Fransson (33) Ѹο̾١ᤰ븦ˤơĴΤʤ100ʾ帽 (by-name) ȴФΥ25̤ޤǵƤ롥ѸֻǼ
Taillour ʻΩ
Chapman ʹԾ͡
Marescal
Carpenter 繩
Mason й
Smyth 결
Coke ͡
Coupere ʤ
Tannere ʤʤᤷ鿦͡
Fullere ʽ尹
Turnour
Milner ʴ
Muleward ʴ
Keu ͡
Mouner ʴ
Bakere ʥѥ
Barber ʾ
Ferrour 결
Pottere ƫ₩͡
Coliere ú
Mercer ϲ
Feuere 결
Skynnere 鿦͡
Deyer ʪ
Leche ʰԡ
ѸΤΤ⤢ХեͳΤΤ⤢롥ǤѤƤ̾⤢СǤʤΤ⤢롥ѸǤܸǤˤäƿ͵Τ first name ܤѤäƤȤϤ褯ΤƤ뤬ˤ̻ŪʬۤѲΤѸƳǤޤäǤϤ뤬äˤˤϡޤήưŪʪˤʤäȤȤͤ碌
ʤˤĤƤϡǤ511 Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)ۿˤƼ夲Ƥ롥#1076. Ѹο̾͵İС
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
Ѹο̾ӤӤ (by-name) ˤĤĴ٤Ƥ롥Fransson Thuresson ΰįƤȡƱοȤȤܤΤˡ͡ʸƾΤäȤ褯ʬäƤ롥Ȥ櫓Ƥμ¿ΤԥååפƤߤǧ줿ǯθƤߤ褦
˿ (Fransson 66--67): Cheseman (1263), Cheser (1332), Chesemakere (1275), Chesewright (1293), Chesemonger (1186), Furmager (1198), Chesewryngere (1281), Wringer (1327)
ꡤ (Fransson 87--88): Webbe (1243), Webbester (1275), Webbere (1340), Weuere (1296)
ޤ (Fransson 95--96): Pouchemaker (1349), Poucher (1317), Pocheler, Poker (1314)
ٹ (Fransson 133--34): Goldsmyth/Gildsmith (125), Gilder/Golder (1281), Goldbeter (1252), Goldehoper (1327)
֡ء繩 (Fransson 161--62): Whelere (1249), Whelster (1327), Whelwright (1274), Whelsmyth (1319), Whelemonger (1332)
֥ (Thuresson 65--67): Swynherde (1327), Swyneman (1275), Swyner (1257), Swyndriuere (1317), Swon (c1240)
Ļ (Thuresson 75--76): Hunte (1203), Hunter (1301), Hunteman (1235)
Τ褦ʰ۷֤ϡȤ櫓̣δ鶽̣롥ʾˡοȤ¿䡤͡μΡ¾ΤؤΤ꤬졤鴶ưФ롥
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
Thuresson, Bertil. Middle English Occupational Terms. Lund Studies in English 19. Lund: Gleerup, 1968.
#5488. Ѹο̾ʤɽ魯ˤμ϶äۤɺʬƤ¿ͤä ([2024-05-06-1]) ӡ#5489. űѸο̾μѸƱ餤¿ͤäݤ ([2024-05-07-1]) ƤꡥԤεǡѸˤ¿ͤä̾ѸˤƼ餷Ƥä¤˿줿
Ʊͤˡ̾ɽ魯 (by-name) ⡤ѸˤƼ餷ƤäȤϤʤFransson (32) ˤС"by-name" "family name" ȯŸƤݤˡŪûο̾줿ǤϤʤȤ
As regards surnames of occupation we can notice that they become less specialized towards the end of the period, and if we examine rolls after 1350, we shall be surprised at the rarity of specialized names as compared with the earlier period. The reason for this has nothing to do with what has been said above about trades; it is connected with the heredity of surnames, which now begins to become prevalent. The specialized surname of occupation coincided with the trade of a person and, as a rule, does not seem to have been hereditary, which is probably due to its length and to the fact that it very easily calls to mind the trade itself. The surnames that became hereditary were usually short and denoted common trades, e.g. Smith, Cook, Tailor, Turner, etc.; it is almost exclusively names of this kind that one finds in later rolls. It is true that there are surnames of the specialized type that have survived to modern times, e.g. Arrowsmith, Cheesewright, but they are probably very rare; they owe their existence to the fact that the corresponding trade has died out or that the corresponding substantive has become extinct and its signification been forgotten, e.g. Billiter (= ME Belleyetere), Jenner (= ME Gynour), etc.
ŪˤϸĿͤ°Ƥ by-name Ȥ° family name ȯŸƤˤĤơľ¿줿ȤȤ¿ζؤѲƤäȤǤ
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames''. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
ε#5488. Ѹο̾ʤɽ魯ˤμ϶äۤɺʬƤ¿ͤä ([2024-05-06-1]) Ƥ顤ʵ䤬⤫Ǥ롥ΩĸűѸˤϡ̾μѸƱ餤ʬƤ¿ͤäΤ뤤ϡäϼäΤϸˤȤɤޤ餺ʸꡤʸΥȥԥåȤʤ롥
⻲Ȥ Fransson (31) ϡ餯űѸˤϿ̾Ϥäϼäȿ¬Ƥ롥äȸС¿οȤȤ̾ϡΥޥ (norman_conquest) αƶΤȤˡɡѸˤ⤿餵줿ΤȹͤƤ롥
Did this specialization exist before the Middle English period? The trade-names that are recorded in the Old English literature have been collected by Klump (Die altengl. Handwerkernamen). It is noteworthy that these are comparatively few in number; they are chiefly general names of trades, usually not specialized. A great number of the names in the present treatise are not represented there. To infer from this that all these did not exist in OE, is of course premature. The case is that we have no documents from that time in which trade-names are common. Much speaks in favour of the opinion, however, that many names of occupation did not come into existence until after the Norman conquest.
űѸ¿ο̾ʸڤʤȤȤϡűѸ¿οȤʤäȤɬ̣櫓ǤϤʤFransson θΩƤǤϡΤ褦˲ᤷƤ褤ΤǤϤʤȤȤ
Ѹοȡ̾ˤȯޤޤ⤷ơޤ˻פƤ
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
Ѹο̾ӤӤ (by-name) ˤĤĴ٤ƤȡοȤκʬƤͤ˶äʤ˺٤ȤʬƤΤȰݤƱˡ¿˶òʤΤ
㤨 Fransson (30) θˤȡĴץΤۡȤ˴ؤ뿦̾бϡʤ165ढȤʪ״Ϣֿʪȳ¿ԤȴϢ25ߤĤȤ̤ˤ108Ф졤ʪפʪפͽۤȤब˭٤ǡϢդ줿107˵ڤ֤Ȥ
⤷ȤˡζѸλˤϡޤǤο̾κʬ¿ϳǧʤȤλ̻ŪӤɬñǤϤʤΤΡFransson (31) "we can say that --- with the exception of modern factories -- specialization of trades was considerably greater in the Middle Ages than in modern times." ȷŤƤ롥
ǤϡʤѸˤϿȡ̾ˤΤ褦˺ʬƤΤFransson (31) ϡ4ۤɤŦƤ롥
(1) εѤȯŸʲɤߵȡΤζ椨
(2) Ȥ̾ˤĤƱѸ̾бե̾ʻ¸Ƥ뤳Ȥ¿츫̾μब˭٤Ȥ¿
(3) 뿦̾ӤӤʪ̣ǤοȤ˽Ƥ櫓ǤϤʤȤ𤬤롥㤨 girdler ϡ֥ɥ뿦͡פºݤˤϥɥäƤ櫓ǤϤʤƱ¾ʤäƤ뤳Ȥ¿Ĥޤꡤ°ʤοͤǤ⤢ä
(4) 嵭ȴϢơܶȤȤȤ˥ޥʡȤĤǤ硤Ԥ̾ȤƺѤۤȤƤϼǽϤ⤤Blodleter ÷͡סʡᾲˤ Vershewere ֱʸߡסʡڤˤʤɤΤ褦롥
Ѹ˿̾ʬƤ¿ͤȤ¤ߤ褦ǤϡűѸǤϤɤäΤơʤѸʹߤˤϡκʬ¿ʤʤäΤ̣Ǥ롥
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
Ѹˤϡ§Ȥ괧 the դΤʤޤֻ of ޤ̾ۤȤɤʤǡ¾ΤĤΥ衼åѽȤϰۤʤä
ˤ֤ȡѸˤϡ̾ʤɤΰ̾ͳ褹ϰ̾ȤѤƤ괧줬դ⳧̵ǤϤʤäof ʤɤֻդ̾ʤɤ̤ˤäѸϡФХեδѤ˽äȤ⤢ꡤ̤ۤʿƤ櫓ǤʤäΤ
ȤѸפȾˤơϰ躹⤢褦괧ֻ줬ڤȤ褦ˤʤäƤȤFransson (25) ɤǤߤ褦
Surnames of occupation and nicknames are usually preceded by the definite article, le (masc.) or la (fem.); the two forms are regularly kept apart in the earlier rolls, but in the 15th century they are often confused. Those names in this book that are preceded by the have all been taken from rolls translated into English, and the has been inserted by the editor instead of le or la. The case is that the hardly ever occurs in the manuscripts; cf the following instances, which show the custom in reality: Rose the regratere 1377 (Langland: Piers Plowman 226). Lucia ye Aukereswoman 1275 1.RH 413 (L. la Aukereswomman ib. 426).
Sometimes de occurs instead of le; this is due to an error made either by the scribe or the editor. The case is that de has an extensive use in local surnames, e.g. Thom. de Selby. Other prepositions (in, atte, of etc.) are not so common, especially not in early rolls.
The article, however, is often left out; this is rare in the 12th and 13th centuries, but becomes common in the middle of the 14th century. There is an obvious difference between different parts of England: in the South the article precedes the surname almost regularly during the present period, while in the North it is very often omitted. The final disappearance of le takes place in the latter half of the 14th century; in most counties one rarely finds it after c1375, but in some cases, e.g. in Lancashire, le occurs fairly often as late as c1400. De is often retained some 50 years longer than le: in York it disappears in the early 15th century, in Lancashire it sometimes occurs c1450, while in the South it is regularly dropped at the end of the 14th century.
ŪʲǤʤ괧ֻ줬ڤȤ뤳ȤˤʤäΤˤϿƤʤƤ٤Ѥʵ䤬1̾ˤֻˤĤƤϡ#2366. ʤѸ̾νϡ̾פʤΤ ([2015-10-19-1]) Ǿ줿Ȥ롥⻲Ȥ줿
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
ε#5473. Ѹˤ뿦Ȥɽ魯 by-name μ갷 (2) --- ƥδġ ([2024-04-21-1]) ³ϱѸ by-name ФեδĤˤĤơFransson (24--25) Ѥ롥
Besides in English, surnames also occur very frequently in French; I have made a calculation and found that one third of the surnames of occupation treated in this book is of French origin. The reason for this is to be found in the predominating position that the French language had during this period. French was spoken by all educated people, and English by the lower classes. Those who spoke French had, of course, surnames in French, and probably also used the French forms of English names when speaking with each other. It is possible, too, that those people who spoke English were influenced by this and used the French forms of their names, which, of course, were finer. During this period a large number of French names came into the language, and a great many of these have survived to the present day, whereas the corresponding substantives have often died out.
There is also another reason, however, for the frequent occurrence of French names; the case is that the scribe often translated English names into French, especially in early rolls. These translations, which are most common in assize rolls, are principally due to the fact that the court proceedings were generally held in French. I have found some instances in which both the English and French forms occur of the same person's surname, e.g.: Humfrey le Syur 1270 Ass 144, H. le Sawyere ib. 139 (So). --- Ric. le Charpentir 1327 SR 211, R. le Wryth 1332 SR 96 (St).
Υɿͤ̾˴ŤΤǤꡤĤ줬ե˸츻ñä硤μ갷ϾʤȤ3ढ롥
(1) ñȤƼƤ餺ΥեñλǤ
(2) ñȤƼƤ뤬ǤϥեñλǤ
(3) ñȤƼƤꡤǤϱñλǤ
(1) ǤȳοäƽҤ٤뤿ˤϡαѸʸΤɤõƤ⡤ñȤƼޤƤפʤȤɬפ롥ĴˤäƱñȤƼޤƤפ1Ǥ⸫ĤСοɤ餰Ȥˤʤ
(2) (3) ΥǤϡñȤƼƤ뤳ȤϳǧǤȤƤ⡤սˤ뤽ñ줬եñȤƻѤƤΤ뤤ϱñȤƻѤƤΤȽ̤ΤȤΤϡθϥեθեͳ褹Ǥꡤˤ褭ƻƤ뤫Ǥ롥
̾˸¤餺ˡΧȽǶ˴ؤŪʸΤʤ˸եñ餷ΤˤĤƤϡˤ꤬뤳ȤդƤܤˤƤñϡեñʤΤ뤤ϥեͳ褹ñʤΤ뤤ϡξǤȤ⤢ΤǺޤǤ롥
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
#5470. Ѹˤ뿦Ȥɽ魯 by-name μ갷 ([2024-04-18-1]) ǡѸ by-name μ갷ϡƥե줫δĤˤ뤳ȤҲ𤷤ϥƥȤδؤˤĤơFransson (23--24) Ѥƻ⤷
The medieval rolls were written in Latin, and Christian names and surnames were also, when practicable, often translated into Latin. This was especially the case in the early Middle Ages (12--13th cent.), and surnames in English are therefore rarely met with so early. The surnames that appear in Latin are chiefly those names that are in common use, e.g. Carpentarius, Cissor, Cocus, Faber, Fullo, Marescallus, Medicus, Mercator, Molendinarius, Pelliparius, Pistor, Sutor, Tannator, Textor, Tinetor. The surnames, however, that were rare and difficult to translate, e.g. Wirdragher, Chesewright, Heyberare, Geldehirde, generally occur in English, even in early rolls.
In the 14th century these translations gradually pass out of use, and the native or French form becomes predominant. Thus, for instance, there is a considerable difference between SR [= Lay Subsidy Rolls] 1275 and SR 1327 (Wo); in the former there are a large number of names in Latin, but in the latter there are hardly any translations at all.
There surnames in Latin seem to have had some influence on the later development; the case is that some of them still exist as surnames, e.g. Faber, Pistor, Sutor.
ѸθŪ̾ʤɤϥƥǽ뤳Ȥ¿äˡϱѸθȤƤФХƥ줿ǵܤƤȤʣʻ𤬤롥ѸȤƤΤꤿΤ褦ʸԤˤȤäƤϡʤ虜虜ƥƤƤޤäƤΤȼ¤˻椤ޤƥǤʤȤˤΤߡ褯Ѹ߽̾ФƤɽ̲Ƥ롤ȤʤΤ
줬14ʹߡѸȡƥȤϱƤᡤظ˱ƤαѸ̾夷ƤΤΤ褦ʸԤˤȤäƤϡ˥˥䤻ʤȤʤ롥
¿ΤϤޤᤤƥδĤȤϲ褷ƤΤΡѸˤϤäȤ䤳եδĤȤ̤꤬ΤƬˤˤĤƤεǡ
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
#5346. Ѹ˱Ѹ̾Ƴ줿طʡ ([2023-12-16-1]) ȡ#5451. Ѹ˱Ѹ̾Ƴ줿ط (2) ([2024-03-30-1]) ³ˤĤƤ3ơε#5471. Ѹο by-name β͡ ([2024-04-19-1]) ǰѡȤ Fransson "The Rise of Surnames" ꤹǤ夲Ƥ롥űѸ줫Ѹˤ surname ʤ뤤 by-nameˤλѤ̲ƤаޤطʤɤǤǤߤ褦 (20--21)
In Old English times people generally had only one name, the Christian name, and there were a great many such names. But already during this period the need of a second name began to be felt, and a number of such names have been delivered to us . . . . How common these by-names were, is impossible to decide, as we have not sufficient material for this. What we especially want are rolls or books containing the names of the lower people. It is possible, therefore, that by-names were in fairly common use at the end of the Old English period. In the Charters, however, people usually appear without any second names throughout the period.
In Domesday Book there are many instances of second names, but most persons still appear with a Christian name only. In the beginning of the Middle English period the development advances rapidly, and in the documents from this time second names become more and more common; in the 13th century one rarely finds a person mentioned only by his Christian name.
The reason why the need of second names became stronger after the conquest is that Christian names were completely changed. Most of those that existed in Old English died out, and instead the Christian names of the Normans came into common use, but there were not so numerous. Thus there were only about 25 male names that were common: it is true that others existed, but they rarely occurred. Within the same village, therefore, one very often meets with persons who have the same Christian name. Owing to this an extra name was required to distinguish such persons; the next stage was to give other persons, too, a second name.
The Normans had second names when they came to England, and these were added to those that already existed, thus accelerating the development.
εǿ줿ΤȤ褽ƱŦƤ롥Υޥ塤̾ѸϤΥޥϤ֤äԤμबϼäȤ礭ƶƤ롥¼˼夲ĴˤȡWillelmus 7ˡRobertus 5ˡJohannes 3ˡRicardus 3ˡRadulphus 3ˡAdam 3ˡPetrus 3ξǤ (Fransson 21fn)
ޤűѸդϻפΤۤ夷Ƥǽ⤯ƱĥΥޥʸäƤơν궯ǤʤΤȤȤ⤢ä
ʤߤˡդȯãϡɤǤϾ嵭̤ѸΤȤäɥĤǤϤäȤä٤ϰˤäƤ14ޤǵäȤä (Fransson 20fn) ƥΥޥ礭ʸ̤롥
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
ε#5470. Ѹˤ뿦Ȥɽ魯 by-name μ갷 ([2024-04-18-1]) ³ꡥѸο by-name ʬDZƶϤΤñФ Fransson ˤȡƱʬ椹յ¿ˤ錄 (18--19)
The value of an investigation such as the present one is manifold. Besides explaining modern surnames, as has already been mentioned, it gives us many new words not previously found and furthermore early and often numerous instances of other common or rare words. By means of these early examples new light is not seldom thrown on the etymology, and the signification may sometimes be altered. In contradistinction to the literature of this period, the time and the place of the occurrence of each instance of a surname are well fixed, and thus the material gives a contribution to Middle English phonology. This material has hitherto not been used by linguists, but it is of the greatest value for the determination of the extension of the different dialects, as the same word can be followed in the different parts of England; there is hardly any other material that can be compared with that of surnames in this respect. --- The distribution is also shown not only of surnames, but also of the various names that a trade may have; the case is that a trade often had different names in different parts of England. Last, but not least, the civilization of this period is elucidated; we are informed what trades existed, how common they were in relation to each other, in what parts of England they flourished, and how specialized they were.
ޤȤȼ7
by-name
ȯ뤤ϤǤΤƤʸȯ
̤ơ츻ޤ뤳Ȥ
λȾ꤬ʬäƤΤǡѸβ˴Ϳ
Ʊ̾ۤʤ˸ΤǡѸ˻
Ʊο̾ۤʤϰǰۤʤƤФΤǡϤѸ˹
οʸ餫ˤʤ
ƱʬθϡŪʴ˸¤äƤ⡤嵭Τۤ˷̣ܿ¿Ѿʤɤ˿ʸͿƤȴԤ롥
Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
#5452. Ѹ̾ˤˤ by-name family name ΰ㤤 ([2024-03-31-1]) ʤɤǼ夲ƤѸ̾ by-name ˸ˤĤơѸ by-name դ봷ȯãƤȤŵŪ̾դΥѥ1Ĥ̾ (occupational terms) ѤΤä̤θϡԤƤϤʤΤΡʤθѤ롥Clark (294--95) ϡ٥ˤ by-name ĴʸΤʤǡʸڤ줿 by-name βˤޤĤ˿Ƥ롥ڵΤޤ뤳ȤɬǤʤͳ¿Ȥ
The simplest of these Canterbury surnames offer supplementary records, mainly antedatings, of straightforward occupational terms. Yet all is not wholly straightforward. To begin with, we cannot be sure whether the occupational terms used in administrative documents were in fact all current as surnames, that is, in daily use among neighbours, or whether some were supplied by the scribes as formal specifiers, just as occupations and addresses are in legal documents of the present day. Nor can we be sure in what form neighbours would have used such terms as they did. With those examples that are latinized --- a proportion varying in the present material from three-quarters to nine-tenths --- scribal intervention is patent, although sometimes reconstruction of the vernacular base seems easy (such forms, and other speculative cases, are cited in square brackets). With those given in a French form matters are more complex. On the one hand, scribes had a general bias away from English and towards French, as though the latter were, as has been said, 'a sort of ignoble substitute for Latin'; therefore, use of a French occupational term guarantees neither its currency in the English speech of the time nor, alternatively, any currency of French outside the scriptorium: in so far as such terms appear neither in literary sources nor as modern surnames MED is justified in excluding them. On the other hand, many 'French' terms were adopted into English very early; use of these would by no means imply currency of French as such, either in the community at large or in the scriptorium itself.
ڵǤطʤ¿ͤȤ櫓ƥե줬ؤäƤǤ롥λǶ̾ʤɤ˵Ƥ̾ϥƥ첽ƤΤ¿Ѹ̾Ϥα˱ƤޤäƤ롥ޤեǽƤ뤳Ȥ¿ο̾ΤΤեͳξ硤줬Ǥ˱ѸƱƤñʤΤȤեñΤޤޤʤΤȽǤ
Ȥɽ魯 by-name ϡ⤽ʸŪ˰ˤǺʤΤǤ롥ơϿȤɽ魯 by-name ˸¤餺Ѹθ̤ͭ̾˴ؤʻǤ⤢롥
Clark, Cecily. "Some Early Canterbury Surnames." English Studies 57.4 (1976): 204--309.
ε#5451. Ѹ˱Ѹ̾Ƴ줿ط (2) ([2024-03-30-1]) ¾εȴ˻ȤäƤѸ̾˾ by-name ȤѸˤĤơҤ٤Ƥ
Ѹ̾ first name, middle name, family name ʤ뤤 last name, surname ʤɤȤˤζ̤Ϥ褯ΤƤ롥ܸüԤˤȤä middle name ̾ˤŪߤfamily name ϡסʾ̾ˡfirst name ϡ̾סʲ̾ˤȤơбʪΤ䤹
Ѹ̾ˤʸ̮ˤơä˸űѸѸˤ̾ʸ̮ˤƻȤ by-name ϡʸ̤ˤϡֽऺ̾2Ū̾פۤɤΰ̣Ǥꡤfirst name ǤϼϤ夤դäỤ̄̾Ǥ by-name ϡ family name б뵡ǽäƤȤϤ롥Ūʴϡby-name family name ϰΤȤ̤Ƥۤ褤
ѸˤĤơClark (567) ˼褦
Although this generalised by-naming was what underlay the development of family naming, the two types of system must not be confused; for a by-name works differently from a family name. A by-name is literally descriptive (and therefore often translatable) and, in actual usage, applies only to one specific individual (to say which is not in the least, however, to deny the existence of conventional stocks of such descriptive phrases). It is, therefore, unstable and thus interchangeable with other formulations, as context or even whim might dictate, so that one and the same man might be specified in documents either as 'John son of William' or as 'John the tanner', probably according to whether his inheritance or his trade was in question, and might also perhaps have been known among his cronies as 'John with the beard' . . . . Such literal and shifting descriptions were no more than embryonically onomastic; and some of the more elaborate thirteenth-century formulas, such as Robertus filius Simonis ad crucem de Wytherington, were hardly even that. Yet, by showing how identity was being defined, even these artificial formulas contribute to onomastic history; and they may be supposed to have reflected, albeit distantly, everyday naming practices.
ͤ̾ȤǤȶʸɽˤ顤˷Ƥˤ뤳ȤõƤ
Clark, Cecily. "Onomastics." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Ed. Olga Fischer. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 542--606.
ɸ˴ؤε#5346. Ѹ˱Ѹ̾Ƴ줿طʡ ([2023-12-16-1]) ȽŤʤʬ¿Clark (566--67) ˽Ѹ "by-name" פƳ뤳ȤˤʤäͳĤҤ٤Ƥ
The most salient contrast between the English personal-name patterns of ca 1100 and those of ca 1300 involves the universalisation of by-naming; for, whereas in tenth- and eleventh-century records by-names scarcely appeared except when needed for distinguishing between individuals of like idionym, late-thirteenth-century documentary practices seldom allowed any baptismal name to stand unqualified. As observed, several convergent causes were at work here: need to compensate for over-reliance on just a few of the baptismal names available, and that at a time when communities were expanding; growth of bureaucracy, and a consequent drive towards onomastic precision; and imitation of the new aristocracy's customs. The precise aetiology of the process is probably undiscoverable, in so far as virtually the only twelfth- and thirteenth-century usages accessible are administrative ones, from which the underlying colloquial ones have to be inferred . . . .
ȼΤ褦ˤʤ
̾褬˸¤Ƥꡤ by-name 䤦ɬפä
ƱΤ礷Ƥʤʤ¿ο̾͡Ƕ̤ɬפޤäˤä
Ū³̾Τ褦ˤʤä
²νоݤȤʤä
Ūʼ˸ŪװӼҲŪװʣŪ˺Ѥơby-name δΩƤäȤȤǤ롥
Clark, Cecily. "Onomastics." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Ed. Olga Fischer. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 542--606.
ɸϲ褷褦ΤʤǤϤ뤬ػ (history_of_linguistics) ˤƤϸε (origin_of_language) ᤰΤʤǻڤƤ䤤Ǥ롥
Mufwene (22) Ȥơ2ͤԤȤθҲ𤷤ɥĤůؼ Johann Gottfried von Herder (1744--1803) ȥꥫθؼ William Dwight Whitney (1827--94) Ǥ롥
Herder also speculated that language started with the practice of naming. He claimed that predicates, which denote activities and conditions, were the first names; nouns were derived from them . . . . He thus partly anticipated Heine and Kuteva (2007), who argue that grammar emerged gradually, through the grammaticization of nouns and verbs into grammatical markers, including complementizers, which make it possible to form complex sentences. An issue arising from Herder's position is whether nouns and verbs could not have emerged concurrently. . . .
On the other hand, as hypothesized by William Dwight Whitney . . . , the original naming practice need not have entailed the distinction between nouns and verbs and the capacity to predicate. At the same time, naming may have amounted to pointing with (pre-)linguistic signs; predication may have started only after hominins were capable of describing states of affairs compositionally, combining word-size units in this case, rather than holophrastically.
Herder ϸ̾դ (naming) μϤޤäȹͤȤ̾դη̤ȤƤΡ̾פǽ̾ǤϤʤҸưäȤդϰճȯۤǶ̣Herder ϡ̾ϸư줫ΤǤȹͤϸʸˡ (grammaticalisation) ǤȤʸˡƤȯȤͤ˶ᤤ⤷ʤ
Whitney ϡư̾ζ̤Τʤʳǰɽ (holophrasis) ȯΤǤꡤޤǸˤʤäƤ餽ʸˡƤȯãȹͤ
쵯ʸˡϤΤ褦ˤƴطŤΤȴ补
Mufwene, Salikoko S. "The Origins and the Evolution of Language." Chapter 1 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 13--52.
̾ץȡ (name_project) ȤδϢǡѸο̾ (personal_name)Ȥ櫓 (last name) "by-name" 뤤 "family name" ˴ؿƤ롥űѸѸˤߤ by-name εϡClark (567) ˤ4ढʤѸ˸¤餺褽Ūʬˡ
(a) familial ones, viz. those defining an individual by parentage, marriage or other tie of kinship
(b) honorific and occupational ones (categories that in practice overlap)
(c) locative ones, viz. those referring to present or former domicile
(d) characteristic ones, often called 'nicknames'
Τ (b) ̾̾̾ȤȤ館뤬Ѹˤ뤳̾ȤƤλѡ by-name ȤžѤ줿ܤƤ롥Ѹο̾¿뤬Clark (570--71) ȤĤġ츻ŪŪʬहȰʲΤ褦ˤʤ
1. եʤ뤤ϥƥ졩ˤμѸ (French loanword)
barber, butcher, carpenter, cordwainer/cordiner, draper, farrier, mason, mercer, tailor; fourbisseur, pestour
2. (native word)
A. ñ (simplex)
cok, herde, smith, webbe, wrighte
B. ʣǸ (complex)ʤʣ
a. ư١
bruere/breuster, heuere, hoppere/hoppestre; bokebynder, bowestrengere, cappmaker, lanternemaker, lymbrenner, medmowere, rentgaderer, sylkthrowster, waterladestre
b. ̾١
bureller, glovere, glasier, madrer, nailere, ropere, skinnere; burelman, candelwif, horseknave, maderman, plougrom, sylkewymman; couherde, swynherde, madermongere, stocfisshmongere, ripreve, bulleward, wodeward, wheelewrighte
Ѹο̾ᤰˤĤƤϡʲ hellog Ǥ夲ƤΤȡ
#590. last name ϤĤ̳Ūˤʤä ([2010-12-08-1])
#2365. ΥޥαѸ̾κѡ ([2015-10-18-1])
#5231. űѸο̾ˤϲȷϤɽ魯 (family name) Ϥʤäɡ ([2023-08-23-1])
#5297. űѸ̾ؤѸηϡ ([2023-10-28-1])
#5338. Ѹ˿̾ˤ⤿餵줿2ĤοȤλ ([2023-12-08-1])
#5346. Ѹ˱Ѹ̾Ƴ줿طʡ ([2023-12-16-1])
#5299. Ѹ̾ؤѸηϡ ([2023-10-30-1])
Clark, Cecily. "Onomastics." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Ed. Olga Fischer. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 542--606.
#5360. Ҳء̾ءҲ̾ء ([2023-12-30-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 "Names in Society" ꤹϥɥ֥åʸηˡμҲ̾ (socio-onomastics) θ̤Ƥ롥1Ѥ롥
Socio-onomastic research has been carried out for over forty years now. In spite of the multifaceted research thus far, many areas have still hardly been touched upon. In the socio-onomastic study of place-names, rural names have been in focus for decades, but urban names still lack comprehensive research. So far we know very little about what place-names --- both official and unofficial --- are used in multi-layered and often multilingual urban environments. The same topic also concerns personal names: How are they used in multilingual contexts? Research into commercial names is still rather scarce due to the young age of the field, and socio-onomastic studies are few. One of the most interesting questions for the future is to investigate the attitudes and stances that people take towards commercial names and how people talk about commercial products and businesses in actual language use. (380--81)
ǸʸǽҤ٤ƤΤϡޤˡ־ɸء (trademark linguistics) Ǥ롥־ɸءפȤСܲ̾ץȡ (name_project) ǰ˸椷ƤءˤǤ롥ޤǤ Voicy heldio ¾˽б餷Ƥ2023ǯΥꥹʡɼǤϡꤵȤ̲2Ĥ3̤7̤˥Ƥʡ#5363. 2023ǯΥꥹʡɼˤ heldio ο䤷ۿ٥10ꡪ ([2024-01-02-1]) ȡˡ
#667. ¤Ȥ --- ɸؤȤϲ
#671. ¤Ȥ --- ɸεŪͻ
嵭̤ꡤɸؤȤˤäƼҲ̾ؤˤͭ˾ʬȤƸޤƤꡤܤ
ɸؤӸꤵȴϢơʲε⻲ȡ
#5078. ˡ (forensic linguistics) ([2023-03-23-1])
#5085. ¤Ȥ Voicy ̤ǡ־ɸءפƳƤޤ ([2023-03-30-1])
#5092. ɸؤȱѸˡ˸ؤ ([2023-04-06-1])
Ainiala, Terhi. "Names in Society." Chapter 25 of The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming. Ed. Carole Hough. Oxford: OUP, 2016. 371--81.
ʸؤˤơ̾פϤФ̤ʸ̤ġ̾̾ʤɤˡʸغʤΥơޤʣʷޤ뤳Ȥ¿θѤˤ̾κǤϸʪꤷƻؤȤǤꡤ伫ΤʸؤˤߤΤΡʸؤͭ̾ȤΤϤꤽ
ܲɤ߿ʤƤ̾ (onomastics) Υϥɥ֥å20Ϥ䤤äƤ롥ƱϤ Smith 3Ƥ (296)
By focusing on the types of associative relationships within a communicative transaction, we can also observe at least three important differences between the ways in which names function in daily speech vis-à-vis imaginative literature. One difference can be seen in the greater degree of prosodic inventiveness in literature. Although we may observe increasing coinages of personal names in recent years, these follow recognizable morphological patterns, but in literature, especially children's literature, we find more play with the sounds of language and fewer restraints --- for example Pooh. Another difference lies in the rhetorical uses of references, the ways in which authors sometimes manipulate the interpretive associations by delaying or totally withholding the identification of people, places, or things. A third difference is the greater frequency and degree to which names in literature may be interpreted symbolically. Our thematic understanding of literature arises largely from the symbolic nature of language, including the many associations possibly evoked by names.
1ܤ̾ΡֲͷӡפǤ롥ä˻Ƹʸؤˤ¿ѤȤ뤬̤оʪ̾Ȥζפ뤳ȤϤ褯ԤʤƤ롥
2ܤ̾˴ؤ뽤ŪˡǤ롥̾ƽФʤǤŪʥߥ餫ˤʤɤμˡϡȥåȤͭʤɤǤϡȥåȤϥȥåȤѤ뤳Ȥ⤢ȥåȤƤ̾ѤˤϡۤˤɤΤ褦㤬
3ܤϡεƬǽҤ٤褦ˡʸؤǤ̾˾ħŪʰ̣դ뤳Ȥ¿Ȥˤϰȡݰơѥǥʤɤδ֥ƥ (intertextuality) ؤäƤ
äʸؤˤ̾ΰ㤤ϡۤˤ¿̾ץȡ (name_project) ΰĤȤơäͤƤߤΤ⤪⤷
Smith, Grant W. "Theoretical Foundations of Literary Onomastics." Chapter 20 of The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming. Ed. Carole Hough. Oxford: OUP, 2016. 371--81.
̱²̾̾̾Ϥߤ˴ϢΡʸͭ̾̾ (onomastics) Ǥ demonym ethnonym ȸƤФƤ뤬ܲɤ³Ƥ̾ؤΥϥɥ֥åǤϸԤθƾΤѤƤ롥
ϥɥ֥å17ϡKoopman ˤ "Ethnonyms" ƬǤϡѸϪ롥ä "ethnic group" ̱²ˤȤ뤫ʸؾǤꡤ줬ʤ ethnonym ȤѸˤӲФ뤫ǧĤĥɤ߿ʤƤȡɤɤȵ⤷ʤäƤʲΥ٥θФƤмΤ褦ˤʤ롥
17.1 Introduction
17.2 Ethnonyms and Race
17.3 Ethnonyms, Nationality, and Geographical Area
17.4 Ethnonyms and Language
17.5 Ethnonyms and Religion
17.6 Ethnonyms, Clans, and Surnames
17.7 Variations of Ethnonyms
17.7.1 Morphological Variations
17.7.2 Endonymic and Exonymic Forms of Ethnonyms
17.8 Alternative Ethnonyms
17.9 Derogatory Ethnonyms
17.10 'Non-Ethnonyms' and 'Ethnonymic Gaps'
17.11 Summary and Conclusion
Ǹ "Summary and Conclusion" Ѥʬ̥ϤָƤ
In this chapter I have tried to show that while 'ethnonym' is a commonly used term among onomastic scholars, not all regard ethnonyms as proper names. This anomalous status is linked to uncertainties about defining the entity which is named with an ethnonym, with (for example) terms like 'race' and 'ethnic group' being at times synonymous, and at other times part of each other's set of defining elements. Together with 'race' and 'ethnicity', other defining elements have included language, nationality, religion, geographical area, and culture. The links between ethnonyms and some of these elements, such as religion, are both complex and debatable; while other links, such as between ethnonyms and language, and ethnonyms and nationality, produce intriguing onomastic dynamics. Ethnonyms display the same kind of variations and alternatives as can be found for personal names and place-names: morpho-syntactic variations, endonymic and exonymic forms, and alternative names for the same ethnic entity, generally regarded as falling into the general spectrum of nicknames. Examples have been given of the interface between ethnonyms, personal names, toponyms, and glossonyms.
In conclusion, although ethnonyms have an anomalous status among onomastic scholars, they display the same kinds of linguistic, social, and cultural characteristics as proper names generally.
̱²դѸˤĤƤϰʲε⻲ȡ
#1871. ȿͼ ([2014-06-11-1])
#3599. ȿͼ (2) ([2019-03-05-1])
#3706. ̱²ȿͼ ([2019-06-20-1])
#3810. ҲŪʹʪȤƤΡֿͼס ([2019-10-02-1])
ޤethnonym Τ⤷ˤĤƤϡϢ#5118. Japan-ese θꤹ by khelf Ĺ ([2023-05-02-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
Koopman, Adrian. "Ethnonyms." Chapter 17 of The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming. Ed. Carole Hough. Oxford: OUP, 2016. 251--62.
ܥ֥λǡǤ Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio)ǤϡͭǤϤޤֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤפꤹ륪饤ĶɲΥȾǯΤ褽ŪˤϤƤޤХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1])
ǿȤʤֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (34) The Names "England" and "English"ۿޤEngland English ȤѸ˾夭ƽפʸθ츻ȾڡʸϤ30ʬʾ夫ƲۤƤޤ
βۿƨˡ6ꡤVoicy ץߥꥹʡۿֱͥѸˤ (helwa)פǤۿȤʤޤȴϢ֡ڱѸˤ #77ۿǯľرѸ츻ŵ٤ England English ɤꤷƤϤͽǤ

߷˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵ١ʸҡ1997ˤ긵֤ƤϤܤ֤ǤʤϺΤ˥βͤˡʹƤйǤƽפñθ츻ꤷƤޤ
helwa ϥץߥͥǤ1̵λİӥƤޤ heldio ̾ۿİΤʤˤϡץߥͥϵˤʤäƤɲݶ⤷ƻäˤϥϡɥ뤬⤤ޤϤɤʷϵʤΤİƤߤȤ⤤ä뤫⤷ޤҤ1ΤİƤ³Ƥ褤Ȼפäˤ2ʹߤ⤪դ礤ФȻפޤǤʤмƤȤȤǡޤääǤ
;̤Ǥ嵭ͽѤΥȥˤ⼨ƤȤꡤhelwa ǤϥץߥꥹʡΥ饤ǯλθ7鳫ͽǤ
ͽΤˡȴϢ hellog, heldio, ¾ΥȤưʲƤޤ
Ҳ (sociolinguistics) ̾ (onomastics) Ҳ̾ (socio-onomastics)
ȥ졼Ȥʬ䤹Ǥ롥̾ץȡ (name_project) ΰĤȤ̾ؤΥϥɥ֥å (The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming) ɤ߿ʤƤ뤬Τ褦ʬΩƤΤȶäĤġܤΤˤХϥɥ֥åܼįȤˡ25Ϥ "Names in Society" ȤȥˤϵŤƤΤϥޤꤽʤΤǴɤΤƤȤ롥褤ɤϤƤޤä
ƱϤƬ˷ǤƤϤݤɤạ̇̄롥ʲ˰Ѥ롥
Abstract
In socio-onomastics, names in society are examined. Socio-onomastics can be defined as a sociolinguistic study of names. Above all, it explores the use and variation of names. The socio-onomastic research method takes into account the social, cultural, and situational field in which names are used. In this chapter, the methodology and major advancements in socio-onomastics are presented and discussed. In addition, an overview of the epistemological background is presented, as well as a brief look at the state of the art. Name variation is the core concern in socio-onomastics. In this chapter, the synchronic and especially social variation are discussed in more detail. In addition to social ('sociolect') variation, situational ('style lect') variation is presented. Also folk onomastic research as a sub-category in socio-onomastics is presented. Folk onomastics studies people's beliefs and perceptions of names and name use.
ݤľˤϥɤĤƤꡤۤȤɲ뤳ȤǤʤ
Keywords: socio-onomastics, folk onomastics, toponymic competence, first name fashion, place-names, personal names, commercial names
Ainiala, Terhi. "Names in Society." Chapter 25 of The Oxford Handbook of Names and Naming. Ed. Carole Hough. Oxford: OUP, 2016. 371--81.
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