μͭץåȥե mond ˼μ䤬ϤޤӾΡwith O CפϤɤΤ褦ˤޤ줿ΤǤ

¿ȿƤޤŪʰ̣ѲȳŪʱƶȤ2ĤλޤҤɤߤС
ŪʱƶȤΤϡűѸ˥ƥ줫˺ݤơƥΩ°ʹʸ (absolute ablative) mid ѤűѸιʸ˰ܤؤ줿Ȥ˴ŤƤޤ줬Ѹʹߤ with ӾιʸˡɤΤ褦˷ӤĤƤΤϡޤ̤ǤѸŪˤϡΤȤȻפޤ
ѸζŪʴѻȤƤϡQuirk et al. (§9.55, pp. 704--05) ˡӾ withפؤθڤޤѸѸȤƤ "accompanying circumstances" "contingency" ʤɤѤ뤳Ȥ¿ǤεΤˡޤӾ withפɤΤ褦ʻȤΤɤäʸǧƤޤ礦
[T]hey [= with and without] can introduce finite (sic) and verbless clauses as adverbial:
He wandered in without shoes or socks on.
With so many essays to write, I won't have time to go out tonight.
The fuller clausal equivalent is a participial adverbial clause expressing contingency (cf 15.46):
Having so many essays to write, I won't have time to go out tonight.
Since with and without in these functions introduce clauses, they are subordinators, not prepositions. The nonfinite clause may also be a to-infinitive. Compare:
With Mary being away
With no one to talk to
With Mary away John felt miserable.
With the house empty
Without anyone to talk to
with Τߤʤ餺 without Ӿʸ⤢뤳ȡֻθư̾줬ľ³ȤϤʤȤʤɡħ뤳ȤʬޤŪˤ̻Ūˤⶽ̣οԤʤʸǤ
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
ʼȱĤƤ YouTube ֤ͥΤۤإͥϡޤ¿ˤƤޤǿ#381. It is important for you to . . . It is kind of you to . . . äƻʸȻפ줬Ǥ롼Ĥޤäޤϡİ4ʾȹĴǤ¿Ūɷ㤹뤳ȤǤΤǤϤʤȴפäƤޤϡưƤ hellog ȤĤġơޤȤʤäʸäƤޤ
ơιʸ It is kind of you to come. ɽ롤ͤιưɾƻѤʸǤعʸˡǤϡΰ̣μȼʸȤơŪ It is important for you to go. ιʸȥåȤdzؽ뤳Ȥ¿Ȼפޤơkind, foolish, wise Τ褦ʿʪɾηƻξˤֻȤ of important necessary Τ褦ʾˤ for Ѥ롤Ƴؽ⤤ΤǤϤʤǤ礦ʻ伫ȤޤˤǤˡ
ʤʪɾηƻ˸¤ä of ѤΤȤͳޤƧ߹Ƕ뤳ȤϾʤǤ礦ưǤŦƤ̤ꡤξԤɽŪˤֻ줬ؤʿŪʹʸ˸ޤŪʥ롼ĤϤޤäۤʤΤǤ
ޤimportant for you ιʸˤĤơϡȤ it is important for you ֤ϤʤˤȤäƽפפ to go ֹԤȤפȤ2ĤǤȤ߹蘆äƤǤΤǤĤޤꡤfor you important ŪˤֻäΤǤ֤ʤˤȤäơʽפˡפȤȤǤ͡Ȥyou ³ to go ΰ̣μǤ⤢뤳Ȥ顤ФˤĤ for you to go Τ1Ĥ礭ʼΤ褦˺Ʋᤵ褦ˤʤޤΰʬ (metanalysis) ȸƤФ븽ݤŵǤ
kind of you ιʸϤɤǤ礦ϰʬϤǤĤޤʤʤ顤of you Ǥϡ֤ʤˤȤäơʿڤˡפΰ̣ˤϤʤʤǤڤʤΤϡ֤ʤȤʤΤǤꡤΰ̣طªˤ̤βõɬפΤǤ
of ΤϡǤܥ֥ε#4116. It's very kind of you to come. of ˡϡ ([2020-08-03-1]) #4117. It's very kind of you to come. of ˡŪˤϡֹټԡס ([2020-08-04-1]) Ǥ⤷̤ꡤֹټԡפ of ȹͤΤǤŪǤѸǤϼư֤ιټԤ by ǼΤ̤ǤѸ줫ѸˤƤ of ͥǤĤޤꡤof you "(done) by you" ʤʤˤäƤʤ줿ˤ˶ᤤ̣礤ƤΤǤ
OED ҤȤȡιʸθ It was a kind thing of you to come. Τ褦ʡƻ줬̾ thing act, part ʤɤäȤ狼ޤθˡֹټԤ ofפŬѤСa kind thing (done) by you ֤ʤˤäƤʤ줿ڤʤȡפȥࡼ˲ǤޤιʸȤ뤦ˡ֤ˤ thing Τ褦̾줬ά졤It was kind of you... Ȥη˲вƤäȤΤΤ褦Ǥ
Τ褦ˡ츫Ȼ̤ä2ĤιʸޤäۤʤȯηаޤäƤȤΤϡ⤷ȤǤ͡عʸˡǽвѤʵ¿ϡˤ̤뤳ȤǡΤ褦祤Ĥ뤳Ȥ¿Ǥ줳Ѹ˸̣Ǥ
ˤĤơܤϾ嵭 YouTube ưйǤޤǥ Voicy heldio ǤϢΤǡ碌Ƥİ
heldio: #91. It's kind of you to come. of
heldio: #387. It is important to study. ιʸˤĤƱѸˤƤߤޤ
ε#5936. Ѹν³ ([2025-07-28-1]) Ǽ夲³ (subordinator = subordinating conjunction) ˤĤĴ٤ʤǡ³Ѥʳˤ⽾Ǥ뤳Ȥɸʤ¿뤳ȤΤäQuirk et al. (§§11.12) 4Ĥˡ˸ڤƤ롥
(a) wh-
ܵʸطᡤʤɤƳŪˤ who/whom/whose, which, where, when, whether, how, what, why; whoever, whomever (rare), whichever, wherever, whenever, whatever, however ʤɤѤ롥ˤäƳΤʤǼ졤Ū졤졤ղøʤɤ̤̩ʰ̣ǤΡ³פȤϤʤΤΡ³ŪʵǽͭȤϤ롥
(b) ط that
³ that ȤϡŪ䤬ۤʤ롥
(c) VS
ΤᤤHad I known more, I would have refused the job. Τ褦ʸȾʬˤ֤ϡIf I had known more ȥѥե졼뤳ȤǤŪ˽ƱȤʤ롥
Sad though/as I was Τ褦Ե§ʸιʸ⡤˽स롥
(d) ʬ칽ʸ
ֽפˤ뤬The match will take place tomorrow, weather permitting. Τ褦ˡư줬Ѥ륱θ뤳ȤǤ롥
ۤˤϡƳ뽾롥㤨С³Ȥơ뤤ϴطȤƤ that ϡФоάΤǡȤʤ (ex. I suppose (that) you're right) ޤɾǤϡYou're right, I suppose. Τ褦ˡŪʥޡ礯Ȥ¿
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Grammar of Contemporary English. London: Longman, 1972.
#5633. ƻʸȤ to 줬³7ĤΥ --- Quirk et al. ([2024-09-28-1]) ˰³ƱʸˤĤơ̤ʸˡȤȡۤʤʬबʤƤ롥 LGSWE (= Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English) §9.4.5.2 ȤǤηƻΰ̣ˤäơ6פ̤Ƥ롥
9.4.5.2 Adjectives taking post-predicate to-clauses
CORPUS FINDINGS
- Only one adjectival predicate is notably common controling to-clauses in post-predicate position: (un)likely. This form occurs more than 50 times per million words in the LSWE Corpus.
- Other adjectival predicates occurring more than ten times per million words in the LSWE Corpus are: (un)able, determined, difficult, due, east, free, glad, hard, ready, used, (un)willing.
- Other adjectival predicates attested in the LSWE Corpus:
Degree of certainty: apt, certain, due, guaranteed, liable, (un)likely, prone, sure
Ability or willingness: (un)able, anxious, bound, careful, competent, determined, disposed, doomed, eager, eligible, fit, greedy, hesitant, inclined, keen, loath, obliged, prepared, quick, ready, reluctant, (all) set, slow, (in)sufficient, welcome, (un)willing
Personal affective stance: afraid, amazed, angry, annoyed, ashamed, astonished, careful, concerned, content, curious, delighted, disappointed, disgusted, embarrassed, free, furious, glad, grateful, happy, impatient, indignant, nervous, perturbed, pleased, proud, puzzled, relieved, sorry, surprised, worried
Ease or difficulty: awkward, difficult, easy, hard, (un)pleasant, (im)possible, tough
Evaluation: bad, brave, careless, crazy, expensive, good, lucky, mad, nice, right, silly, smart, (un)wise, wrong
Habitual behavior: (un)accustomed, (un)used
Ǥϡ줾Υפηƻ줬Ѥ to 줬ɤΤ褦ʰ̣ôäƤΤȤˤĤƤϿƤʤLGSWE ³սˤʤ⤬ΤǡҤȤ
Biber, Douglas, Stig Johansson, Geoffrey Leech, Susan Conrad, and Edward Finegan, eds. Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. Harlow: Pearson Education, 1999.
ϡε#5634. eager-to-please ʸθŤȽư첽η ([2024-09-27-1]) ǿʤä⤦1Ĥιʸeasy-to-please ʸˤĤơŪħͤƤߤޤ
Fischer et al. (171--72) ˤСeasy-to-please ʸˤ (voice) ˴ؤפ꤬ĤޤȤޤ
The easy-to-please construction has undergone a number of changes. From around 1400, two slightly more complex variants of the construction are found. One has a stranded preposition in the subordinate clause, as in (28a). The other has a passive infinitive (28b).
(28) aþei fond hit good and esy to dele wiþ also
'They found it good and easy to deal with as well.' (Curson(Trin-C)16557)
bthe excercise and vce [= 'use'] of suche ... visible signes [...] is good and profitable to be had at certein whilis [= 'times'] (Pecock,Represser,Ch.XX)
(28a) Ϥޤ˸ easy-to-please ʸǤ(28b) ʬ to be had Τ褦˼ư֤ȤʤäƤʬդɬפǤΰ㤤ϲʤΤǤ礦ˤĤơѸ˰ĤƶŪ˲⤷ޤ礦 He is easy to please. ˤơʸμ he ȤƸư please ̣Ūʴطϡ"he is pleased" 뤤 "someone pleases him" ȤȤˤʤޤԤȤСǽư֤ǤϤʤư֤βȤʤޤȤƸư켫Τϼư֤ɸӤӤƤʤˡȵǽ˿㤤ƤޤäƤޤ֤δߤȡ嵭 (28a) (28b) ΤۤŬäƤ褦˻פޤɤʤΤǤ礦
Fischer et al. (172) ǤϡΤ褦˵³ޤ
The development in (28b) is reminiscent of that in the modal passive . . . , and some degree of mutual influence seems likely. Curiously, however, passive marking eventually became obligatory in the modal passive, but not so in the easy-to-please construction, where formal passives never became systematic and sometimes even disappeared again, as shown by the now-ungrammatical example in (29a). Fischer (1991: 175ff) suggests that formally passive infinitives tend to occur with easy-type adjectives when the relation between adjective and infinitive rather than between adjective and subjective is stressed (cf. 29a). In such cases, an adverb rather than an adjective is also often found, as in (29b).
(29) a when once an act of dishonesty and shame has been deliberately committed, the will having been turned to evil, is difficult to be reclaimed (1839, COHA)
b Jack Rapley is not easily to be knocked off his feet (1819, Fischer ibid.)
From this, one might speculate that passive forms failed to fully establish themselves in this context because the meaning the construction conveys is not always purely passive. As (30) illustrates, the subject of many easy-to-please constructions combines both patient-like and agent-like qualities. While the subject undergoes the action, its intrinsic qualities also contribute to how that action unfolds. The construction could therefore be analysed as marking middle voice.
(30) more experienced opponents ... can sometimes be tricky to play against. (BNC)
easy-to-please ʸư֤Ȥʴط夬äƤ
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
Fischer, Olga. "The Rise of the Passive Infinitive in English". Historical English Syntax. Ed. D. Kastovsky. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1991. 141--88.
ε#5633. ƻʸȤ to 줬³7ĤΥ --- Quirk et al. ([2024-09-28-1]) ǡַƻ + to פ͡ʥѥǧޤ7פؤζʬϤʤ٤ΤǤǤ Fischer et al. ˽绨Ƥ2פ˶ʬޤ礦ɸˤȤꡤeager-to-please ʸ easy-to-please ʸ2Ǥ (170--71)
In the so-called eager-to-please construction in (22a), the main clause subject functions also as agent-argument of the infinitive. In the easy-to-please construction, the main clause subject corresponds to the patient-argument of the infinitive. The easy-to-please construction is therefore somewhat reminiscent of the modal passive . . . expressing a passive-like meaning without passive marking.
(22) a [Eager-to-please construction]
Andropulos was a bit reluctant to go (BNC)
b [Easy-to-please construction]
He was lying in wait in the hallway, where he was impossible to overlook (BNC)
ιʸˤϸŤǤ˸űѸʸڤޤ (171)
Both the eager-to-please construction and the easy-to-please construction were already available in OE, as shown in (24) and (25), respectively. . . .
(24) ic eom gearo to gecyrrenne to munuclicere drohtnunge
I am ready to turn to monastic way-of-life (ÆCHom.I,35 484.251)
'I am ready to turn to a monastic way of life.'
(25) ðis me is hefi to donne
This to-me is heavy to do (Mart.5(Kotzor)Se.16,A.14)
'This is hard for me to do.'
⤷ΤϡԤ eager-to-please ʸϡűѸ줫ŪʸڤΤǤˡŪʰ̣ӤӤơưȯŸΤФƤƤ뤳ȤǤFischer et al. ³ưѤޤ (171)
The eager-to-please construction has been essentially stable throughout the history of the language. It is interesting to note, however, that some adjectives in the construction developed into modal markers. A straightforward example is bound, originally meaning 'under a binding obligation' but now typically used to mark epistemic necessity.
Ǥ be bound to 㤬ƤޤۤβսǤ be sure to be certain to ˤڤޤεƤȤ碌ợäƤС
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
Quirk et al. (1226--27; §16.75) ˡ"Adjective complementation by a to-infinitive clause" ꤹब롥
We distinguish seven kinds of construction in which an adjective is followed by a to-infinitive clause. They are exemplified in the following sentences, which are superficially alike:
(i) Bob is splendid to wait.
(ii) Bob is slow to react.
(iii) Bob is sorry to hear it.
(iv) Bob is hesitant to agree with you.
(v) Bob is hard to convince.
(vi) The food is ready to eat.
(vii) It is important to be accurate.
In Types (i--iv) the subject of the main clause (Bob) is also the subject of the infinitive clause. We can therefore always have a direct object in the infinitive clause if its verb is transitive. For example, if we replace intransitive wait by transitive build in (i), we can have: Bob is splendid to build this house.
For Types (v--vii), on the other hand, the subject of the infinitive is unspecified, although the context often makes clear which subject is intended. In these types it is possible to insert a subject preceded by for; eg in Type (vi): The food is ready (for the children) to eat.
ιʸɽŪˤϡַƻ + to פƱͤ줾˸ͭỤ̄Ūħ롥ĴǤϤ뤬餯Ūȯãηϩߤ礭ۤʤΤ¿
ܲ helwa ꥹʡʤ Discord αѸ˥ߥ˥ƥˤ֥̥ޤ롪ʸˡץͥˤơHe is sure to win the game. Τ褦ʹʸȤʤäƤ롥Ρsure + to פιʸϡQuirk et al. ˤ (iv) פ°Ȥɬ⤿䤹ʤ
Quirk, Randolph, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech, and Jan Svartvik. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman, 1985.
ε#5506. be to do ʸϸűѸ줫餢ä ([2024-05-24-1]) ˰³ be to do ʸˤˤĤơ
ιʸϸűѸ줫ѻ뤬ŪȤơƥбʸΤʤǤϤʤȤ롥طʤˤϡ˥ƥ줫ʸ˸뤳ȡƥƥбʸϢưƼư (passive) ΰ̣ѤΤ̤ǤȤ¤طʤˤ롥ۤʤ⤢ΤǿŤ˵ɬפ뤬Ǥϥƥƶٻ Mustanoja (524--25) ꡤϢսѤ褦
PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE
INFINITIVE WITH 'To' AS A PREDICATE NOMINATIVE (THE TYPE 'TO BE TO'). --- The construction to be to, implying futurity and often obligation (the infinitive being originally that of purpose), is comparatively infrequent in OE and early ME, but becomes more common in later ME and early Mod. E. It probably arose under Latin influence, the infinitive with to being used to render the Latin future participle (-urus) or gerundive (-ndus), as in wæron fram him ece mede to onfonne ('aeterna ab illo praemia essent percepturi') and he is to gehyrenne ('audiendus est'). In OE this infinitive occurs mostly in a passive sense (he is to gehyrenne; --- hu fela psalma to singenne synt 'quanti psalmi dicendi sunt'). This usage continues in ME and even today. ME examples: --- þi luve . . . oþer heo is to ȝiven allunge oþer he is for to sullen, oþer heo is for to reaven and to nimen mid strengþe (Ancr. 181); --- that ston was gretly for to love (RRose 1091). The periphrastic passive appears in the 14th century: --- þey beþ to be blamed (RMannyng HS 1546).
In OE the predicative infinitive of this type is comparatively seldom found with an active meaning (wæron ece mede to onfonne 'aeterna praemia . . . essent percepturi'). This use continues to be rare in early ME, but becomes more frequent later in the period. In many instances the implication of futurity is faint or practically non-existent: --- þes fikelares mester is to wrien ant te helien þet gong þurl (Ancr. 36); --- al mi rorde is woning ant to ihire grislich þing (Owl&N 312); --- myn entencioun Nis nat to yow of reprehensioun To speke as now (Ch. TC i 685). In many instances, however, the implication of futurity is prominent: --- Crystes tresore, Þe which is mannes oule to save, as God seith in þe Gospel (PPl. B x 474); --- whan the sonne was to reste, so hadde I spoken with hem everichon (Ch. CT A Prol. 30). There are scholars who believe that this construction is used as a real future equivalent in late ME.
ʤ뤤ϤŪưˤǽưŪǤäƤ̣ϼưŪѤˤĤƤϡʲεȤ줿
#3604. ʤ The house is building. ǡֲȤϷǤפȤ̣ˤʤΤ ([2019-03-10-1])
#3605. This needs explaining. --- need ư̾פιʸ ([2019-03-11-1])
#3611. ʤ He is to blame. He is to be blamed. ȤʤʤΤ ([2019-03-17-1])
#4104. ʤ He is to blame. He is to be blamed. ȤʤʤΤǤ --- hellog 饸ǡ ([2020-07-22-1])
Ѥˤ⤢̤ꡤ be to do ʸϸǽưŪˤѤ褦˳ĥߤ˻äƤ롥
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
Ѹˤ be to do ʸȤΤ롥be ưθ to 줬³ʸǡͽꡤ̳̿̿ᡤǽջ֤ʤ͡ʰ̣ѸؽԵ㤫ιܤǤ롥ʸˡˤĤƤϡ#4104. ʤ He is to blame. He is to be blamed. ȤʤʤΤǤ --- hellog 饸ǡ ([2020-07-22-1]) Ǿ줿
Ǥϡbe to do ʸˤϤˡ¤˸Ť餢ꡤűѸǤ⤹Ǥ˾ʤȤֹʸμפȤƳǧ롥űѸǤϹ٤櫓ǤϤʤѸʹߤǤ٤Ūʡֹʸפ餷ΤؤĹƤѸˤƤϡ¾ιʸȥȤۤɤ˰褦ˤʤäĹˤ錄ʸˡ (grammaticalisation) 1ȤäƤ褤
ԸϾʤʤǤ Denison (317--18) βĹˤ錄ȯãûˤޤȤƤ롥
11.3.9.3 BE of necessity, obligation, or future
This verb too is a marginal modal, patterning with a to-infinitive to express meanings otherwise often expressed by modals. For Old English see Mitchell (1985: §§934--49), and more generally Visser (1963--73: §§1372--83). One complication is that the syntagm BEON + to-infinitive is used both personally [158] and impersonally [159]:
[158] Mt(WSCp) 11.3
. . . & cwað eart þu þe to cumenne eart . . .
. . . and said are(2 SG) you(2 SG) that (REL) to come are(2 SG)
Lat. . . . ait illi tu es qui uenturus es
'. . . and said: "Are you he that is to come?"'
[159] ÆLS I 10.133
us nys to cweðenne þæt ge unclæne syndon
us(DAT) not-is to say that you unclean are
'It is not for us to say that you are unclean.'
In Middle and Modern English this BE had a full paradigm:
[160] 1660 Pepys, Diary I 193.7 (5 Jul)
. . . the King and Parliament being to be intertained by the City today with great pomp.
[161] 1667 Pepys, Diary VIII 452.6 (27 Sep)
Nay, several grandees, having been to marry a daughter, . . . have wrote letters . . .
[162] 1816 Austen, Mansfield Part I.xiv.135.30
You will be to visit me in prison with a basket of provisions;
Visser states that syntagms with infinitive be are 'still current' (1963--73: §2135), but although there are a few relevant examples later than Jane Austen (1963--73: §§1378, 2135, 2142), most are of the fixed idiom BE to come, as in:
[163] But they may yet be to come.
ޤȤȡbe to do ʸϸűѸ줫餽˨꤬ߤ졤Ѹ줫ѸˤƤȯã¾ιʸȤȤŪˤƤϤषŪˤñΤѤ褦ˤʤꡤ˻롥
Denison, David. English Historical Syntax. Longman: Harlow, 1993.
ε#5456. Ȥϲ ([2024-04-04-1]) ˰³ (subject) ˤĤƤܼŪʵꤿ˺ݤޤѸ켭ŵʤɤäƤߤΤɤMcArthur ιܤѤ褦פƤ롥
SUBJECT [13c: from Latin subjectum grammatical subject, from subiectus placed close, ranged under]. A traditional term for a major constituent of the sentence. In a binary analysis derived from logic, the sentence is divided into subject and predicate, as in Alan (subject) has married Nita (predicate). In declarative sentences, the subject typically precedes the verb: Alan (subject) has married (verb) Nita (direct object). In interrogative sentences, it typically follows the first or only part of the verb: Did (verb) Alan (subject) marry (verb) Nita (direct object)? The subject can generally be elicited in response to a question that puts who or what before the verb: Who has married Nita?---Alan. Where concord is relevant, the subject determines the number and person of the verb: The student is complaining/The students are complaining; I am tired/He is tired. Many languages have special case forms for words in the subject, the subject requires a particular form (the subjective) in certain pronouns: I (subject) like her, and she (subject) likes me.
Kinds of subject. A distinction is sometimes made between the grammatical subject (as characterized above), the psychological subject, and the logical subject: (1) The psychological subject is the theme or topic of the sentence, what the sentence is about, and the predicate is what is said about the topic. The grammatical and psychological subjects typically coincide, though the identification of the sentence topic is not always clear: Labour and Conservative MPs clashed angrily yesterday over the poll tax. Is the topic of the sentence the MPs or the poll tax? (2) The logical subject refers to the agent of the action; our children is the logical subject in both these sentences, although it is the grammatical subject in only the first: Our children planted the oak sapling; The oak sapling was planted by our children. Many sentences, however, have no agent: Stanley has back trouble; Sheila is a conscientious student; Jenny likes jazz; There's no alternative; It's raining
Pseudo-subjects. The last sentence also illustrates the absence of a psychological subject, since it is obviously not the topic of the sentence. This so-called 'prop it' is a dummy subject, serving merely to fill a structural need in English for a subject in a sentence. In this respect, English contrasts with languages such as Latin, which can omit the subject, as in Veni, vidi, vici (I came, I saw, I conquered: with no need for the Latin pronoun ego, I). Like prop it, 'existential there' in There's no alternative is the grammatical subject of the sentence, but introduces neither the topic nor (since there is no action) the agent.
Non-typical subjects. Subjects are typically noun phrases, but they may also be finite and non-finite clauses: 'That nobody understands me is obvious'; 'To accuse them of negligence was a serious mistake'; 'Looking after the garden takes me several hours a week in the summer.' In such instances, finite and infinitive clauses are commonly post and anticipatory it takes their place in subject position: 'It is obvious that nobody understands me'; 'It was a serious mistake to accuse them of negligence.' Occasionally, prepositional phrases and adverbs function as subjects: 'After lunch is best for me'; 'Gently does it.'
Subjectless sentences. Subjects are usually omitted in imperatives, as in Come here rather than You come here. They are often absent from non-finite clauses ('Identifying the rioters may take us some time') and from verbless clauses ('New filters will be sent to you when available'), and may be omitted in certain contexts, especially in informal notes (Hope to see you soon) and in coordination (The telescope is 43 ft long, weighs almost 11 tonnes, and is more than six years late).
ܤνФɸŪȤäƤ褯褽ʸˡŪʴγǰƳƤ롥ζ̤˻ϤޤꡤŪŪҲ𤵤롥
Ǥϡ줬ʸˡŪʴΤߤʤ餺ŪŪʴȤ館Ȥơ̤Υ뤬롥Ūʴϡ֥ơޡסŪʴϡưιټԡפбΤʤΤ⤫롥¤ʸƤϤƤߤȡ3Ĥδμ줬ɬߤ˰פʤȤ롥
³ơŪʼ졤ߡμȸƤФΤҲ𤵤롥Ǥ there is ¸ʸ (existential_sentence) ڤ롥ιʸǤ there ϥơޤǤϤꤨʤưιټԤǤʤΤǡޤʸˡΤᤵƤȤߤʤۤʤ
̾̾ʳ쥫ƥȤΩȤ꤬Ƴ줿ȡǸ˼줬ʤʤ뤤ϾάƤ㤬롥
ۤˤ͡ϵ줽ϼϤˤޤǡ
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
331ۿ YouTube ֤Τۤإͥ219ϡָŤʸˡʸˡThere is ʸޤ狼ꤷƤäƤޤܥͥȤƤϡ4֤ǻİ3100ۤȤʤꡤŪ¿İƤ褦Ǥ꤬Ȥޤ
There is a book on the desk. Τ褦¸ʸ (existential_sentence) ˤ there ϡ̣Ūˤ϶¤ǤʸˡŪˤϼǤ뤫Τ褦ʿޤa book ϲϤƤ뤫С줳Ǥ뤳ȤǤޤ be ưȿΰפǤ⡤a book Τۤ餷ΤǤϤʤȵǤǤ
ޤΤ褦˼Ƥ (subject) ȤϡäʤΤǤ礦ͤϤƬ뤰뤷Ƥޤ¸ʸμꡤӡּפȤѸ˴ؤƤϡheldio Ǥ夲Ƥޤ
#1003. There is an apple on the table. --- Ϥɤ졩
#1032. ʤ subject ּס --- ֤إ饸פΥԥ졼
hellog Ǥ⡤¸ʸ˴ϢϰʲεǼ夲Ƥޤ
#1565. existential there ε (1) ([2013-08-09-1])
#1566. existential there ε (2) ([2013-08-10-1])
#4473. ¸ʸˤμỌ̇̄μ ([2021-07-26-1])
Ȥϲñ˲褹ǤϤޤҳˤͤƤС
¾ư (transitivity) ˤĤơ2ˤ錄äƤ
#5202. ¾ư (transitivity) Ȥϲ ([2023-07-25-1])
#5204. ¾ư (transitivity) Ȥϲ (2) [2023-07-27-1]
Bussmann (494--95) Ѹ켭ŵ transitivity ιѤ롥
Valence property of verbs which require a direct object, e.g. read, see, hear. Used more broadly, verbs which govern other objects (e.g. dative, genitive) can also be termed 'transitive'; while only verbs which have no object at all (e.g. sleep, rain) would be intransitive. Hopper and Thompson (1980) introduce other factors of transitivity in the framework of universal grammar, which result in a graduated concept of transitivity. In addition to the selection of a direct object, other semantic roles as well as the properties of adverbials, mood, affirmation vs negation, and aspect play a role. A maximally transitive sentence contains a non-negated resultive verb in the indicative which requires at least a subject and direct object; the verb complements function as agent and affected object, are definite and animate . . . . Using data from various languages, Hopper and Thompson demonstrate that each of the factors listed above as affecting transitivity is important for making transivtivity through case, adpositions, or verbal inflection. Thus in many languages (e.g. Lithuanian, Polish, Middle High German) affirmation vs negation correlates with the selection of case for objects in such a way that in affirmative sentences the object is usually in the accusative, while in negated sentences the object of the same verb occurs in the genitive or in another oblique case.
¾ưȤϡ(1) ǡǤ뤳ȡ(2) ˤäƤζˡ͡Ǥ뤳ȡʬäƤŪˤϡгŪ᤹롤̤ɽ魯ľˡιư줬¤ "transitive" ǤȤȤ
Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.
#5202. ¾ư (transitivity) Ȥϲ ([2023-07-25-1]) Ұ³¾ư (transitivity) ˤĤơ
Halliday εǽʸˡˤȡ¾ưͤݤˤ3ĤΥѥפȤʤ롥 (process)Ϳ (participant) (circumstance) 3ĤΤȤ櫓 (process) ŪʥѥȤʤ롥
ֲפȾΤΤˤ礭3Ĥμब롥˾3Ĥμबդ롥줾ȡʪŪ (material)Ū (mental)طŪ (relational) Ū (behavioural), Ū (verbal), ¸Ū (existential) 6Ȥʤ롥
Transitivity A term used mainly in systemic functional linguistics to refer to the system of grammatical choices available in language for representing actions, events, experiences and relationships in the world . . . .
There are three components in a transitivity process: the process type (the process or state represented by the verb phrase in a clause), the participant(s) (people, things or concepts involved in a process or experiencing a state) and the circumstance (elements augmenting the clause, providing information about extent, location, manner, cause, contingency and so on). So in the clause 'Mary and Jim ate fish and chips on Friday', the process is represented by 'ate', the participants are 'Mary and Jim' and the circumstances are 'on Friday'.
Halliday and Mtthiesen (2004) identify three main process types, material, mental and relational, and three minor types, behavioural, verbal and existential. Associated with each process are certain kinds of participants. 1) Material processes refer to actions and events. The verb in a material process clause is usually a 'doing' word . . .: Elinor grabbed a fire extinguisher; She kicked Marina. Participants in material processes include actor ('Elinor', 'she') and goal ('a fire extinguisher', 'Marina'). 2) Metal processes refer to states of mind or psychological experiences. The verb in a mental process clause is usually a mental verb: I can't remember his name; Our party believes in choice. Participants in mental processes include senser(s) ('I'; 'our party') and phenomenon ('his name'; 'choice'). 3) Relational processes commonly ascribe an attribute to an entity, or identify it: Something smells awful in here; My name is Scruff. The verb in a relational processes include token ('something', 'my name')) and value ('Scruff', 'awful'). 4) Behavioural processes are concerned with the behaviour of a participant who is a conscious entity. They lie somewhere between material and mental processes. The verb in a behavioural process clause is usually intransitive, and semantically it refers to a process of consciousness or a physiological state: Many survivors are sleeping in the open; The baby cried. The participant in a behavioral process is called a behaver. 5) Verbal processes are processes of verbal action: 'Really?', said Septimus Coffin; He told them a story about a gooseberry in a lift. Participants in verbal processes include sayer ('Septimus Coffin', 'he'), verbiage ('really', 'a story') an recipient ('them'). 6) Existential processes report the existence of someone or something. Only one participant is involved in an existential process: the existent. There are two main grammatical forms for this type of process: existential there as subject + copular verb (There are thousands of examples.); and existent as subject + copular verb (Maureen was at home.)
ϡưˤƤȤ櫓Ūʰ̣ط6ӼäΤȤäƤ褤ůŪˤСΥѥɤޤǺŪʸ쥫ƥΤʬʤͤĤǤ롥
ǽʸˡŪˤ̤Ȥơֲפ졤ˤС¾ưפ٤ޤäƤ롤ȤȤˤʤäƤ롥¾ưȤϤŪʳǰѸǤϤ뤬Τ褦ʸѡʸˡѤȤߤФƤȯۤǤ뤳ȤΤäƤ
Pearce, Michael. The Routledge Dictionary of English Language Studies. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007.
ؿѸؼŵ (1267) ˤȡ¾ư (transitivity) Halliday ʸˡˤѸǡˡ (mood) ȼ (theme) ȤȤ Halliday ʸˡˤ3Ĥ礭η֤롥¾ưȤϡ¾ư (transitive verb) ȼư (intransitive verb) ζ̤б복ǰȤ⡤ष˻ͿǴ֤ΡִͿפȤȤ館ۤŬڤ
㤨 Sir Chirstopher Wren built this bridge. ȤäŵŪ SVO ʸˤƤϡټԡɸ3Ԥߤ˴ͿäƤꡤ¾ưŪǤȤ롥ñŵŪˤʤĤλͿԤɤΤ褦˴ͿäƤ뤫Υѥ͡ǤꡤʬƤȺǽŪˤϰĤҤȤĤθ̶Ūʲ̤ʤФʤʤʤκʬμ٤ delicacy ȸƤǤ롥¾ưϡäơư줬Ĥι뤫Ȥ䡤ʸˡˤʸפȤϢƤ롥
ʸˡ˰Ĥƹͤ뤿ˡCrystal θؼŵ transitivity ơȤȤƤ
transitivity (n.) A category used in the grammatical analysis of clause/sentence constructions, with particular reference to the verb's relationship to dependent elements of structure. The main members of this category are transitive (tr, trans), referring to a verb which can take a direct object (as in he saw the dog), and intransitive (intr, intrans), where it cannot (as in *he arrived a ball). Many verbs can have both a transitive and an intransitive use (cf. we went a mile v. we went), and in some languages this distinction is marked morphologically. More complex relationships between a verb and the elements dependent upon it are usually classified separately. For example, verbs which take two objects are sometimes called ditransitive (as opposed to monotransitive), as in she gave me a pencil. There are also several uses of verbs which are marginal to one or other of these categories, as in pseudo-intranstive constructions (e.g. the eggs are selling well, where an agent is assumed --- 'someone is selling the eggs' --- unlike normal intransitive constructions, which do not have an agent transform: we went, but not *someone went us). Some grammarians also talk about (in)transitive prepositions. For example, with is a transitive preposition, as it must always be accompanied by a noun phrase complement (object), and along can be transitive or intransitive: cf. She arrived with a dog v. *She arrived with and She was walking along the river v. She was walking along.
¾ưˤĤƤϡͤƤ
ʸͺʴƽˡؿѸؼŵ١ҡ1982ǯ
Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.
#5139. Ѹˤˤơ֥ȸ첾פ꺻Ƥ ([2023-05-23-1]) ǾҲ𤷤ܤ1Ĥ "Lack of external possessor construction" 롥ѸˤϡֳŪͭ¤פ礱Ƥꡤ§ȤơŪͭ¤ (internal possessor construction) ΤߤȤ롥ơԤħϥȽȤθܿˤäͶ줿ΤǤϤʤȤ⤬Ƥ롥
Ūͭ¤Ȥ my head Τ褦ˡ°ʡʽͭʡˤˤľ̾ƽͭط¤ΤȤǤ롥Ūͭ¤Ȥϡ*the head to me Τ褦ɽˤߤ褦ˡŵŪˤͿʤˤŪ̾̾γ¦ͭط¤ΤȤǤ롥
ѸǤŪͭ¤§űѸǤϤषŪͭ¤ߤ줿㤨СHickey (499) ϸűѻ Poem of Judith ʲƤ롥
þæt him þæt heafod wand forð on ða flore
lit.: that him-DATIVE that head ...
'that his head rolled forth on the floor'
űѸ˸¤餺¿Υ衼åѤνǤϡŪͭ¤ޤƤХ졤ϥ졤ޥ륿ʤɤǤ⳰Ūͭ¤ѤƤ뤳Ȥ顤ƥ衼åŪʸħȤߤʤȤǤ롥
ε㳰ѸǤꡤ륺ǤꡤȤΥꥹʬۤʤ˾θǤϡŪͭ¤ޤ롥¾Ūͭ¤ΤϡΥ줿衼åѤγǤꡤȥ륳쥺ʥե1ġˤˤߤ뤬ȥꥹν줬طƤȤϹͤˤĤޤꡤѸ졤륺졤Ūͭ¤ȤŪ˸ΩƤΤǤ롥
ơѸˤˤƤϾ嵭ǼȤꡤűѸǤϳŪͭ¤ѤƤŪͭ¤ؤȰؤаޤ롥˥륺䥳ʤɥȽˤߤ줿Ūͭ¤Ѹνͭ¤˱ƶڤܤǽ夹롥
Hickey (500) ϡββΤ褦äƤ롥
This transfer did not affect the existence of a possessor construction, but it changed the exponence of the category, a frequent effect of language contact, especially in language shift situations.
#5134. ưμʼ ([2023-05-18-1]) ǤСξ "transfer" "Rearrangement" ˳Τ̣ǤϤ롥
Hickey, Raymond. "Early English and the Celtic Hypothesis." Chapter 38 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of English. Ed. Terttu Nevalainen and Elizabeth Closs Traugott. New York: OUP, 2012. 497--507.
衤2 (double_negative) ޤ¿ϡ18εϼλ stigma դ졤ζϤʱƶޤ³ƤȸƤǯθοŸˤꡤºݤˤϤäᤤʳɸŪˤʤäƤꡤ18εʸˡϤǤ˹ԤϤäƤ촷ˤդͿˤʤȲᤵ褦ˤʤäƤˤĤƤϡ#2999. ɸѸ줫꤬äͳ ([2017-07-13-1]) ǿ줿
¿깽ʸ̣ȤˤʤΤˤʤΤۣȤʤΤǤСߥ˥پ褿ºݤäˤƤʸ̮䱤Χν⤢ꡤۤɸ櫓Ǥʤʤ٤ۣ椵ӽäξפǡġֽաפä顤ɤŵˡΧʸǤ롥Rissanen (125) Ѥ롥
In the development of negative expressions legal texts may have offered an early model that resulted in the avoidance of multiple or universal negation in Late Middle and Early Modern English.
In Late Middle English, multiple negation was still accepted and universal negation was only gradually becoming obsolete, possibly with the loss of ne. In the fifteenth century, the not . . . no construction . . . was still the rule . . . , but in the Helsinki Corpus samples of legal texts this combination does not occur even once, while the combination not . . . any . . . , can be found no less than eight times. In other contexts . . . multiple negation occurs even in the statutes, but the user of any is more common than in the other genres.
. . . .
The same trend can be seen in sixteenth-century texts: the not . . . no type is avoided in the statutes while it is still an accepted minority variant in other text types. This is not surprising, since the tendency towards disambiguation and clarity of expression probably resulted in the avoidance of double negation in legal texts well before the normative grammarians started arguing about two negatives making one affirmative.
ۣ椵ӽ٤ˡΧʸˤƿ侩줿ˡ˰̤Υ쥸ˤĥȤŸϡʬˤꤽǤ롥⤷ָդˡפȤ٤ĬήѸʹߤθոħŤƤΤȤСҲͿƶϻפΤۤ礭ȤȤˤʤꤽ
Rissanen Ʊʸ#1276. hereby, hereof, thereto, therewith, etc. ([2012-10-24-1]) ⻲ȡ
Rissanen, Matti. "Standardisation and the Language of Early Statutes." The Development of Standard English, 1300--1800. Ed. Laura Wright. Cambridge: CUP, 2000. 117--30.
#4995. ư̾칽ʸ there is no ---ing ---뤳ȤϤǤʤפѸ ([2022-12-30-1]) ϸѸˤ³ʸȤΤƤ뤬Ѹˤ there was ---ing Ȥ̣ʸ¸ߤ---Ԥʤ줿ס---ȤȤȤפۤɤΰ̣Ǥ롥Mustanoja (576) ˤĤ㤬Ƥ롥
The construction there was . . -ing is frequently used in ME for the expression of indefinite agency: --- þer was sobbing (Havelok 234); --- þer was sembling (Havelok 1018); --- thar wes oft bikkyring (Barbour ix 343); --- so greet wepyng was there noon, certayn, Whan Ector was ybroght, al fressh yslayn, To Troye, Allas, the pitee that was ther, Cracchynge of chekes, rentynge eek of heer (Ch. CT A Kn. 2831--4). A similar case is and thus the woful nyhtes sorwe To joie is torned on the morwe; Al was thonkinge, al was blessinge, Which erst was wepinge and cursinge (Gower CA ii 3317--18).
ư̾ɽ蘆ưιټԤǤꡤưΤΤ˾ƤѤ빽ʸʤΤOED -ing, suffix1 ˤäˤιʸ˴ؤ뵭ҤϤʤMED -ing(e (suf.(1)) ˤڤʤ
ιʸϡǤäΩäʸȤƸڤ뤳ȤϤʤΤΡ١ȤϼѤƤ褦there is/was ---ing BNCweb ꤤĤƤߤ褦
'Well, like I told the foreign gentleman, there was dancing in the sitting room, and this Mrs Heatherington-Scott she was dancing with Mr Merrivale.'
There is shooting almost daily in the capital as roaming snipers attack military checkpoints;
There was rationing at home and war in Ireland.
First there was cheering then jeering.
There was knocking on the front door.
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
ε#4994. There is no accounting for tastes ס ([2022-12-29-1]) Ǽ夲ϡ褯Τ줿 there is no ---ing ---뤳ȤϤǤʤפư̾칽ʸȤʤäƤ롥One cannot account for tastes. It is impossible to account for tastes. ȸ̣
θ18˽ФŪΤȤ뤬there is no ---ing ư̾칽ʸΤΤϡɤΤ餤Ťޤˤ̤ΤOED no, adj. ˤȡ13νƻޥ˥奢 Ancrene Riwle ˽Ф롥ʸȤƤ it is no ---ing ʤɤѰ۷ߤ (cf. #4790. there they Ѹ it ˡ ([2022-06-08-1])) ʲ OED ΰѤʸ嶽̣ʬ֤ǼƤߤ
4. Modifying a verbal noun or gerund used as the predicate, denoting the impossibility of the action specified. Chiefly with non-referential there (also it) as subject.
[c1230 (?a1200) Ancrene Riwle (Corpus Cambr.) (1962) 149 Hwen þe delit iþe lust is igan se ouerforð þet ter nere nan wiðseggunge ȝef þer were eise to fulle þe dede.]
a1400 (a1325) Cursor Mundi (Vesp.) 23812 (MED) Quen we it proue þat es to late, Es þar na mending þan þe state.
1523 Ld. Berners tr. J. Froissart Cronycles I. ccclxxxvi. 657 It is no goynge thyder, without ye wyll lose all.
1560 Bible (Geneva) Nahum iii. 19 There is no healing of thy wounde.
a1593 C. Marlowe Edward II (1594) sig. D4v Cosin it is no dealing with him now.
a1616 W. Shakespeare Two Gentlemen of Verona (1623) ii. i. 146 Val. No, beleeue me. Speed. No beleeuing you indeed sir.
a1643 J. Shute Sarah & Hagar (1649) 108 So the people were so impetuously set upon their lusts, that there was no speaking to them.
1719 D. Defoe Farther Adventures Robinson Crusoe 39 There was no keeping Friday in the Boat.
1753 Gray's Inn Jrnl. No. 54 There is no going any where without meeting Pretenders in this Way.
1820 W. Irving Sketch Bk. vii. 117 Do what they might, there was no keeping down the butcher.
1849 W. M. Thackeray Pendennis (1850) I. xv. 138 There's no accounting for tastes, sir.
1895 A. I. Shand Life E. B. Hamley I. ii. 21 There was no mistaking the meaning of the invitation, and there was no declining it.
1954 A. Thirkell What did it Mean? 87 There would be no getting hold of the girls as the evenings got longer.
1975 Times 6 Dec. 8/5 Try Village Prospects..R 3 again, I fear, but no avoiding it.
2001 Financial Times 27 Jan. 8/4 There is no mistaking African anger at the external barriers they confront.
űѸ줫餹ǤȯãƤ¸ʸ (existential_sentence) ȡѸˤ褦䤯ȯãϤư̾줬Τޤ줿ʸȤäƤ褤¸ʸˤĤƤϡ#1565. existential there ε (1) ([2013-08-09-1]) ȡ#1566. existential there ε (2) ([2013-08-10-1])#4473. ¸ʸˤμỌ̇̄μ ([2021-07-26-1]) ȡ
#4992. absence Ժߡפ˴ؤѸθ2ġ ([2022-12-27-1]) ǽҤ٤Ȥꡤ֤˱Ѹθŵ A ɤ߿ʤƤ롥ɤϤƴ֤ʤ accounting ɤȤɸͭ̾ʸ˽вäס¾ͤιߤ뤳ȤϤǤʤȤ櫓ʬˤȤḁ̈ϤʤϹäƤͤιͤƤ뤳ȤϤ餫ʤȤƥ de gustibus non est disputandum "There is no disputing about tastes" ˤ줤б롥
ODP6 ˤȱѸǤν1794ǯȤʤäƤ롥
1794 A. Radcliffe Mysteries of Udolpho I. xi. I have often thought the people he disapproved were much more agreeable than those he admired; --- but there is no accounting for tastes. 1889 Gissing Nether World II. viii. There is no accounting for tastes. Sidney . . . not once . . . congratulated himself on his good fortune. 1985 R. Reeves Doubting Thomas iv. 'You're usually in here with a little guy, wears a rug. Looks like he gets his suits from Sears. Paisley ties. . . . There's no accounting for taste.' 2014 Spectator 13 Dec. 75 I read of an ornament which is 'a plywood cutout of a giant boiled egg', but there's no accounting for taste, even bad taste.
ǯǤñԲĻ̾ taste Ѥ¿褦촶ȤƤϡʣ tastes ξˤϡ͡ϹХХ¿ͤǤ뤳ȤΤޤǧ봶мˤǡñ taste ξˤϡʬϹޤƿʹ֤ϹȤΤǤʤΤȤãѤмˤ褦˻פ뤬ɤʸ but θѤ뤳Ȥ¿褦ǡ¿쾯ʤֻʤ͡פȤްդ褦
θΰ۷ȤƤñ Tastes differ ⤢ꡤۤƱ19Ƭ˽ФƤ롥
Speake, Jennifer, ed. The Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs. 6th ed. Oxford: OUP, 2015.
˥δ֤夬äҲ𤷤Time The Best Inventions of 2020 ˡϳĴ Chef iQ Smart Cooker Ȥʤ夲ƤȤΥڡǥե㡼Ƥ뤬ϤΥȥ "Meals Made Easy" Ǥ롥ϤɤΤ褦ʹʸǤꡤɤΤ褦ʰ̣ʤΤ
֡Τ͡˵ʤ졤Ѥ⤷äʤȤǤϤ졤ΤʤϪǵȤΤϡȤƤθ餷
Ǥϡˡä礤η̡Ф줿ո͡äִñ˺줿פȤ̣ easy ϼ¤ñ (flat_adverb) ʤΤǤʤȤФ줿 make μȹʸǤ easy ϤޤǷƻȤѤƤִñˤ줿פۤɤǤȤ⤢äΤȤơֳڤӡפۤɤΥ˥奢ȤȤϳ狼äƤ뤱ɤ⡤ʸˡŪǼΤȤäȤǵǤߤȤʤä
餤Сϻ make μȹʸǤ롥ʸˡǤ5ʸ SVOC ١ȤʤäƤ롥(This cooker) makes meals easy. ۤɤǰƬˤȤ褤Ȥˤ "Meals are made easy (by this cooker)." Ȥʤ롥ȥȤΤ̾ˤ٤meals Ȥ "Meals Made Easy" Ȥ櫓
ǤϤäỌ̇̄ʬʤȤгΤˤmake ϡ?פθǤϤʤޤǻΡ?ĤˤפθѤƤ뤳Ȥˤʤ뤫make meals ֿפʤäʬ䤹ʤ collocation ⤢ޤʤ褦ˡǤϤʤ make meals easy = cause meals to be easy ȤطĤޤֿñˤפȤȤʤΤǤ롥̤θ meals = easy Ȥطˤʤ롥ֿסִñפȤΤϤɤȤֿѰաסִñפȤΤǤСȤƤ褯ʬ롥ϰäʤ
¤ XXX Made Easy ȤɽϡʤɤΥȥ˾Ѥ귿Ǥ롥ܸǤСء١ïǤ狼١ñ٤ȤäȤXXX ˤϡ롤̣ܡܤʤ͡ʸ礬롥BNCweb ˤ "made easy" ñ㸡Ǥ⡤̤ᤤΤԲʤΤޤǡȵäƤ롥
Harvesting and storing made easy
MIDDLE EAST DISTRIBUTION MADE EASY
Suicide made easy
FLOOR TILING MADE EASY
COSMETICS MADE EASY
Sheep counting made easy
Financial Analysis Made Easy
Mechanics Made Easy
ºݤ˽ǤƤܤΥȥǤСܥӥΤ Word Power Made Easy ⤢СMath Made Easy ʤɤγزʤΤ֤Japanese cookbook for beginners: 100 Classic and Modern Recipes Made Easy Τ褦Τ¿AUSTRALIAN COOKBOOK: BOOK1, FOR BEGINNERS MADE EASY STEP BY STEP դϹʸ䤹ΤǤϤʤXXX Made Simple XXX Simplified õиĤ롥
嵭 XXX ϡֺ (make) оݤǤɬפϤޤäʤष餫ΰ̣ǽ٤оݤǤвǤ褤ȤȤǡ"Meals Made Easy" ֤עֳڤӡפۤɤȤʤ櫓Ǥ롥
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