orderings that cause little or no typological disruption.
(3) More intense contact: slightly more structural borrowing
Lexicon:
Function words: adpositions (prepositions and postpositions). At this stage derivational affixes may be abstracted from borrowed words and added to native vocabulary; inflectional affixes may enter the borrowing language attached to, and will remain confined to, borrowed vocabulary items. Personal and demonstrative pronouns and low numerals, which belong to the basic vocabulary, are more likely to be borrowed at this stage than in more casual contact situations.
Structure:
Slightly less minor structural features than in category (2). In phonology, borrowing will probably include the phonemicization, even in native vocabulary, of previously allophonic alternations. This is especially true of those that exploit distinctive features already present in the borrowing language, and also easily borrowed prosodic and syllable-structure features, such as stress rules and the addition of syllable-final consonants (in loanwords only). In syntax, a complete change from, say, SOV to SVO syntax will not occur here, but a few aspects of such a switch may be found, as, for example, borrowed postpositions in an otherwise prepositional language (or vice versa).
(4) Strong cultural pressure: moderate structural borrowing
Structure:
Major structural features that cause relatively little typological change. Phonological borrowing at this stage includes introduction of new distinctive features in contrastive sets that are represented in native vocabulary, and perhaps loss of some contrasts; new syllable structure constraints, also in native vocabulary; and a few natural allophonic and automatic morphophonemic rules, such as palatalization or final obstruent devoicing. Fairly extensive word order changes will occur at this stage, as will other syntactic changes that cause little categorial alteration. In morphology, borrowed inflectional affixes and categories (e.g., new cases) will be added to native words, especially if there is a good typological fit in both category and ordering.
(5) Very strong cultural pressure: heavy structural borrowing
Structure:
Major structural features that cause significant typological disruption: added morphophonemic rules; phonetic changes (i.e., subphonemic changes in habits of articulation, including allophonic alternations); loss of phonemic contrasts and of morphophonemic rules; changes in word structure rules (e.g., adding prefixes in a language that was exclusively suf-fixing or a change from flexional toward agglutinative morphology); categorial as well as more extensive ordering changes in morphosyntax (e.g., development of ergative morphosyntax); and added concord rules, including bound pronominal elements.
Ѹ˾μפʸܿλƤϤȡűѸˤ륱ȸ졤űѸʹߤΥƥȤܿϥ٥1١ѸʹߤΥեȤܿϥ٥2١űѸθťΥɸȤܿϤ٥3٤Ǥ롥ѸŪ˸ܿ¿Ѥ줿ˤդƤȤŪʱѸʻˡ˴Ѥϡ켫ΤȤƸäƤ櫓ǤϤʤThomason and Kaufman ΥǤСȤϤʤˤϤäȷ㤷ܿФƤ줬¿¸ߤΤȤȤˤʤ롥̸Ū̸ߤ븫ѤƤߤƤ빥ǤϤʤ
ܸˤĤƤ⡤˻˸ꤹʴˤνפʱƶäΤΡBORROWING SCALE ǤСϤ٤˻ޤн줫ν٤ܿä⤷ʤˤäƤ borrowing Ȥ̼θܿǤꡤ嵭ΥδɳˤȤߤʤ shift-induced interference ͿƤǽ⤢롥
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
ߤγ´ʸߤƤǡFischer ˤѸ츦ΥݥˤĤƤʸɤѸˤޤˤѸäθϡ3ĤδʤƤȤ(1) morpho-etymological (or morphological), (2) lexico-semantic (or semantic), (3) socio-historical (or sociolinguistic) Ǥ롥
(1) ϡ#901. ʬ ([2011-10-15-1]) 褦ˡmodel loan ȤŪˤʤطˤ뤫ȤǤ롥Ūʴطܤ˸Τ importationʤΡʤʤ̣Τߤμѡˤ importation Ǥ롥(2) ϡѤξˤꡤ¦ΰ̣ηϤȸηϤԤ줿ݤǤ롥(3) ϡμѤɤΤ褦ʼҲŪʾΤȤ˹Ԥ줿ξԤشط餫ˤ褦ȤǤ롥3ʬϸߤ˸Ȥ⤢뤷¤θȤ߹碌ɵ椵ʤФʤʤΤʬȻפ
Fischer ϡΤʤ (3) μҲŪʴϺǤⶽ̣뤬ܤ˸븦̤ϴԤǤʤŪǤ롥δŻ뤷 Thomason and Kaufman Ȥ⤯ɾʤ⡤Ѹ츦ˤϹʤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥
Of the three types of typologies discussed here, the third, although the most attractive because of its sociolinguistic orientation, is possibly the least useful for a study of lexical borrowing: lexis is an unreliable indicator of the precise nature of a contact situation, and the socio-historical evidence necessary to reconstruct the latter is often not available. Morphological and semantic typologies on the other hand, though seemingly more traditional, can yield a great deal of new information if an attempt is made to study a whole semantic domain and if such studies are truly comparative, comparing different text types, different source languages or different periods. (110)
Fischer (1) (2) δѸ츦ˤƴ˾ΤƤǤȻ롥츫ȡѸˤ˸ꤷ硤2ĤδȤ櫓 (1) δϡ˸椬ʤƤΤǤϤʤȻפ뤬ƳȤǤʤ㤨С̣ (semantic loan) ɽ substitution μѸˤĤƤϡѤۤɤʤˤϡimportation Ф substitution ϰ̣ΤǸˤȡ٤ȤŪʤȤͳȤƵ롥
ˤƤ⡤ѤȤˡˤ importation ǡ̤ξˤ substitution ǼΤϤʤظˤɤΤ褦ƯƤΤ¦üԡʽġˤο䡤ŪŪʸȤäҲŪװˤĤƤϸڤ뤳Ȥ뤬嵭 (1) (2) θŪʴΥץϤۤȤɤʤȤäƤ褤Fischer (100) ռ"why certain types of borrowing seem to be more frequent than others, depending on period, source language, text type, speech community or language policy, to name only the most obvious factors." ŪͤƤ롥伫Ȥ⡤Ʊͤռ#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1])#903. Ѥ¿Ⱦʤ ([2011-10-17-1])#934. Ѥ¿Ⱦʤ (2) ([2011-11-17-1])#1619. ʤ deus Ѥ줺 God ݤ줿Τ ([2013-10-02-1]) ʤɤǼƤ
ѸˤˤƥѸͤƤߤСűѸǤ importation ¤ substitution ¿äʤषԤΤۤ¿äȤˤѸʹߤ importation ήǤ롥Fischer (101) ǿƤ褦ˡStandard High German Swiss High German ˤޥϼѸǤϡԤ substitution ꡤԤ importation ηꥫѸǤ substitution fall ФƥꥹѸǤ importation autumn Ȥ̣⤢롥ܸؤθμѤ⡤ˤϴˤ substitution ήäˤ importation ŪȤʤäˤäơˤäơimportation substitution Ψư뤬ˤϼҲŪװȤ̤˲餫θŪװƯƤǽΤ
Fischer (105) ϡΤ褦ʿ¿פĤȤǤȤѸˤˤȤ3ĤƤ롥
How many of all Scandinavian borrowings have replaced native terms, how many have led to semantic differentiation?
How does French compare with Scandinavian in this respect?
How many borrowings from language x are importations, how many are substitutions, and what semantic domains do they belong to?
HTOED (Historical Thesaurus of the Oxford English Dictionary) Ǥ줿ߡ̣μѤǤ substitution ˴ؤ븦䤹ʤäƤѸѸ츦̤Ϥ줫뤽
Fischer, Andreas. "Lexical Borrowing and the History of English: A Typology of Typologies." Language Contact in the History of English. 2nd rev. ed. Ed. Dieter Kastovsky and Arthur Mettingers. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2003. 97--115.
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
ܿ˵븽ݤϤĤ뤳ȤǤ뤬Τʤ˼ (borrowing) code-switching 롥#1627. code-switching code-mixing ([2013-10-10-1]) εǤ⼨ԤˤäƤϤ2Ĥθݤ1ĤϢ³ΤξˤǤȤ롥ΤˡͤͳϤ롥㤨СAB code-switching ˤơפȤʤAȯäΤʤB줫줿ñ줬1ĤѤ硤 "nonce-borrowing" ȸƤ֤ȤǤǤ롥ơΤ褦 nonce-borrowing ٴΤ "established borrowing" Ǥꡤ̤Ȥ夷줬Ѹ (loanword) ǤȸΤ褦˹ͤȡѤ code-switching Ϣ³ΤξüȤϤ롥ܿؤͼԤǤ Einar Haugen ⡤μݤ code-switching Τ褦Ƥ롥"the alternate use of two languages including everything from the introduction of a single, unassimilated word up to a complete sentence or more into the context of another language" (quoted from Haugen (193: 521) by Myers-Scotton (256)).
ꤵ줿Ϣ³ΤοդꡤѤ code-switching ߤ˾ȤնˤƤϡߤħϼϤ礦Τ뤤Ϣ³ΤȤϤɤ⤢٤Ϣ³ʶǧΤˤĤƤϵ褦óݤȤ Myers-Scotton (253--60) äƤߤ
פAB줫줿ñ줬1ĤѤ硤̾θA֤ϤŪ֤˸뤬ŪˤAͭζޤʤɤϼ餺Ѥ롥ޤ̾綠θBǤȯȤƼ¸롥ʤθϴؤƱٹ礤㤤ʬѤ code-switching Τۤ˶ᤤȤȤˤʤ롥ҥפȤѸ code-switching μˤȡñ줬ҥζޤĤĤѸ˼¸륱ȤΤǡȽǤ
ȤʤΤϡѤ code-switching ζ뤤Ʊ٤Τˡ֡δΤ줾ˤɤ٤νŤߤŤͿΤǤ롥Myers-Scotton (260) ɬڤϤ褯ʤñΤǺޤϡɤ餫ȤȼѤ code-switching ˶ᤤȤơξԤζ̤뤤Ϣ³ǧƤ롥
Let's be clear: we aren't arguing that all Embedded language single words in codeswitching data sets are bona fide instances of codeswtiching. Some singly occurring Embedded Language words could have become established borrowings. But, as we've shown above, there is good reason to treat most of these singly occurring words as codeswitched forms.
ȴͿʤΤѸηȿǤѤǤ롥ηȿǤƤȤ̣ code-switching ŪŪŪˤϴƤꡤѸŪǤȤؤ϶аѸˤ alumnus -- alumni, alga -- algae, phenomenon -- phenomena Τ褦ʳñʣʤɤǤ롥ϰ̤˼ѸȤߤʤƤ뤬εƧޤȡcode-switching ŪħʬŪ˻ĤѸȤߤʤʤ롥Ѥ code-switching ζܤϥ졼ǤϤ뤬졼Ǥ뤬椨ˡʣ˿ƶͿƤ褦ˤפ롥
Myers-Scotton, Carol. Multiple Voices: An Introduction to Bilingualism. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2006.
եѤȯϡ#117. եѸǯʬۡ ([2009-08-22-1]) Ǹ褦14Ǥ롥ΥߥˤĤƤϡ#1205. Ѹ˥եѸ줬ȯΤϤʤ ([2012-08-14-1]) #1209. 1250ǯȤեѸζʬ ([2012-08-18-1]) εˤ褦ˡɤˤƱѸ줬ƤȽŤʤ롥ޤǥե줬ôäƤҲŪʵǽѸ줬ꤹ뤳ȤˤʤꡤǡȤ̤θäɬפȤʤäȤ롥եäƤɤβ²ˤȤäƤϡѸؤθ (language shift) äƤȤ⤤ʡ#1540. Ѹˤء ([2013-07-15-1]) ȡˡ
ƥѤȯϡ#478. ѸΤ褦˼ڤƤϼΤƤ줿ƥ ([2010-08-18-1]) #1226. Ѹˤäǯʬۡ ([2012-09-04-1]) Ǹ褦ˡ16Ⱦ濴ȤǤ롥Υߥϡޤǥƥ줬ôäƤҲŪʵǽȤ櫓⾰ʽʪθˤդ路ȤƤϰ̤Ѹ줬˸ꤷϤȽŤʤ롥ͥˤ뿷μȯΤǡȤ̤θäɬפˤʤꡤѸɤĤɤۤɸǤƥ줫餽ΤޤäѤΤäΤ褦˥ƥǮޤ˹ޤä֤СΤȤޤǤ˿͡ΰŪʥƥѤǤȤ롥μͤδ֤ˡ̣ǥƥ줫ѸؤθؤäƤȤͤ롥
Ĥޤꡤեȥƥ줫̸üѤκϰۤʤäƤϤΤΡ̹ȤơֱѸؤθءפ褦˻פ롥ǤΡָءפʸ̤ξ괹ǤϤʤޤ줬äƤҲŪʵǽѸ줬ꤹ褦ˤʤäȤۤɤΰ̣ѤƤ롥Ŧ Fennell (148) ƶαԤɾ
As is often the case when use of a language ceases (as French did at the end of the Middle English period), the demise of Latin coincides with the borrowing of huge numbers of Latin words into English in order to fill perceived gaps in the language.
Fennell, Barbara A. A History of English: A Sociolinguistic Approach. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2001.
#1625. Ѹνդˤ code-switching ([2013-10-08-1]) ε code-switching 夲ϤŪˡ¿ˤäǤ code-switching 夲롥
code-switching ȤϡʣüԤ뤤ʣüԤäǸڤؤ٤Ǥ롥¿Ǥˤ褯ߤ븽ݤǤꡤθŪӼҲŪװƤƤ롥
code-switching ٤㤷ʣθ1ĤʸΤʤˤڤؤ硤 code-mixing ȸƤǶ̤礬롥ٹ礤⤯θäƤ뤫ȽȤʤ⤢롥Τ褦üԤˤȤäơcode-mixing Ϥ1ĤθäƤΤƱ餤˼ʤȤǤꡤڤؤƤȤȤռƤʤȤ¿ȤѸޤ code-mixing ϡMalta, Nigeria, Hong Kong, the Philippines [2013-09-06-1]ε#1593. եԥαѸ (2)פȡˤʤɤ¿ϰ褫顤¿𤵤Ƥʰʾ塤Trudgill 23 ˡ
ʣθηϤؤ礦ܿ˵븽ݤȤƤϡۤ˴ (interference) (borrowing)ȯãʤɤ롥Ϥθ̤Ū˸ΤФơcode-switching ϸĿͤθ°븽ݤǤȤ롥̤θСԤ competence ˶ᤤȤˤԤ performance ˶ᤤȤȤˤʤ롥ǡδ֤θ̩ϺǤꡤcode-switching ٤η㤷ѤȤߤ뤳ȤǤ뤫⤷ʤ
(25) ѤƤѸ code-switching Ƥ (VY) žν⤦1ͤν (MN) äƤȤ̤ǡƤϿͼҲŵŪ code-switching Ǥ롥
VY: 䤹Ȼ䤬 drive 夨Τ͡I was in the fast lane. Of course, speed Фʤ㤤ʤ顥
MN: Yeah.
VY: ?here was a car in the left, right lane.
MN:
VY: Two ʤǹԤäΤ͡side.
MN: Uh-huh.
VY: So, I was in the ä left lane. Ǥ褿Ρ
MN: Violet, drive ƤΡ
VY: Half-way ޤäɤ͡After lunch ٤Ƥ͡顤Τˤ car ͡ʤ he came out right. No signal or anything. ʤǤä . . . ݤä补Gee. ʤʤä brake ä顤ʤʤääơʥ㡼ޤʤOh, gee.
MN: ???hose 墽?t's not your fault, eh? when you have an accident.
ܸȱѸڤؤࡼǤ뤳ȤƼ롥#1625. Ѹνդˤ code-switching ([2013-10-08-1]) Wright 2ܤΰѤǤҤ٤ƤȤꡤ衤code-switching Դʸ콬˴ŤݤȤŪˡ˷ŪˤȤ館Ƥ餫˸Ǥ롥code-switching طʤˤʣʡʼҲ˸ŪװѤƤ롥װˤĤƤϡεǡ
Trudgill, Peter. A Glossary of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003.
ؼҲ硡ǡ١ҡ2009ǯ
921--22ˡϢܸʸرdz줿桦ܸʸݥե˻äؤƱνȥȤǡָѤʤط---츦ʸظˤĤơפꤹѥͥǥåԤäϡѸμԼפȤܤǾä糰ǤϤ뤬ܸؤˤѸ䳰θϡѸθԤˤΤʤʤȤȤʤΤǡ⤽Ω줫鷺Ф껲ͿƤȤǤ롥
ȯɽΤˡ˵褦ʻͿѸȤƤɽ̤Ȥ231ĤޤäơѸ줫ݤȤˤĤƤϡ#1492. ֥ǥפѸ줫 ([2013-05-28-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡ衤ܺ٤ʸŪĴɬפϤޤǤϷ겼ƤʤޤѸθ̩Ȥ⤢롥äơʲθġˤĤƤϵ䤬褵뤫⤷ʤ嵭Τ褦âĤǡΤȤƸƤȤΩĤ
ѸʬˤĤƤϡޤΤΤˤʤʲΤ褦 (1) ŪѸ졤(2) ̣ŪѸ졤(3) ŪѸ3ʬषƤߤʬ̲ϺβȤ

(1) ŪѸ
ǥ (popsicle)ɥȥå (shutting off the engines)ȥ (outside)ѡ (apartment, apartmenthouse)եեӥ (after-sales service, after-the-sale service)ե쥳 (post recording)ꥫʥҡ ((regular) coffee)å (improve one's image) (change one's image)ȥХå (fanny bag, bum bag) (beauty salon, beauty spa, beauty-treatment clinic)å (dirty-minded, sex-mad, have a one-track mind, indecent, salacious, pervert, abnormal)ʥեǥ (office worker) (custom-made, made-to-order)ȥХ (motorbike, motorcycle)ӡ (alumnus, alumna, graduate)֥ȡ (toaster oven)ץ (convertible)Хå (combed (straight) back, combed towards the back)եܥ (cuff links) (overpass)ɥޥ ((security) guard, watchman) (gas station)åĥݡ (victory pose)åڡѡ (paper towel)åԡ (slogan)åۥ (call-waiting)åܡ (play catch)顼 (air conditioner)ӥ (glamour photos, cheesecake, Page Threes)졼ɥå (upgrade)ॻ (amusement arcade)ɥ (launderette)ȥ (lower costs, reduce costs) (outlet, outlet box, receptacle, wall outlet, wall socket)ӥ (drugstore, grocery)ǥ (prime time)ǥ (holidays in May)ɥӥͥ (side job)ޥ (company employee) (off-season) (canned tuna)ץå (become thin, lose weight)ƥ७å (organized kitchen)ƥۥƥ (big hotel)㡼ڥ (mechanical pencil, automatic pencil)å (the right moment on film)С (holidays in November)С (priority seat) (denim jacket, jeans jacket)ѥ (jeans)åȥ (roller coaster)塼 (blender)ѡ (supermarket)å (touching, bonding, physical contact)륫顼 (the traditional feature of a school)å (economies of scale) (starting lineup)ɥץ졼 (grandstand play)ԡɥ (slow down) ((bust-waist-hip) measurement)ͥ (big construction company, large construction company)顼ƥ (solar power)ե (software)եȥ (soft-serve ice cream, ice cream cone, swirl ice-cream cone)ߥʥۥƥ (station hotel)ॵӥ (blue-light special, limited time offer (special))ҥå (RBI hit)å (tagged and out)˥å (kitchenette)ץ (dump truck) (cheerleader a) (table setters)ơ֥륹ԡ (speech at a party)ƥӥ (video game)ƥ (numeric keypad)ǥ졼 (birthday cake, decorated cake)ǥåɥܡ (hit by (a) pitch)ǥХإ륹 (massage parlor)ȥ졼˥ѥġʥȥѥ (sweat pants)ɥȥå (doctor's orders)ɥ饤֥ (rest area, rest stop)ʥ (night game)˥塼ϡ (drag queen, transvestite)ͥƥå (proof reader, native-speaking proof reader)ͥåȥåԥ (on-line shopping)Ρå (uncut (movie))Ρ (sleeveless dress)ΡʥΡͥ (without a tie)Ρȥѥ (laptop)ΥƥåץХ (bus without steps)Υ (trivia)ϡȥե (heartwarming)ϡ (someone of mixed race)ϥå (knee socks)ϥƥ (late teens)ϥƥ (excitable, overexcited, carried away)ϥ (Job Centre)Хåߥ顼 (rearview mirror)Хȥ (baton twirler)Хȥå (baton pass, hand over)ѥʡ (pattern maker)ѥȥ (police car)ѥͥ顼 (panelist)ѥѡ (tight-perm, short-perm)ӡѥ饽 (beach umbrella)ӥͥۥƥ (economy hotel, budget hotel)եɥå (obstacle course)եܡ (base on balls, walk)ե饤ɥݥƥ (French fries, chips)ե饤 (false start)ե (one-size-fits-all)ե (toll-free number)եȥ饹 (windshield)֥åС (book jacket, dust jacket)ץ졼 (booking office)إ̡ (full-frontal nudity (photo))إǥ塼 (header)إ륹 (bathroom scale)١å (raise of the wage base)٥åɥ (bedroom suburb)٥ӡ (playpen)ڡѡѥˡ (shell company)ڡѡɥ饤С (person with a driving licence but no practice, driver in name only)ڥå (dressed in matching outfits)ڥåȥܥȥ (plastic bottle)ۡ (platform)ۥåȥڥå (electric carpet)ۥåȥ (pancake)ܥǥå (frisk, security check, body search)ޥ (one's own car)ޥʥ (negative image)ޥڡ (go one's own way)ޥ˥ (spaghetti Western)ޥå (mug)ޥ (mummy's boy)ޥġޥ (one-on-one (one-to-one) lesson, private lesson)ߥ (sewing machine)ߥ˥ (free paper)ߥ륯ƥ (tea with milk) (big, overweight, fat)⡼˥ (wake-up call)⡼˥ӥ (breakfast special)饤֥ϥ (club with live music, live music club)֥ۥƥ (hot-pillow hotel, no-tell motel)˥ (undershirt)˥ۡ (inside-the-park home run)ꥯ롼ȥ (suit for an interview)ꥵ륯륷å (secondhand shop, recycled-goods shop)åץ (lip balm, chapstick)եƥ (keepy-uppy)롼å (loose-fitting socks)ƥ (early teens) (additional time, injury time, stoppage time)磻 (business shirt)磻ɥ硼 (talk and variety (TV) show, tabloid show, TV magazine show)ѥ (predictable, routine)
(2) ̣ŪѸ
ɥ (pop idol)åȥۡ (cozy, homey)Х (irresponsible)ʥ٥ȡ˥ѥ˥ (booth girl, promotional model, trade show model)˥ (cheating)饯 (car horn)졼 (complaint) (autograph, signature) (sticker) (grandstand)ʥå (bar, pub)ޡ (slender, slim) (good dress sense, well-dressed, stylish)ס¯ (bordello, house of ill repute, whorehouse, knocking shop) (celebrity, entertainer, TV personality)å磻 (blow-up doll)å (zipper, zip-fastener)ȥ ((playing) cards)ɥ饤 (businesslike)ɥ饤Сʹ (screwdriver)ʥ (uncorrupted, unspoiled)ͥå (weak link, dead wood, disadvantage, burden)ϥɥ ((steering) wheel)Сɡȱ (Bobby Charlton)Х (buffet)ѥå (build)ե (Go for it, Do your best)ե (front desk, reception)֡ (fad)ץ (handout, printout)ץǥ塼 (coordinator)ޥå (felt tip pen, marker pen)ޥ (condominium, apartment)åȡǥå (pros and cons, advantages and disadvantages)˥ (test user, product tester) (good-for-nothings, layabouts, hooligans, thugs)ե (alteration, refurbish, renovate)٥ (rematch)롼 (lax, careless, negligent, irresponsible)
(3) ŪѸ
(flat iron) (accelerator)ץ (application)ݡݥ (appointment)륹 (virus) (engine stall)å (on the rocks)졼饤 (curry and rice, curry with rice)ӡ (corned beef) (connection) (suntan oil)⡼ϥ (smoked ham)ϥ (sexual harassment)åȥ (setting lotion)ǥѡ (department store)ȥ (bathroom, restroom)ɥޥ (Don't worry about it, Never mind)˥ (varnish)֥͡ (navel orange)Ρ (notebook)Υץ (nonprofessional)ѡ (permanent)ѥ (personal computer)ѥ (flat tyre, puncture)ӥߥ (vitamin)ӥ (building)եå (fantastic)ץ (pudding, custard pudding)ץ쥹顼 (professional wrestler)ޥ (microphone)ޥ (mass communication, mass media, the media)ޥ˥ (maniac, fan)ꥹȥå (list)ꥹȥ (restructuring, corporate downsizing)쥸 (cash register)
ƥ֥륷塡ѤѸ١ҡ2005ǯ
꤫إʸ졦ŵ١ʸҡ2006ǯ
ؿܸ춵ŵ١ܸ춵ز ԡ罤۽Ź2005ǯ
ǥӥåɡܿͤĤְ㤨NGʱѸ١ؤҡ2012ǯ
ܸظŵ١ ʸۤ ԡ2007ǯ
ܸɴŵ١İ ɧۤ ԡ罤ۡ1988ǯ
¼ סإʸ줪⤷ŵ١˼1990ǯ
ع줪⤷ȯ֡졦Ѹ١2012ǯ
6˥ꥹȶ֥ƥˤ⤿餵줿θ塤űѸˤϿɴΥƥñ줬Ѹή¿ϥꥹȶطѸǤ롥ϡ#32. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2009-05-30-1]) #1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1]) ˤ̤Ǥ롥
ꥹȶطƥñήȤߤƤƤϡλΥꥹȶθŪ¦̤ʬ뤳ȤϤǤʤBaugh and Cable (90) Ѥ褦
The words that Old English borrowed in this period are only a partial indication of the extent to which the introduction of Christianity affected the lives and thoughts of the English people. The English did not always adopt a foreign word to express a new concept. Often an old word was applied to a new thing and by a slight adaptation made to express a new meaning. The Anglo-Saxons, for example, did not borrow the Latin word deus, because their own word God was a satisfactory equivalent. Likewise heaven and hell express conceptions not unknown to Anglo-Saxon paganism and are consequently English words.
#865. ѸƤˤΰϲ ([2011-09-09-1]) ˤ̤ꡤʤ deus ɮƬˡ̣ǺǤ⥭ꥹȶŪȤ뤤Ĥθ줬ѤʤäΤפʻͿ2顤ˤĤƤθڤ褦ޤϡKastovsky (310) ϼΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
Substitutive semantic borrowing is particularly frequent in the religious vocabulary, since in using a native ('heathen') word for a Christian concept, the pagan interpretation had to be replaced by the Christian concept and all its theological associations. A good example is the word God as used for Deus (cf. Strang 1970: 368). Originally it seemed to have meant 'that which is invoked', 'that to which libation is poured', was a neuter noun and could form a plural, since the Germanic peoples had a polytheistic religion. The missionaries, however, had to convey the notion of a single Deity, a Person or One of the persons of the Trinity. Instead of adopting the lexical item Deus, its meaning was substituted for the old meaning of god, which, in this case, even produced a grammatical change: God as a singular noun became masculine; if it occurred in the plural, it only referred to pagan gods and remained neuter.
ˡΰʸǸڤƤ Strang (368) äƤߤ롥Strang ϡűѸ (loan_translation) ̣ (semantic loan) ˤĤƿƤսǡgod ΰ̣ѲʲΤ褦Ƥ롥
The best term to start with is the word god. This is an old neuter noun, the meaning of whose stem has been disputed. It may mean 'that which is invoked' or 'that to which libation is poured' (in which case, it represents the same stem as we find in the name of the Goths and the Geats . . .); OE shares the form with other Germanic languages, which have formations from the same stem with the same meaning. In its inherited form the noun has a plural, since the monotheistic idea was unfamiliar to the Germanic peoples. The missionaries need to convey to the English the conception of a single Deity, a Person, One of the Persons of the Trinity, the Father, the Creator of the Universe, etc. They have a choice of explaining all this, and adding that the word for it is Deus; or of saying that the English have hitherto misunderstood the nature of god --- not it, but He, not many but One, etc. They choose the latter course, and their usage, as well as their belief, prevails. The noun acquires a new meaning, or rather, the whole complex of Christian meanings, though it is still the term for the old gods. From this development follows a curious grammatical change, akin to the modern use of the capital letter. When singular the word becomes masculine; when plural (therefore pagan in reference) it remains neuter. Thus, even syntax enters into the pattern of adaptation.
ɸϡߤ˴Ϣ2ĤǶ̣1ĤϡľܼѤ̣Τۤ露﷿Ǥꡤꥹȶ۶ˤäơȤͭäǽ뤳ȡ⤦1Ĥϡ̤ˡ¾줫θäؤαƶͤݤˤϡʷ֡ˤǤʤ̣ʰ̣ˤŻ뤷ʤФʤʤȤȤ Baugh and Cable (91) äơѤƤ
It is important to recognize that the significance of a foreign influence is not to be measured simply by the foreign words introduced but is revealed also by the extent to which it stimulates the language to independent creative effort and causes it to make full use of its native resources.
ϢơѤ importation substitution ζ̤ˤĤơ#901. ʬ ([2011-10-15-1]) ȡ
Strang, Barbara M. H. A History of English. London: Methuen, 1970.
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 5th ed. London: Routledge, 2002.
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Semantics and Vocabulary." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 290--408.
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