ѸˤǤϡեϸäΰˤ¿ʱƶڤܤʳǤϸΤʤȸ뤳Ȥ롥#2351. ե줫ζưμѡ ([2015-10-04-1]) Ǹ褦˶ñ̤Ǥ⾯ʤ̱ƶڤܤƤֻΰˤ礭ʾͿƤ
ȤϤʸˡ䲻ˤĤƤϡե줬ƶͿʤäȤϻ¤ʲ˥ĥäǿƤ褦ˡƶͤܤ⤤ĤŦƤ뤬ڵΤʤΤ¿Υޥʸ塤եϱѸμҲŪϰ̤Ȥ뤳Ȥˤꡤ̤ȤƲ̸ȤƤαѸʸˡѲ¥ʤȤ̣ǡŪʱƶڤܤȸȤϤǤ
#204. ;ιʸ ([2009-11-17-1])
#1171. եȤθܿȶޤο ([2012-07-11-1])
#1208. եαʸˡؤαƶɾ ([2012-08-17-1])
#1222. ե줬ѸβǤͿʱƶ ([2012-08-31-1])
#1815. ̾ one ˡϥեαƶ ([2014-04-16-1])
#1884. եѸʸˡü˴Ϳ ([2014-06-24-1])
#1924. եѸʸˡü˴Ϳ (2) ([2014-08-03-1])
#2047. ΥޥαѸ˾ΰյ ([2014-12-04-1])
#2347. Ӥȯãˤե졤ƥαƶˤĤơ ([2015-09-30-1])
ơϢȡѤƤ Denison and Hogg (17) ϡեθðʳؤαƶȤ˴ؤơŪˤ϶ϾǤ뤳ȤȤʤ⡤ȶΰˤƤϸΤȻŦ롥
. . . we should . . . look at French influence outside the borrowing of vocabulary. It is best to start by saying that French influence is largely absent from inflectional morphology. The only possibilities concern the eventual domination of the plural inflection -s at the expense of -en (hence shoes rather than shoon) and the rise of the personal pronoun one. Although there are parallels in French, it is virtually certain that the English developments are entirely independent.
The strongest influence of French can be best seen in two other areas, apparently unrelated but in fact closely connected to each other. These are: (i) derivational morphology; (ii) stress.
եؤαƶǧˤϡ#96. ѸȥեǺ褫 ( hybrid ) ([2009-08-01-1]) ˵褦ʺ (hybrid) нʬˤĤƤϡ#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) rsr (= Romance Stress Rule) ˴ؤƵȤ줿ȶȤ2Ĥΰ褬 "closely connected" ǤȤΤϡѸθ§ȶ§ŬѤ캬ޥϤޥϤˤä̤Ƥ¤ؤΤǤ롥
ޤȤȡեθðʳؤαƶȤơܤ٤ΤȤС硤ֻȤäȤ
Denison, David and Richard Hogg. "Overview." Chapter 1 of A History of the English Language. Ed. Richard Hogg and David Denison. Cambridge: CUP, 2006. 1--42.
#1695. ưʻž ([2013-12-17-1]) κǸ˼breakaway, sellout, writeoff ʤɤζư줫ž (verb-particle conversion) ̾ȡincrease, project, record ʤɤưѤ̾Ȥδ֤ˤϡܤ٤롥ϡ̾ưζѥäƤ뤳ȤǤ롥
̾ưˤĤƤϡ#803. ̾ư̻Ū ([2011-07-09-1])#804. ̾ưñ ([2011-07-10-1])#805. 衤̾ưˤʤ뤫⤷ʤ ([2011-07-11-1]) Ϥᡤdiatone γƵˤƤʸȤƤɽƤΤǡ#2. ʾҲ ([2009-05-01-73]) νȡˡverb-particle conversion ˤ̾ưζѥϰäȤϤʤäʻžθǤϡ嵭ζˤĤƤ鵤ŤƤ褦ǡ㤨ܳŪʻžθ路 Biese (246) ϡΤ褦˻ŦƤ롥
It is of interest to note that the structural type so often characteristic of both simple conversion-substantives and verb-adverb combinations converted into nouns is the same, e.g. very often of a form ‿-́ . . .; the simple conv.-subst. showing a light, unstressed first syllable and a heavy, stressed second syllable, while in the adverb groups a (mostly) short verb is followed by an adverb having the main stress of the word-group.
⤷Τϡ2˴ؤơíncrease (n.) vs incréase (v.) Τ褦̾̾졦ưڥǤϥޥϼѸ줬¿ȤȤ⤢ꡤ1̣ηڤƬǡ2̣νŤ캬Ȥbrékawày (n.) vs brèak awáy (v.) ǤϹդȤʤäƤ뤳ȤäȤ⡤ưѤưϷڤ̣ΤΤ¿Ȥϻ¤̾ưȤ̤ζѥΤܤ٤Ǥ롥ϡ̾ưȤΧθݤȤδͿȤϡषʻη˴ؤǤ뤳ȤΤǤϤʤ
̾ưȤΧϡѸʹߤȯãŪݤưͳ褹̾ưζѥϤ˿ݤȻפ롥
ʻž̤̾ưδطˤĤƤϡǶε#2291. ̾ưžˤȷֲ ([2015-08-05-1]) ǿ줿ΤǻȤ줿
Biese, Y. M. Origin and Development of Conversions in English. Helsinki: Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, B XLV, 1941.
Ѹˤơ춯ŤŪʵ§뤳Ȥ춯ΰ֤ϡѸˤäƤ롥춯ΰ֤ϡűѸˤ Germanic Stress Rule (gsr) ˤäñ˷ꤵƤѸʹߤ˥ƥեѸȤȤˤ⤿餵줿 Romance Stress Rule (rsr) 夹˵ڤӡʣ (cf. #200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1])#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1])) ΤۤϢɤѤƯꡤ̾ư (diatone) ʤɤοѥޤ줿 (cf. #861. Ѹθ춯ΰ֤˴ؤ3ס ([2011-09-05-1])) Τ褦ˤơ¿ͤʸ˴ŤΡ㳰פѤŪ˶֤ꤹ뵬§ΩƤ뤳Ȥʤä
Ǥ⡤ϵ٤ʤʤ٤㳰ʤݤĤ褦ˤơĤΡ̸ְ§פΩƤߤ³ƤCarr (74--75) ϡ4Ĥΰ̸§Ƥ롥
Principle 1: The End-Based Principle
1ϡơultimate (ex. bóx), penultimate (ex. spíder, depárture), antepenultimate (ex. cínema, América) Τ줫뷹롥ΤȤϡ춯ѥ trochaic Ǥ뤳ȤȤط롥trochee Ȥϡθ˥İʾ³ѥΤȤǤ롥Τ褦 trochee αӤꥺߥ˷֤ΤѸαΧŪħǤ롥
Principle 2: The Rhythmic Principle
ñˤϺ¿4ĤǽΤ (ex. ungéntlemanliness), ñƬ2İʾ뤳ȤϤʤ٤ƬΤ줫βˤ϶ (ex. Jàpanése, not *Japanése)
Principle 3: The Derivational Principle
ˤƤϡΤǼ綯Τä뷹롥㤨 chàracterizátion 1ΤϡΤ cháracterize ʤ켫Τ cháracter ˤˤ1˼綯뤫Ǥ롥
Principle 4: The Stress Clash Avoidance Principle
٤礦2Ĥβξ˶뤳Ȥ뷹롥㤨СPrinciple 3 ˤ *Japànése ȤʤϤΤȤȶ2³ƤޤǤ Principle 4 θ§ꡤϢ³ʤ Jàpanése 뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
Ȥꤳθ§ˤϾʤ㳰ĤΤǤ롥ޤ§֤Ǿͤ⾯ʤʤ줾θ§ϡ̵§ߤ뤳Ȥˤꡤ٤Ƥɬפΰ̸§ˤꡤѸä¿θ춯뤳Ȥ¤Ǥ롥ʤȤѸθ춯̵ˡǤȤǤȤüɾǤ뤳Ȥϴְ㤤ʤ
Carr, Philip. English Phonetics and Phonology: An Introduction. 2nd ed. Malden MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013.
#1045. Ĺˤ ([2012-03-07-1])#1000. Ÿն˻Ĥ ([2012-01-22-1])ޤ¾εǡŵŪŷϩȤŪ¦̤˸ڤƤ濴ŪϰϤФгŪϰǤ⤢ꡤϤȾŤƤȤޤ뤿ˤˤη̡濴ϿդϸŤȤʬۤ˻롥ߤ˱Υ줿֤ĤȤݤϡ츫ԻĤˤ꤭줤Ĥ
ʾ夬ŵŪषޤäդ濴ŤդȤʬۤ㤬롥ܸΥʬۤܤǤ͡ʥȤԤƤꡤ弰ȡȡü쥢ȡ췿ȡ̵Ȥ̤롥̣ȤˡΥȤʣʬۤϤ褽ؤƤ뤳ȤΤƤ롥㤨2̾4Ĥη̤Ǥʣʵ弰Ȥϡ̾Ȥꡤ濴ȤƶᵦȾΦˤޤʬۤƤ롥γ¦ˤ2̾3Ĥη̤뼡ʣȤʬۤ롥ޤߤ顤ϡʸǽҤ٤̵ϰϽ̤̳ƻޤdzȤäƤꡤ϶ᵦӱۤȶ彣ˤޤʬۤƤ롥ĤޤꡤȤϡᵦʬǤƤʬܽʬۤƤ롥
³2̾2Ĥη̤ü쥢Ȥϡ彣ϤȤƤ鷺ʬۤˤȤɤޤ롥1Ĥη⤿ʤ췿ȤϡǼ縩ԾˤΤǧ롥Ǹ˷̤ʤ̵Ȥϡ븩ڸʡ縩ƶ彣ιϰʬۤƤ롥Τ褦˸ߤ˱Υ줿Ȥߤ뤳Ȥϡ۵롥
ŵŪۤʤΤϡŪˤϤŤ奢Ȥܽ˻ĤäƤꡤ꿷Ȥ¾ŸƤ뤳Ȥޤʿ»εǤ2̾5Ĥη̤ƤȤΤƤ롥ȡʿ»εΥȤΤʣˤƺǤ褯ݤäƤΤ弰Ȥǡ缡ñ㲽줿ȤȾʬۤƤȲǤ롥濴ʣǸŤդñǿȤǤ뤬μĥȤϤषդǤ롥ܤʬ䤹Ҳ𤷤ɧ (77) ϡΤ褦˽Ҥ٤Ƥ롥
ؤˤʸŪǤϡ褯졤ȤФդ뤤⤿䤹äΤǤγ¦ؤˤʤȤ줬ޤꡤ˳ؤǤϤäȼޤޤᵦ濴˱ߤ褦ˤơ濴Ȥη¦ƤΤϡΤǤϡŪѲΤ褦ΤǤ
ߤϤʹơäסʸȯǿ줬ޤƤҤꡤˤϤդ뤤줬ΤɤȤΤȿФȡפ⤷ޤιͤñΤҤˤ褯ƤϤޤޤ
Ǥ⡤Ȥ濴ˤƹͤ줿㤯ϡ֥ȤʤɤΤդĤʷĤΤΤۤѲ䤹פȤȤФΤ⤦ҤȤĤѲλäƤޤ
¤ŪŪñʸʣʥȤϡѲŤλ˴ؤơ̤˰ɬפȤȤ¤ŪʣѲ®٤Ȥδ֤˲餫δϢ뤫⤷ʤȤ붽̣ݤ⤷ʤƱˡΰѤˤ⤢褦ˡϤ䶵ȤҲŪϤѤƤȤͤ롥
ʤǤʬ̵ۤȤǿȤȤǤСϺܸ쥢ȤλѤͽΤǤȤǤ롥¡ɧ (75) ϡ־ܸϤȤˤʤ뤫⤷ޤ㡤ʤǤ礦פȳοŪǤ롥 *
ɧ 롡ϤޤۤΤȤС١ꥹۡ1997ǯ
եؽγ顤ʼեǤ actif, effectif ʤɸ -if ĸŪ˷ƻˤ¿ꡤǤϸФΤȤ -if Ǥ -ive θե줫ѤѸǤ -ive §Ǥ롥ʤѸϥե줫餳θǼѤΤ
餤С -ive ϥեб -ive ľܤȿǤΤǤϤʤѸϼȤѸ˥ե줫餢ޤǸФˤ -if ηǼѤΤǤꡤ˱ѸǤβѲˤ̵ [f] [v] ͭȯ˹碌 -<ive> Ȥֻ̲ȤȤǤ롥
ѸǤϤΥեѸФֻͥ -<if> Ǥ롥Ǥͭ -<ive> 褷ƾʤʤġñˤäξԤδ֤ǤɤۤʤȻפ뤬Ūˤ -<if> ήǤȹͤ롥ˡ#1178. MED Spelling Search ([2012-07-18-1]) ǡ"if\b.*adj\." "ive\b.*adj\." ʤɤȸФ측ƤߤȡȤƤ -<if> äƤ롥Ѹ٤ι⤤ effective, positive, active, extensive, attractive, relative, massive, negative, alternative, conservative Ĵ٤ƤߤȡMED Ǥ -<if> ФȤƺǽ˵äƤ롥
Ǥ˸ѸˤϤֻɽ蘆ȯ [ɪf] ˤơҲ [f] [v] ͭĤĤäˤ϶֤꤬Ϳ롥ޤեǤΤ˶ƤꡤѸǤƱͤ˶äȤѸǤ϶֤촴ذư뷹ä (cf. #200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1])#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1])#861. Ѹθ춯ΰ֤˴ؤ3ס ([2011-09-05-1])#1473. Germanic Stress Rule ([2013-05-09-1])) ˶ʤʤȡ [f] Verner's Law ʤΰ̲ˤ˽ͭ [v] Ȥʤäverners_law ȻҲͭˤĤƤϡäˡ#104. hundred ͥˡ§ ([2009-08-09-1]) ȡ#858. Verner's Law ȻҲͭ ([2011-09-02-1]) Ȥ줿
嵭βĶˤ [f] ޤͭΤϡ (378) ˤС14ȾNǤϤˡפȤ롥褽Ʊˡ[s] > [z], [θ] > [ð] ͭⵯä (ex. is, was, has, washes; with)
˽Ҥ٤аޤǡեѸ -if ϸ˸¤ -ive ؤѲΤ㳰Ū -if ˤȤɤޤäΤ롥bailiff ʼ, caitiff ܶԡ, mastiff ʥޥա, plaintiff ʸˤʤɤϡŤ [f] [v] δ֤ɤƤǽŪ [f] βɸಽǤ롥
ʾJespersen (200--01) Ƥ餪
The F ending -if was in ME -if, but is in Mod -ive: active, captive, etc. Caxton still has pensyf, etc. The sound-change was here aided by the F fem. in -ive and by the Latin form, but these could not prevail after a strong vowel: brief. The law-term plaintiff has kept /f/, while the ordinary adj. has become plaintive. The earlier forms in -ive of bailiff, caitif, and mastiff, have now disappeared.
Ƭμ˲СѸ -ive ľܥեΡʤ뤤ϥƥͳ褹˽ -ive ڤꤿΤǤϤʤե줫Ѥ -if λҲѸβѲˤͭΤɽ魯αѸüԤեν -ive ˤٸƤȤαƶʬϤ뤫⤷ʤޤǤδͿϴŪȤߤʤƤΤ
סزˡ١Ѹ11罤۽Ź1985ǯ
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles. Part 1. Sounds and Spellings. 1954. London: Routledge, 2007.
ؤˤƱΧ (prosody) ȤϡĶʬŪ (suprasegmental) ʼβħΤȤؤʲˡ6褦 (Crystal 73--74)
(1) pitch, tone, intonation ʤɤβιϡʲ˾ܤ褦ˡŪŪѤƤ롥
(2) stress, loudness, accent ʤɤβζϡѸǤϸζʤɤ˸롥accent ϤФ stress Ʊ뤵뤬̩ˤϹ (pitch) ȶ (stress) ȤȤ߹碌ΧŪħǤ롥
(3) tempo ʤɤβ®٤ϡ®ж۵ޤΩ٤лθ䶯Ĵʤɤްդ롥
(4) rhythm beat ϡpitch, stress, tempo Ȥ߹碌ΧŪħǡ֤ѰۤѸΤ褦˶ֳ֤Ǹ stress-timed rhythmܸΤ褦˲ֳ֤Ǹ syllable-timed rhythm ʤɤζ̤롥
(5) pause, silence ʤɤεٻߤ⤢ΰտޤ䴶ɽ魯ΤѤ롥
(6) timbreʲˤϴɽˤϻΤΡ줿餷봷ŪΩŪǧʤΤǡŪȤϥѥŪ (paralinguistic) ħȤ٤Ǥ롥
ΤˤƤȤ櫓ŪͿŪǤ (1)--(4) ޤȤơΧŪħ (prosodic features) ȸƤǤ롥ǤϡαΧŪħεǽϲ͡ʵǽ뤬8Ĥ褦 (Crystal 76--78)
(i) ɽ魯ʳäͧߤʤ¿δ롥
(ii) ʸˡ¤ɸ롥ιٻߤʤɤˤꡤʸˡŪʺۤФ㤨СѸܸʤɡ¿θʿʸȵʸȤ̤Τˡ줾첼ĴҤȾ夬ĴҤ intonation äƤ롥Ϣơ#976. syntagma marking ([2011-12-29-1]) ȡ
(iii) ˷Ϳ롥ζ֤˴ؤ뵬§ĸǤϡƱ˴Ϳ롥Τ褦ʵ§⤿ʤѸΤ褦ʸǤ⡤#926. Ūǽ ([2011-11-09-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡŪʵǽ̤
(iv) ΰ̣̤롥θȾʾĴ (tone language) ǤϡĴʤΰ̣ˤ̤̤Ƥ롥ܸΡȤסֶסüפκۤȡޤܸޤ¿θ줬ĴѤƤ롥
(v) ̣դʸΤ˱ΧŪۤͿ뤳ȤˤäơοŪʵǽ̤
(vi) äħŤ롥˥塼ƻ¶ⶵֵʤɤϤ줾ͭαΧ
(vii) ؽ롥ꥺശΤ褤ϤʤɤѤȡŵؽưפˤʤ롥äơΧŪħϡ콬ˤƤפ̤
(viii) ĿͤƱꤹ롥ΧϡüԤμҲŪʽ°üԤѤѰ (register) ؼ (indexical) ǽġ
ˤ뱤ΧϤФΧ䲻ڤӤ뤬ξԤ2ĤǷŪ˰ۤʤ롥1ˡڤϷ֤뤳ȤȤƺ뤬ˤĤƤ̾綠Τ褦Ϥʤ2ˡڤϸȡŪʲĴˤ˴ŤƱդ뤬αΧŪʤΤǤ롥
Crystal, David. How Language Works. London: Penguin, 2005.
Ѹˤϡ[2010-08-28-1][2011-06-05-1]ǰ褦ˡȯɤ줬¿Ʊͤ˶֤ɤˤǡ#321. controversy over controversy ([2010-03-14-1]) #366. Caribbean ֻȯ ([2010-04-28-1]) ʤɤ˸褦ˡɤ餬ȯäƵȯŸ뤳Ȥ餢롥ϡĤƥȥꥢˤޤȯŸIJ˻ޤ줿 kilometer ζ֤Ҳ𤹤롥
1972ǯȥꥢǤ23ǯ֤ϫƯޤͳݼäμƳäĤ˴ƤʤϫƯޤϡǤλƳ褤Ȥ櫓ۥåȥäȥʳصäȤδ֤μθȤ⤪⤷ʳصѡѸˤμԤǤ륫ä kilómetre ȤȯְäƤȤơųݤΤǤ롥۩֥ȥꥢϥȥˡȺѤʹǤꡤää kilómetre ʤɤȤȯ³ƤȤΤѤȤǤ롥ϡäФƤ kílometre Ű줹褦ĤäФƤ饸ƥӤ̤ƹ̱ȯ뤳ȤĤ
ޤƤϡۥåȥäۤäƤϤʤϤĤƥꥷءůؤƤؼԤǤ롥ŰŪʸĴȿѸ metre ϥꥷ metron ̤Ȥ츻α̤줬˥եαƶ뤳ȤˤʤäȤŪطʡΰ֤ penult ˴ޤޤ첻Ĺ첻û첻ˤäƷޤȤ§θǺǽ˥ȥˡѤڥ륷Υʼ metre ΤĤˤϤޤä antepenult ˶֤ĥȯüۥåȥαƤ⡤¿ʬŪʿ̤ޤΤǤꡤŪʴϤ̣ۤͭȤϻפʤ꤬Ѥ줿Ȳ᤹٤ۥåȥϡ츫ȸŪʤμĥΤ顤ʸ¿ѶŪ˿䤷ʤȤäơŪʼĥ˺Ƥʤ֥ȥꥢξôҶȤäƤпϤޤޤǤ롥ȤХꥢ͡ꥷ͡⡼ͤʤɤϤǥȤĤȤФˤϡ黰ܤ첻˥Ȥ֤Ƥ (١p. 89ˡ
ơϡAustralian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) ȡˤϥꥹ BBC ȯŸɤϡäΤ褦 kilómetre ˽ФƤƤ뤬ˤϲʳصä kílometre ȤȽǤ˻äʤ϶֤ˤϾä櫓˥˴ޤˤ餱뤳Ȥˤʤä͡ϡ첻Ĺû˰ä "Short or long---it is still a kilometre." ޤäȤΤȤǤ롥
ǤϡºݤΤȤkilometre ζθϤɤʤΤLPD ˤȡΤ褦ʵҤ Preference polls η̤Ƥ롥
On the analogy of ˈcentiˌmetre, ˈmilliˌmetre, it is clear that the stressing ˈkiloˌmetre is logical and might be expected to predominate. Nevertheless, it does not. Preference polls, British English: -ˈlɒm- 63%, ˈkɪl- 37%; American English: -ˈlɑːm- 84%, ˈkɪl- 16% -ˈlɒm- 57%.

ޤ kílometre ȤݼŪԤ⤤뤬ƤȤ˥ۥåȥ÷ kilómetre ΤۤͥȤȤˤʤ롥ȯ barómetre, speedóometre, thermómetre ʤɤȹͤ롥νФ1810ǯAmE ǤϤΤ夫 kilómetre ϿƤꡤޤˤĹȯȤäƤ褤
إȥꥢ A to Z١Ҵ饤֥ӡ1993ǯ
Wells, J C. ed. Longman Pronunciation Dictionary. 3rd ed. Harlow: Pearson Education, 2008.
Χ (metrical phonology) ˤȡѸˤ Consonant Extrametricality (CE) ȤΧ§롥üŪˤСλҲϡαΧθ뤦ǴʤȤ뵬§Ǥ롥"[+cons] [+ex] / ] word" ȸ롥
Ҳ줺ˡǽ rhyme ʲ2⡼ʾȤʤʤĤޤʬ˾ˤϡ§ȤƤ˶֤롥Hogg and McCully (109--10)
| (a) | (b) | (c) |
| obey /obée/ | torment /tɔrmén | astonish /astɔ'nɪ |
| polite /polái | perhaps /perháp | decrepit /dikrépi |
| humane /hjuuméy | august /ɔɔgús | normal /nɔ'rma |
| petite /petíi | divert /daivér | consider /kɔnsíde |
. . . with regard to the disyllabic noun stress rule, only the nucleus of the second syllable is projected. The noun stress rule only 'sees' the syllable nucleus: if the nucleus branches (i.e. contains a long vowel or diphthong), stress is on the final syllable. Otherwise, stress is on the initial syllable.
ϡ̾ξˤϺǽκǽҲ1ĤǤʤǽҲΤ٤ƤΧȤߤʤȤ§ơλҲǤޤ rhyme ʲʬʤĤޤĹ첻2첻ޤ˾ˤΤߡκǽ˶Ȥ롥ξ˹ʤСԲؤȰưƤ椯ˤꡤ̾ torment ̾ August ϡ줾 /tɔ'rment/, /ɔ'ɔgust/ ʬϤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
αΧʬϤ˽С̾ư (diatone) ¿θζѥϡConsonant Extrametricality ʻ̾줫̾줫ˤ2ȤƵҤǤ뤳Ȥˤʤ ([2011-07-10-1]) ̾ưˤ϶֤ѰۤѲϤ뤷 (ex. control (n.), retard (n.); [2012-04-23-1]) ͽۤƤϤޤʤ⾯ʤʤ (ex. discount, exploit, increase) ʬϤǽϤ⤿ʤȤΤϴñŪΤߤʤ餺̻ŪʷΤΤǤС̾ưθóȻҤǡͭʬϤȤʤ뤫⤷ʤ
Hogg, Richard and C. B. McCully. Metrical Phonology: A Coursebook. Cambridge: CUP, 1987.
Katamba, Francis. An Introduction to Phonology. New York: Longman, 1989.
ε#1473. Germanic Stress Rule ([2013-05-09-1]) ˰³ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) Ҳ𤹤롥Lass (Vol. 3, p. 57) ˤСѸˤƥޥϼѸȤȤˤ⤿餵ȯŸ RSR ϼΤ褦꼰롥
Beginning at the right-hand edge of the word, select as word-head the syllable specified as follows:
A (i) If the final syllable is (a) heavy, or (b) the only syllable, assign S and construct a foot:
S S S S σ̆ σ̄ σ̄σ̆σ̄ σ̄ σ̆ deface vndertake twelfth twig
(ii) If the final syllable is light, go back to the penult.
B (i) If the penult is (a) heavy, or (b) the only other syllable, assign S and construct a foot:
S W S W S W σ̆ σ̄ σ̆ σ̆σ̆σ̄σ̆ σ̆σ̆ vnable occidental shouel
(ii) I the penult is light, go back to the antepenult.
C Assign S to the antepenult regardless of weight, and construct a foot:
S W W S W W σ̄σ̆σ̆σ̆σ̆σ̆ σ̆σ̄σ̆σ̆ histori ographer industri ouse
RSR ħ3ǼСñαϤʱˡŪߴǡνŤˤʲṽ¤ҴˤȤȤǤ롥GSR ȿФȤȤ狼ѸʹߤαѸζ§ϡ(1) (2) ֹ¤Ȳṽ¤ΤɤŻ뤹뤫Ȥ2äơ褹롥̤ȤƤߤСѸˤ RSR ϤƤäΤRSR GSR ֤ȸڤΤɬʤRSR GSR ߹ȤݤȤ̯ʤξԤʬ줹뤳ȤˤʤäΤǤ롥
ξ§٤ȳΤȿФʤΤºݤθŬѤ줿̤٤ȡ¿ξ硤̤ƱǤ롥ñ writ, write ʤɤϤɤζ§˾Ȥ餷Ƥ֤Ϥβʤ2 wríter, wrítten, belíeve ˤƤƱͤ3 cráftily, sórrier ˤƤ̤ȤƤƱ˶롥ĤޤꡤGSR RSR ϡʤ١Ʊ̤ΤǤ롥
ξԤ礹륱ϻĤ롥㤨Ƭղä줿ڤ2ϡGSR Ǥ϶2뤳Ȥˤʤ뤬RSR Ǥ1˶뤳Ȥˤʤ (ex. begín but not *bégin) ޤ/-VCC/ νŤĸϡGSR Ǥ϶ʤRSR ǤϤ˶뤳Ȥˤʤ (ex. sínging but not *singíng) Τ褦ʥǤϡξ§ζη̤Ȥơ variation ¸ߤ뤳Ȥˤʤäˤ variation ͡ʥޥʡ§߽ФȤʤꡤѸζϸߤ˻ޤʣ³ƤΤǤ롥
GSR RSR ζˤˤĤƤϡLass (Vol. 2, pp. 85--90) Lass (Vol. 3, pp. 125--28) ȤǤ롥
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 23--154.
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 3. Cambridge: CUP, 1999. 56--186.
Ѹˤޤ³Ƥȹͤ붯§1 Germanic Stress Rule (GSR) ˤĤƤϡȿ⤦1Ĥζ§ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) Ȥǡ#200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1]) #718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) #861. Ѹθ춯ΰ֤˴ؤ3ס ([2011-09-05-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥϡ⤦ܤ GSR ˤĤƸƤߤ褦
GSR ϥޥħŤ붯§ǡüŪˤȡָ촴1˶פȤ§Ǥ (##182,857,187) űѸǤϤε§Ϥܴۤ˵ǽƤꡤͣΤΤäѸ줢뤤ϽѸʹߤϡƬƤ RSR ȶ礷ʤ鸽ߤ˻äƤ롥GSR Lass (126) ˽ä꼰ȼ̤ꡥ
(i) Starting at the left-hand word-edge, ignore any prefixes (except those specified as stressable), and assign stress to the first syllable of the lexical root, regardless of weight.
(ii) Construct a (maximally trisyllabic) foot to the right:
S S W rætt 'rat' wrīt-an 'to write' S W S W W ge-writen 'written' bæcere 'baker'
GSR ħ3ǼСñκϤʺˡƬȸ캬ζ̤ˤ뤵ʷŪҴˤνŤˤϤʤʲṽ¤ߴˤȤȤǤ롥ĸλˤϸζ֤ϼͳäޥɤʬƤ椯ݤˤζ§ä줿ȹͤ롥̤ȤơűѸζ⾯㳰Ƥñʶ§˻ۤ뤳Ȥˤʤä
ȤѸˤ¿Υեƥ줫μѸ줬ѸäήƤ˵ڤӡĹ餯Фä GSR ưɤϤ롥ޥϤθͭ Romance Stress Rule (RSR) GSR ʤ蘆ꡤݤ߹⤦ȤΤǤ롥Ѹ줫Ѹˤơ¤ˡRSR ĹƤ椯ȤˤʤäRSR ˤĤƤϡεǡ
Lass, Roger. "Phonology and Morphology." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 3. Cambridge: CUP, 1999. 56--186.
ѸαƺˤĤƤ ame_bre ۤ¿εǿƤʸˡֻˤĤƤϡ#312. ʸˡαƺ ([2010-03-05-1]) ȡ#244. ֻαƺΥꥹȡ ([2009-12-27-1]) ǾޤȤϼȤȯȸäˤѰۤˤĤơSchmitt and Marsden (185--92) ˽äưޤǤʤƺȤȤˤϡɸॢꥫѸɸ।ꥹѸѰۤǰƬ֤Ƥ롥
1. Pronunciation
Words spelled with the vowel a: /æ/ for AmE and /ɑː/ for BrE as in bath, class, last, mask, past, rather.
Words spelled with -er: /əː/ for AmE and /ɑː/ for BrE as in clerk, Derby (see #211. spelling pronunciation ([2009-11-24-1]))
Words ending with -ile: /(ə)l/ for AmE and /aɪl/ for BrE as in agile, docile, fertile, missile
Words spelled alike but typically pronounced differently (z ˤĤƤϡ#964. z ʸȯ (1) ([2011-12-17-1]) ӡ#965. z ʸȯ (2) ([2011-12-18-1]) ȡ
| Word | AmE | BrE |
|---|---|---|
| asthma | /ˈæzma/ | /ˈæsma/ |
| clique | /klɪk/ | /kliːk/ |
| vase | /veɪs/ | /vɑːz/ |
| schedule | /ˈskɛʤəl/ | /ˈʃɛdjuːl/ |
| leisure | /ˈliːʒəː/ | /ˈlɛʒəː/ |
| lieutenant | /luːˈtɛnənt/ | /lɛfˈtɛnənt/ |
| z (the letter) | /ziː/ | /zɛd/ |
| tomato | /tʌˈmeɪtəʊ/ | /tʌˈmɑːtəʊ/ |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| balLET | BALlet |
| blaSÉ | BLAse |
| bufFET | BUFfet |
| garAGE | GARage |
| perFUME | PERfume |
| debuTANTE | DEButante |
| vaLET | VAlet |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| comPOSite | COMposite |
| subALtern | SUBaltern |
| arIStocrat | ARistocrat |
| priMARily | PRImarily |
| Word | AmE | BrE |
|---|---|---|
| military | /ˈmɪləˌtɛri/ | /ˈmɪlɪtri/ |
| arbitrary | /ˈərbəˌtrɛri/ | /ˈɑːbɪtri/ |
| cemetery | /ˈsɛməˌtɛri/ | /ˈsɛmətri/ |
| monastery | /ˈmɒnəsˌtɛri/ | /ˈmɒnəstri/ |
| mandatory | /ˈmændəˌtɔri/ | /ˈmændətri/ |
| category | /ˈkætəˌgɔri/ | /ˈkætəgri/ |
| testimony | /ˈtɛstəˌməʊni/ | /ˈtɛstəməni/ |
| matrimony | /ˈmætrəˌməʊni/ | /ˈmætrɪməni/ |
| Word | AmE | BrE |
|---|---|---|
| Sunday | /ˈsʌndɛɪ/ | /ˈsʌndi/ |
| Monday | /ˈmʌndɛɪ/ | /ˈmʌndi/ |
| Tuesday | /ˈˈtuːzdɛɪ/ | /ˈtjuːzdi/ |
| Thursday | /ˈθəːzdɛɪ/ | /ˈθəːzdi/ |
| Friday | /ˈfraɪdɛɪ/ | /ˈfraɪdi/ |
| Saturday | /ˈsætəːdɛɪ/ | /ˈsætəːdi/ |
| Name | AmE | BrE |
|---|---|---|
| Lancaster | /ˈlæŋˌkæstər/ | /ˈlæŋkəstə/ |
| Rochester | /ˈrɒʧɛstər/ | /ˈrɒʧəstə/ |
| Worcester | /ˈwʊəsɛstər/ | /ˈwʊstə/ |
| Nottingham | /ˈnɒtɪŋˌhæm/ | /ˈnɒtɪŋəm/ |
| Birmingham | /ˈbəːmɪŋˌhæm/ | /ˈbəːmɪŋəm/ |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| DICtate | dicTATE |
| FIXate | fixATE |
| ROtate | roTATE |
| VIbrate | vibRATE |
| Word | AmE | BrE |
|---|---|---|
| advertisement | /ˈædvəːˌtaɪzmənt/ | /ædˈvəːtəzmənt/ |
| controversy | /ˈkɒntrəˌvəːsi/ | /kɒnˈtrɒvəsi/ |
| corollary | /ˈkʊrəˌlɛri/ | /kɒˈrɒləri/ |
| inquiry | /ˈɪnkwəri/ | /ɪnˈkwaɪri/ |
| laboratory | /ˈlæbrəˌtʊəri/ | /ləˈbɒrətri/ |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| railroad | railway |
| engineer | driver |
| conductor | guard |
| baggage | luggage |
| truck | lorry |
| hood (car) | bonnet |
| trunk (car) | boot |
| fender (car) | bumper |
| gasoline | petrol |
| subway | underground |
| counterclockwise | anticlockwise |
| thumbtack | drawing pin |
| flashlight | torch |
| elevator | lift |
| apartment | flat |
| post | |
| vacation | holiday |
| garbage can | dustbin |
| bar | pub |
| druggist | chemist |
| French fries | chips |
| potato chips | crisps |
| cookie | biscuit |
| trailer | caravan |
| round-trip ticket | return ticket |
| one-way ticket | single ticket |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| underwear | pants |
| pants | trousers |
| vest | waistcoat |
| diaper | nappy |
| first floor | ground floor |
| second floor | first floor |
| sidewalk | pavement |
| pavement | road |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| a home away from home | a home from home |
| leave well enough alone | leave well alone |
| sweep under the rug | sweep under the carpet |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| on a street | in a street |
| fill out a form | fill in a form |
| check out something | chuck up on something |
| on the weekend | at the weekend |
| of two minds | in two minds |
| to all tastes | for all tastes |
| AmE | BrE |
|---|---|
| in the hospital | in hospital |
| in the future | in future |
| go to the university | go to university |
եѸˤĤƤϡfrench loan_word ¿εǼ夲Ƥɸ˴ϢȤƤϡ#117. եѸǯʬۡ ([2009-08-22-1]) #1209. 1250ǯȤեѸζʬ ([2012-08-18-1]) Norman French Central French Τ줾줫Ѥ줿2Ÿ (norman_french doublet) ʤɤˤĤƽҤ٤ϡɸȴط뤬ޤǤ˿뵡ΤʤäSchmitt and Marsden (135--36) ꡤ3ۤɼ夲롥
ޤϡNorman French Central French 2Ÿ1ɲáåȥɱѸʹ leal /liːl/ "faithful, loyal, true" 13 Anglo-Norman French äCentral French ꡤƱ loyal 16ä
ƱեǤ㤨 Old French French 2ŸȤƤϡfeast (C13) fete (C18) hostel (C13) hotel (C17) 롥줾θԤθˤϡ/st/ ȤĶˤ /s/ æȤեǤβѲȿǤƤ롥
hostel hotel ˴ϢƤ⤦1Ķ̣ϡ˼Ѥ줿ԤǤϡ֤1ؤȱѸ첽Ƥ뤬٤˼Ѥ줿ԤǤϡϤޤ˸̤2֤Ƥ뤳ȤϡŬѤƤ붯§ Germanic Stress Rule (GSR) Romans Stress Rule (RSR) ΰ㤤ǤǤ롥GSR RSR ˤĤƤϡ#200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1]) #718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) 褦ˡŪ꤬ޤޤƤ뤬եѸˤĤ绨ĤˤСä GSR ˽ʹߤä RSR ˽[2010-12-12-1]ε#594. ѸʹߤΥեѸħפȡˡʲ
| Earlier borrowings (--C14) | Later borrowings (C15--) |
|---|---|
| mústard | duét |
| léttuce | panáche |
| cárriage | brunétte |
| cólor | elíte |
| cóurage | ensémble |
| lánguage | prestíge |
| sávage | rappórt |
| víllage | velóur |
| fígure | vignétte |
[2012-09-17-1]ε#1239. Frequency Actuation Hypothesisפǡ -ate ưζưƤƤȤѲ˿줿̾ư (diatone Ʊͤ˸ߤʹζܹԤǤꡤóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ȤƤܤͤ롥
ΰܹԤˤĤƤ Phillips óȻδ鸦椷Ƥ뤬OED "contemplate, v" ˤޤȤޤä⤬ΤǡҲ𤷤褦Danielsson (271--72) Ǥ⡤OED Τβս꤬Ƥ롥
In a few rare cases (Shakes., Hudibras) stressed 'contemplate in 16--7th c.; also by Kenrick 1773, Webster 1828, among writers on pronunciation. Byron, Shelley, and Tennyson have both modes, but the orthoepists generally have con'template down to third quarter of 19th c.; since that time 'contemplate has more and more prevailed, and con'template begins to have a flavour of age. This is the common tendency with all verbs in -ate. Of these, the antepenult stress is historical in all words in which the penult represents a short Latin syllable, as ac'celerate, 'animate, 'fascinate, 'machinate, 'militate, or one prosodically short or long, as in 'celebrate, 'consecrate, 'emigrate; regularly also when the penult has a vowel long in Latin, as 'alienate, 'aspirate, con'catenate, 'denudate, e'laborate, 'indurate, 'personate, 'ruinate (L. aliēno, aspīro, etc.). But where the penult has two or three consonants giving positional length, the stress has historically been on the penult, and its shift to the antepenult is recent or still in progress, as in acervate, adumbrate, alternate, compensate, concentrate, condensate, confiscate, conquassate, constellate, demonstrate, decussate, desiccate, enervate, exacerbate, exculpate, illustrate, inculcate, objurgate, etc., all familiar with penult stress to middle-aged men. The influence of the noun of action in -ation is a factor in the change; thus the analogy of ,conse'cration, 'consecrate, etc., suggests ,demon'stration, 'demonstrate. But there being no remonstration in use, re'monstrate, supported by re'monstrance, keeps the earlier stress.
Ĥޤꡤ3ʾθˤƤϡŪˤ penult ι˱ƶ penult antepenult Ūˤϡpenult ˻ҲˤϡŪˤϤβ˶ȤḽѸˤơб̾ -ation ζѥˤȤŤ䤬Ưᤫζ˰ĺءantepenult ؤȰܹԤƤƤȤΤǤ롥
Danielsson OED ˤ3ʾθˤĤƤθڤʤPhillips 2ˤĤƤĴ̣Ȥˡ2 -ate ưʤ penult IJΤΡˤǤϡȿФζܹԤäƤȤfrustrate, dictate, prostrate, pulsate, stagnate, truncate ʤɤθǤϡŪˤ penult ˶Ѹˤ ultima ˶۷ƤƤʺǽ3ˤĤƤ夷ˡơζܹԤˤĤƤ⡤Phillips ٤ι⤤ΤѲƤƤȤ¤ͤߤ (226--28)
٤㤤ΤѲƤ Phillips μĥ̾ưȡΩ̤Ǥ롥٤ȸóȻοʹԽȤˡʰФꤸƤ롥
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and Lexical Diffusion in English Stress Shifts." Germanic Linguistics. Ed. Richard Hogg and Linda van Bergen. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1998. 223--32.
Danielsson, Bror. Studies on the Accentuation of Polysyllabic Latin, Greek, and Romance Loan-Words in English. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1948.
óȻ (lexical diffusion) ȤƿʹԤ벻Ѳƻڤ٤ؤƤ餷ȤϡŤ19ŦƤºݤˡPhillips (1984: 321) ˵Ƥ褦ˡ٤ι⤤줫Ѳ뤲ȤѲϿڤƤǡ٤㤤줫Ѳ뤲ǧƤꡤ٤ȸóȻνδطˤĤƤϡޤ˵䤬¿ˤĤơPhillips ϡꥫѸˤ glide deletion Ѹ unrounding Ѹ̾ưdiatonic stress shift; diatone εȡˤȤ٤㤤˿ʹԤȤ3ĤβѲ夲ơ"Frequency Actuation Hypothesis" ϡ"physiologically motivated sound changes affect the most frequent words first; other sound changes affect the least frequent words first" (1984: 336) ȤΤǤԤ surface phonetic form ƯѲԤ underlying phonetic form ƯѲؤˡ
Phillips 1998ǯ -ate ǽưζ֤ΰư˴ؤ븦ˤơŪưŤƤʤѲͽۤ褦٤㤤ˤϿʤޤष٤ι⤤˿ʤǤ뤳Ȥ餫ˤǡ Frequency Actuation Hypothesis
[F]or segmental changes, physiologically motivated sound changes affect the most frequent words first; other sound changes affect the least frequent words first. For suprasegmental changes, changes which require analysis (e.g., by part of speech or by morphemic element) affect the least frequent words first, whereas changes which eliminate or ignore grammatical information affect the most frequent words first. (1998: 231)
ĤޤꡤΰưΤ褦ĶʬβѲ˴ؤƤϡüԤˤʬϤ뤫ʤǡ٤ȽδطžȤ櫓Ǥ롥ʤʤΤˤĤơPhillips Bybee (117--19) "lexical strength" ȤͤФƤ롥
ɬ⤳εǼƤʤޤPhillips μĥȤϰۤʤꡤ̾ư夬٤ι⤤˿ʹԤȤǡȼƤ롥٤ѲνˤĤƤθϽ˽ФǤꡤ;Ϥ¿ʬ˻ĤƤ롥
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and the Actuation of Sound Change." Language 60 (1984): 320--42.
Phillips, Betty S. "Word Frequency and Lexical Diffusion in English Stress Shifts." Germanic Linguistics. Ed. Richard Hogg and Linda van Bergen. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1998. 223--32.
Bybee, Joan L. Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1985.
ե줬ѸͿŪƶȤСäǤΤǤ롥¾ɽֻˤ⾯ʤ餺ƶڤܤˤ¿ʤ˴ؤƤϡФХե줫μѤȤƸڤ벻Ǥ롥Görlach (337--38) ˤȡˤ5बǧ롥
(1) /v/ βDz (phonemicisation) űѸǤ [v] ϲ /f/ ΰ۲ˤޤΩǤǤϤʤäȤ(a) very Τ褦 [v] ĥեѸή(b) vixen Τ褦 [v] μѡ(c) over : offer ˸ñҲȽŻҲΩξü(d) of ˸̵ˤͭȤäŪװˤꡤ/v/ ǤȤΩƱȤ [z] ˤĤƤ롥(a) װ˴ؤƤХեαƶ뤳ȤǤ뤬/v/ /z/ ۲ȤƤϸűѸ¸ߤƤĺ˵ǽƤ̵ͭΩؤ礷ȤȤ館СηŪĴ (systemic regulation) ȹͤ뤳ȤǤ롥ǤϡGörlach ϡѸηװ뤷Ƥ[2010-07-14-1]ε#443. Ūװȸ쳰ŪװϤɤ餬פפȡˡ
(2) /ʒ/ βDzβűѸǤΩǤǤϤʤAnglo-Norman Ѹ joy gentle θƬ /ʤ/ ȤƼ¸줿ΤǡѸǤ鵩ʲä/ʒ/ βDzϡmeasure ʤɤθǤ [-zj-] ͻ餦Ȥ礭βDzˤꡤηϤ /ʤ : ʒ ? ʧ : ʃ/ оȴطϤꡤǤեαƶŪǤʤ
(3) եѸ˴ޤޤ첻αƶǡ첻 /ɔɪ, ʊɪ/ ѸDzDz2Ĥä뤳ȤǡѸ첻ηϤϤμ줿ΤȤʤä
| -- | ɛɪ | aɪ | ɔɪ | ʊɪ |
| ɪʊ | ɛʊ | aʊ | ɔʊ | -- |
. . . it is significant that phonemes said to be derived from French survive only where they fill obvious gaps in the English system --- and some of these were stabilized by loans from English dialect . . . . (337)
¦פʤΤζפʤΤ[2010-07-14-1]ε#443. Ūװȸ쳰ŪװϤɤ餬פפεפ롥
Görlach, Manfred. "Middle English --- a Creole?" Linguistics across Historical and Geographical Boundaries. Ed. D. Kastovsky and A. Szwedek. Berlin: Gruyter, 1986. 329--44.
Ʊ2줫ɽ 2।ǥˤȸƤ֡##953,954,955 εǤϡܤƿ binomial Ҳ𤷤binomial "A and B" Τ褦ŵŪ³ǷФ뤬ǤνϤƤꤷƤ롥ɬ⥤ǥȤƸꤷƤʤˤ⡤ȤƹޤȤΤ롥ʤˤ "A and B" ޤ졤̤ξˤ "D and C" ޤΤ䲻ʤɡä˲ŪʾȤΤΤ
Bolinger ϡѸηȤơû and Ĺפνޤ뤳ȤŦƤ롥ĹûκϡŵŪ˲ΰ㤤ȤƸ롥ŵϡ1 and 1˶Τ2פǤ롥̾ƻĤСa bows-and-arrows project, cold and obvious fact, drum-and-bugle corps, floor-to-ceiling window, fresh and frisky pups, furred and feathered creatures, a red and yellow river, strong and bitter political factor, up-and-coming writer ʤɤ (Bolinger 36) ¾ˤϤ롥
black and sooty, blue and silver, bright and rosy, bright and shiny, bruised and battered, cheap and nasty, cloak and dagger, drawn and quartered, fast and furious, fat and fulsome, fat and sassy, fine and dandy, fine and fancy, free and easy, full and equal, gay and laughing, grim and weary, hale and hearty, high and handsome, high and mighty, hot and bothered, hot and healthy, hot and heavy, hot and spicy, lean and lanky, long and lazy, low and lonely, married or widowed, plain and fancy, poor but honest, pure and simple, rough and ready, rough and tumble, slick and slimy, slow and steady, straight and narrow, strong and stormy, tried and tested, true and trusty, warm and winning, wild and woolly
Ƥˤ狼뤬 binomial 嶯οϤ褤ꥺȤʤ롥 tattered and torn, peaches and cream, merry and wise, open and shut, early and later ʤɤΤ褦ˡ嶯Ȥʤ binomial ⤢ˤϤ뤬㳰ŪȹͤƤ褵
Ρ1 and 1˶Τ2פȤηˤĤơBolinger (36--40) üԤμ¸ˤäƤǧȤäƤ롥ǥȤۤɤޤǤˤϸꤵƤʤ2ˤĤơ"A and B" "B and A" ¤Ӥξơɤ餬꼫üԤФȤ¸Ǥ롥ĤξǼ¸ܤ餫äbinomial ˤơprosody β̤Ƥ礭
Bolinger, D. L. "Binomials and Pitch Accent." Lingua (11): 34--44.
̾ưפθݤˤĤơdiatone γƵǿƤKelly and Bock θˤС2ˤ̾ưζѥϡŪʶ֤ηȿǤƤȤʤ2̾Ǥ1˶Τ붯巿 (trochaic) 2ưǤ2˶嶯 (iambic) ̤Ȥ롥η stress typicality ȸƤФ뤬ΨǤФɤ٤ηΤ
Amano ϡKelly and Bock Sereno Ĵ̤Ȥʤ顤MRC Psycholinguistic Database ѤȼĴʤäĴ֤ӤǽȤʤ褦ˡ̾¾ʻ쵡ǽ⤿ʤΡˤȽư˸ꤷƤο夲Τ褦ʷ̤Ȥʤä¾Ĵȹ碌ơAmano (86) Ĵפ褦
| researcher | category | result |
| Sereno (1986) | noun | out of 1425 nouns, 93% are trochaic |
| verb | out of 523 verbs, 76% are iambic | |
| Kelly & Bock (1988) | noun | out of 3202 nouns, 94% are trochaic |
| verb | out of 1021 verbs, 69% are iambic | |
| Amano (2009) | noun | out of 5766 nouns, 92.92% are trochaic |
| verb | out of 1184 verbs, 72.65% are iambic |
Ϻˤ syntagma marking ȤͤΤä
[2011-06-02-1]ε#766. פǿ줿褦ˡä˲ˤ (linearity) θ§˽虜ʤäˤƤ褯ΤƤ褦ˡǽϤϳ (hierarchy) ˤ2ǹƤ뤬ʪŪ¸ȤƤβϻ֤˱ä1ۤۤʤǡüԤϡ¸ȤƤ1Ȥʤ餶ʤϢ³Τʤˡظˤ2Ūʳؤ碌ҥȤ͡ʷǤФ롥ơİԤϤȤ2Ūʳؤ롥ΥҥȤ䡤طʤˤ2ñ̤ϰϤɸ뵡ǽܤ syntagma marking ȸƤǤ롥
ҥȤμ¿ˤ錄롥첻Ĵ¤ʤɤβŪʡʤʤɤɽ魯ܼŪפܼȤŪʼʡĴȥ͡ٻߤʤɤĶʬŪʼʤˤޤ͡㤨С[2011-11-09-1]ε#926. ŪǽפǽҤ٤ contrastive 뤤 culminative ȤϡСȤñ̤ϰϤ syntagma marking ΤȤǤ롥ܤθڤ䤪 (159)
ĤޤꡤˤäƤϡ
ФƤ첻μʥ륿
Ȥνܸ졤īʤɡ
ĴΥǥ閩졤Ҳȸ
硤
ʼʥɡ衼åѸ
ʬʻҲ첻ˤΥǥʥåȡ
Τ褦ˡʪŪȤƤϡޤޤǤ뤬ݤȤƤϡݲСˤ٤ơ줾θˤ륷ޤΥޡȤƤΡŪΤ뤳Ȥ狼äƤΤǤ롥
ˡܤϸΰ̸ȤƤ syntagma marking ˤĤƼΤ褦ˤҤ٤Ƥ (394--95)
ޡޡˤϡΤۤˤ⡤ˤäơٻߡʥݡˤĤäꡤޤȥޤΤ첻ꤹȤ褦ʡʤ꤫롥¿ޤ̵¤Ǥ뤫⤷ʤηϤηħȤơݲС٤ơޡޡȤơŪˤȤ館뤳ȤǤΤǤ롥ɽΤΡޡΤΤϡ֤ޤˤŪפǡȯǤʤ⤷ʤΥޡȤΡġθʪŪֻפϡθäƤҤȤʤ顤Ǥ⡤ưפ˲ʳˡθʤΤ˺ƸǤ롥ΰ̣ǤϡߤˤȤäȤꡤϡֲǡפֲפˤ٤Ƥ⡤ޤȤ⤪Ȥ̡äʪʤΤǤ롥
ѸˤδȤ櫓̣ΤϡѸǤ syntagma marker ȤƤζηϤϿषƤ뤬˶ηϤäƤΤǤϤʤȤܤθڤǤ (160--61) Ԥοब褫Ԥȯã褫ϡ˥ȥȥޥδطǤȽҤ٤Ƥʤ⡤ߤ˴طȤȤϼƤ롥
ޤοȤѸ˾ʤƥޥ˾ˤ礭ͤˤäơʻĤפ롥
Ϻظء١罤ۡ1981ǯ
ˤƶεǽϲMartinet (105--06) ˤСʣ뤬ǤŪʵǽ "contrastive" 뤤ϤΤ "culminative" ǤȤȤȤˡϢսѤ롥
La fonction de l'accent est essentiellement contrastive, c'est-à-dire qu'il contribue à individualiser le mot ou l'unité qu'il caractérise par rapport aux autres unités du même énoncé; une langue a un accent; et non des accents. Lorsque, dans une langue donnée, l'accent se trouve toujours sur la première ou la dernière syllabe du mot, cette individualisation est parfaite puisque le mot est ansi bien distingué de ce qui précède ou ce qui suit. Lá où la place de l'accent est imprévisible, doit être apprise pour chaque mot et ne marque pas la fin et le début de l'unité accentuelle, l'accent a une fonction dite culminative: il sert à noter la présence dans l'énoncé d'un certain nombre d'articulations importante; il facilite ainsi l'analyse du message. Que sa place soit prévisible ou non, l'accent permet, en faisant varier l'importance respective des mises en valeur successives, de préciser ce message.
εǽܼŪεǽǤ롥ʤϡħŤƤñ̤Ʊȯ¾ñ̤Ȥˤ̲뤳Ȥ˹롥äơ1ĤζĤΤǤꡤʣζĤΤǤϤʤͿθˤơ˸κǽ餢뤤ϺǽβȤԤΤ³ΤΤ˶̤ΤǤ뤫顤θ̲εǽϴȤʤ롥ΰ֤ͽ¬ǽǤꡤñ줴Ȥ˳ؽͤФʤ餺ñ̤κǸȺǽʤˤϡĺɽȸƤФ뵡ǽġĤޤꡤϡȯäˤĤνפĴ¸ߤȤȤŤƯƤΤǤꡤˤäƥåʬϤưפˤƤΤǤ롥ΰ֤ͽ¬ǽǤԲǽǤ졤ϡϢ³벻줾ν㤨ʤ顤ΥåΤˤƤ롥
Martinet (106) ϡѸʤɤθǤ϶ΰ֤ˤäƸ̤ (distinctive) 㤬ꡤ϶ŪʵǽΤǤȤҤ٤Ƥ롥ΰ֤ˤäʻѤ increase, permit (diatone) ŵ٤Ƥθ˶̤ħȤƹͤΤǤСμ礿뵡ǽ "contrastive" 뤤 "culminative" ȤäƤ٤Τ褦ʸ̤ɴѤ̤ơѸˤ붯ħ⤭Ħˤʤ褦˻פ롥
Martinet, André. Éléments de linguistique générale. 5th ed. Armand Colin: Paris, 2008.
ñζˤޤĤˤ˹äƤ롥[2009-11-13-1]ε֥Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤפ[2011-04-15-1]εֱѸζѥѸѼפǸڤˤ褦ˡѸʹߡGermanic Stress Rule Romance Stress Rule δطʣƤȤطʤˤ롥춯꤬ʣʤΤϡ̻ŪʴǤϤʤѸŪ˸Ǥ⡤¿ͤ analogy ˤ붯֤ѲѰۤƤꡤΰ֤ŪͿΤơѸθ춯˴ؤФϤޤ¸ߤʤΤǤ롥
ǤϡΧ˸ƤȤ¿ͤ analogy ˤϡɤΤ褦ʤΤΤStrang (55--56) ˤСפʤΤ3ढ롥
(1) GSR ˴Ť경ΰŪʷ
"a tendency to move the stress toward the beginning of a word, as in; /ˈædʌlt/ beside /əˈdʌlt/, /ˈækjʊmɪn/ beside /əˈkjuːmɪn/, /ˈsɒnərəs/ beside /səˈnɔːrəs/" (55).
(2) ̾ưθ췲˴ŤǽʬŪʷdiatone γƵȡˡ
"Variable stress-placement is exploited for grammatical purposes, in a series of items with root stress in nominals (usually nouns and substantival modifiers) and second-syllable stress in verbs, e.g., absent, concert, desert, perfect, record, subject . . ." (55).
(3) word-family ιǴ֤붯֤ε۰ϡ
". . . [analogical pull] of the word family an item belongs to. . . Word-analogy is responsible for variations such as applicable, subsidence (first-syllable stress, or a variant with a second-syllable stress on the model of apply, subside. Secret, borrowed in ME with second-syllable stress, has shifted to first syllable stress; its derivative secretive (a 15c formation), kept the older stress as late as OED, but is now tending to follow the example of the commoner secret, with first-syllable stress" (56).
3ϸߤ¾ŪǤϤʤषĤȤ롥㤨С̾ưεǽ romance ϸѸǤȤ2˶ΤήäꥫѸǤ̾ư첽ή줬롥Τ褦ʹ (2) αƶѤƤȸư碌ƶƤڵʬŪˤ롥Ȥȡ(1) 䤬ѤƤʤʤ(3) δϡromance ζȤʤäơromancer, romancist, romantic, romanticism ʤɤζذĤȤǽƤȤȤġñʥեߥˤȤȡΤ˶֤Υ롼벽
Strang, Barbara M. H. A History of English. London: Methuen, 1970.
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