ε#5697. royal we ϡַ weפǤϤʤּҲŪʿʣס ([2024-12-01-1]) ˰³ַ we (royal_we) ܤ롥ѸȤƤ "plural of majesty", "plural of inequality" ʤɤѤƤ뤬1;ʣ̾ƱˡؤƤ롥
Mustanoja (124) ϡ"plural of majesty" ȤѸȤʤ顤ƥɤꥷˤޤǤΤܤεƤ롥ξǡѸˤˤŤŵȤơѸ֥إ3פǤ˸ڤƤ뤳Ȥܤ
PLURAL OF MAJESTY. --- Another variety of the sociative plural (pluralis societatis) exists as the plural of majesty (pluralis majestatis), likewise characterised by the use of the pronoun of the first person plural for the first person singular. The plural of majesty originates in a living sovereign's habit of thinking of himself as an embodiment of the whole community. As the use of the plural becomes a mere convention, the original significance of this plurality tends to disappear. The plural of majesty is found in the imperial decrees of the later Roman Empire and in the letters of the early Roman bishops, but it can be traced to even earlier times, to Greek syntactical usage (cf. H. Zilliacus, Selbstgefühl und Servilität: Studien zum unregelmâssigen Numerusgebrauch im Griechischen, SSF-GHL XVIII, 3, Helsinki 1953). The plural of majesty is extensively used in medieval Latin. In OE it does not seem to be attested. OE royal charters, for example, have the singular (ic Offa þurh Cristes gyfe Myrcena kining; ic Æþelbald cincg, etc.). The plural of majesty begins to be used in ME. A typical ME example is the following quotation from the English proclamation of Henry III (18 Oct., 1258), a characteristic beginning of a royal charter: --- Henry, thurȝ Gode fultume king of Engleneloande, Lhoaverd on Yrloande, Duk on Normandi, on Aquitaine, and Eorl on Anjow, send igretinge to alle hise holde, ilærde ond ileawede, on Huntendoneschire: thæt witen ȝe alle þæt we willen and unnen þæt . . ..
"the English proclamation of Henry III (18 Oct., 1258)" ʡ֥إ3סˤǤˤĤơʥۥɤȻפϤ롥#5696. royal we θűѸ줫㡩 ([2024-11-30-1]) κǸǿ줿褦ˡǤμ¤ royal we ˡɤϲΤǤ롥θʸˤĤƤϡ#2561. The Proclamation of Henry III ([2016-05-01-1]) ȡ
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
ī Voicy heldio #1274. ѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (60-2) Latin Influence of the Second Period --- Taku ɼ¶ѡۿޤ4ۿ#1270. ѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (60-1) Latin Influence of the Second Period --- ɼ¶ѡ³ԤǤhellog ǤƱݤε [2024-11-20-1] Ƥޤˡ
ɼ¶ѡפʤΤϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) ΰĤȤơȤĤĤϤƤΤǤ˰³ MC Ȥʳءˤˤб餤ޤVoicy ΥܼϿʥ饤˵ǽѤƤߤΤǤ⽽ʬ˥ꥢǤ
ɲս60 "Latin Influence of the Second Period: The Christianizing of Britain" 2ǤۤĹʤ1Taku 60ʬƤäɤߤޤ¤˭ɥǤɤΥꥹȶ˺äƤ˥åä⤹뤯Ǥ֤ΤȤˡоݥƥȡBaugh and Cable, p. 79 ʲ˷ǺܡˤɤʤĶɤΤ⤷ǽƤС
It is not easy to appreciate the difficulty of the task that lay before this small band. Their problem was not so much to substitute one ritual for another as to change the philosophy of a nation. The religion that the Anglo-Saxons shared with the other Germanic tribes seems to have had but a slight hold on the people at the close of the sixth century; but their habits of mind, their ideals, and the action to which these gave rise were often in sharp contrast to the teachings of the New Testament. Germanic philosophy exalted physical courage, independence even to haughtiness, and loyalty to one's family or leader that left no wrong unavenged. Christianity preached meekness, humility, and patience under suffering and said that if a man struck you on one cheek you should turn the other. Clearly it was no small task that Augustine and his forty monks faced in trying to alter the age-old mental habits of such a people. They might even have expected difficulty in obtaining a respectful hearing. But they seem to have been men of exemplary lives, appealing personality, and devotion to purpose, and they owed their ultimate success as much to what they were as to what they said. Fortunately, upon their arrival in England one circumstance was in their favor. There was in the kingdom of Kent, in which they landed, a small number of Christians. But the number, though small, included no less a person than the queen. Æthelberht, the king, had sought his wife among the powerful nation of the Franks, and the princess Bertha had been given to him only on condition that she be allowed to continue undisturbed in her Christian faith. Æthelberht set up a small chapel near his palace in Kentwarabyrig (Canterbury), and there the priest who accompanied Bertha to England conducted regular services for her and the numerous dependents whom she brought with her. The circumstances under which Æthelberht received Augustine and his companions are related in the extract from Bede given §47 earlier. Æthelberht was himself baptized within three months, and his example was followed by numbers of his subjects. By the time Augustine died seven years later, the kingdom of Kent had become wholly Christian.
ȴϢο hellog heldio ƥĤϡ#5686. B&C 60 "Latin Influence of the Second Period" 1ɼ¶Ѥޤ ([2024-11-20-1]) ˵ꤴȤB&C ɼ¶Ѥϡ»ܤƤȻפޤ

Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
īۿ줿 Voicy heldio ˤ#1270. ѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (60-1) Latin Influence of the Second Period --- ɼ¶ѡϤƤޤѸˤθŵŪ̾ɤॷϤä³Ƥꡤ60ޤǿʤǤޤ264ᤢܤʤΤǡޤޤǤϤޤХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) ꤴޤ
˥åʥʤΤ̾ Voicy heldio ͭۿȤƤϤƤΤǤޤ˰ɤƤơɼ¶ѡפեǤϤƤޤɲϡʳءˤ˻ڤäƤޤơhelwa ꥹʡ濴7̤̾ǻäޤlacolaco ykagata ƣ蘆פäĤLilimi ϽؤˡؤǮɽȤʤޤʤʤɲȤۤƱСǡرѸ츻ŵ٤ɽ⤿ޤ˳ŤƤޤheldio #1266. chair sit --- رѸ츻ŵɲ with lacolaco İ
ɲս60 "Latin Influence of the Second Period: The Christianizing of Britain" ǤűѸˤƥαƶˤĤơɤΥꥹȶȤδϢƤޤ3ʤǤ1֤ۤɤƺǽ1ΤߤĶɤƽޤܥ٤®٤Τۤɤ狼뤫Ȼפޤˡʲƥ (Baugh and Cable, pp. 78--79) Ǻܤޤ
60. Latin Influence of the Second Period: The Christianizing of Britain The greatest influence of Latin upon Old English was occasioned by the conversion of Britain to Roman Christianity beginning in 597. The religion was far from new in the island, because Irish monks had been preaching the gospel in the north since the founding of the monastery of Iona by Columba in 563. However, 597 marks the beginning of a systematic attempt on the part of Rome to convert the inhabitants and make England a Christian country. According to the well-known story reported by Bede as a tradition current in his day, the mission of St. Augustine was inspired by an experience of the man who later became Pope Gregory the Great. Walking one morning in the marketplace at Rome, he came upon some fair-haired boys about to be sold as slaves and was told that they were from the island of Britain and were pagans. "Alas! what pity," said he, "that the author of darkness is possessed of men of such fair countenances, and that being remarkable for such a graceful exterior, their minds should be void of inward grace?" He therefore again asked, what was the name of that nation and was answered, that they were called Angles. "Right," said he, "for they have an angelic face, and it is fitting that such should be co-heirs with the angels in heaven. What is the name," proceeded he, "of the province from which they are brought?" It was replied that the natives of that province were called Deiri. "Truly are they de ira," said he, "plucked from wrath, and called to the mercy of Christ. How is the king of that province called?" They told him his name was Ælla; and he, alluding to the name, said "Alleluia, the praise of God the Creator, must be sung in those parts." The same tradition records that Gregory wished himself to undertake the mission to Britain but could not be spared. Some years later, however, when he had become pope, he had not forgotten his former intention and looked about for someone whom he could send at the head of a missionary band. Augustine, the person of his choice, was a man well known to him. The two had lived together in the same monastery, and Gregory knew him to be modest and devout and thought him well suited to the task assigned him. With a little company of about forty monks Augustine set out for what seemed then like the end of the earth.
ȴϢο hellog heldio ƥĤ¿ƤΤǡʲ˥ĥäƤޤ
Ρhellog
#2902. Pope Gregory Υꥹȶ۶ˤۤȥ ([2017-04-07-1])
#5526. Pope Gregory ΥθܤǤߤ ([2024-06-13-1])
#5444. űѸθʸɤ --- 597ǯɤǥꥹȶ۶Ϥޤ ([2024-03-23-1])
#5450. heldio ο͵ --- ֥ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ --- Part 4 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤס ([2024-03-29-1])
#5476. ֥ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ Part 5 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ ([2024-04-24-1])
#5497. ֥ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ Part 6 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ ([2024-05-15-1])
#5514. ֥ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ Part 7 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ ([2024-06-01-1])
#5527. ֥ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ Part 8 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ and ¤ ([2024-06-14-1])
Ρheldio ƥġ
#1030. ֤ϤƤθűѸ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ
#1057. ֤ϤƤθűѸ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (2)
#1078. ֤ϤƤθűѸ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (3)
#1093.֤ϤƤθűѸ7ơ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (4)
#1107. ֤ϤƤθűѸ8ơ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (5)
⤳ɥ³Ƥޤ Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013. ꤷơդ礤С

Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.

ε#5676. ظ캬dzФ륳ѥñ٤300캬 ([2024-11-10-1]) ˰³ƱϿ (344--52) ˷ǺܤƤפܼΥꥹȤȻפޤƬ (prefix) (suffix) 碌129ܼҲ𤵤Ƥޤ
ڡƬ
| a-, an- | ʤ (without) |
| ab-, abs- | Υơä (away) |
| ad-, a-, ac-, af-, ag-, al-, an-, ap-, ar-, as-, at- | Ĥ (to) |
| ambi- | (around) |
| anti-, ant- | ȿ (against) |
| bene- | 褤 (good) |
| bi- | 2 (two) |
| co- | (together) |
| com-, con-, col-, cor- | (together) (wholly) |
| contra-, counter- | ȿФ (against) |
| de- | (down)Υ (away) (wholly) |
| di- | 2 (two) |
| dia- | ڤä (across) |
| dis-, di-, dif- | ʤ (not)Υơ̡ (apart) |
| dou-, du- | 2 (two) |
| en-, em- | Ĥ (into)Ĥˤ (make) |
| ex-, e-, ec-, ef- | (out) |
| extra- | Ĥγ (outside) |
| fore- | ä (before) |
| in-, im-, il-, ir-, i- | ʤԡ̵ (not) |
| in-, im- | ˡĤ (in)Ĥξ (on) |
| inter- | Ĥδ֤ (between) |
| intro- | (in) |
| mega- | (large) |
| micro- | (small) |
| mil- | 1000 (thousand) |
| mis- | ä (wrongly) (badly) |
| mono- | 1 (one) |
| multi- | ¿ (many) |
| ne-, neg- | ʤ (not) |
| non- | ̵ (not) |
| ob-, oc-, of-, op- | ĤФơĤ˸ä (against) |
| out- | (out) |
| over- | ۤ (over) |
| para- | 來 (beside) |
| per- | Ĥ̤ (through) (wholly) |
| post- | (after) |
| pre- | (before) |
| pro- | (forward) |
| re- | (back)Ƥ (again) (strongly) |
| se- | ̡ (apart) |
| semi- | Ⱦʬ (half) |
| sub-, suc-, suf-, sum-, sug-, sup-, sus- | (down) (under) |
| super-, sur- | ˡۤ (over) |
| syn-, sym- | (together) |
| tele- | (distant) |
| trans- | ۤ (over) |
| tri- | 3 (three) |
| un- | ʤ (not)ᤷ (back) |
| under- | (down) |
| uni- | 1 (one) |
| -age | ֡ȡ |
| -al | |
| -ance | |
| -ancy | ֡ |
| -ant | ͡ |
| -ar | |
| -ary | ȡ |
| -ation | 뤳ȡ |
| -cle | Ρ |
| -cracy | |
| -ee | |
| -eer | |
| -ence | ֡ |
| -ency | ֡ |
| -ent | ͡ |
| -er, -ier | ͡ |
| -ery | ֡ȡΡࡤѡ |
| -ess | |
| -hood | ֡ |
| -ian | |
| -ics | ء |
| -ion, -sion, -tion | ȡ֡ |
| -ism | |
| -ist | |
| -ity, -ty | ֡ȡ |
| -le | Ρ |
| -let | Ρ |
| -logy | ء |
| -ment | ֡ȡ |
| -meter | |
| -ness | ֡ |
| -nomy | ˡ |
| -on, -oon | 礭ʤ |
| -or | ͡ |
| -ory | |
| -scope | |
| -ship | |
| -ster | |
| -tude | |
| -ure | ȡ |
| -y | ȡ |
| -able | Ǥ롤䤹 |
| -al | ĤΡĤ˴ؤ |
| -an | ĤΡĤ˴ؤ |
| -ant | ĤΡĤ |
| -ary | ĤΡĤ˴ؤ |
| -ate | ĤΡĤΤ |
| -ative | Ū |
| -ed | Ĥˤ |
| -ent | Ƥ |
| -ful | Ĥ |
| -ible | Ǥ롤 |
| -ic | ĤΡĤΤ褦 |
| -ical | ĤΡĤ˴ؤ |
| -id | ľ֤ΡƤ |
| -ile | Ǥ롤 |
| -ine | ĤΡĤ˴ؤ |
| -ior | äȡ |
| -ish | Τ褦 |
| -ive | Ρ |
| -less | Τʤ |
| -like | Τ褦 |
| -ly | Τ褦ʡȤ |
| -ory | Τ褦 |
| -ous | |
| -some | Ŭ |
| -wide | ˤ錄 |
| -ate | ˤ롤 |
| -en | ˤ |
| -er | ֤ |
| -fy, -ify | ˤ |
| -ish | ˤ |
| -ize | ˤ |
| -le | ֤ |
| -ly | 褦 |
| -ward | |
| -wise | 褦 |

ѸܥӥΤܤҲ𤷤ޤҤǤƤظ캬dzФ륳ѥñǤ300θ캬夲캬Ọ̇̄١2500ؽǤ褦˹ƤޤҤإ饤ȥϥ¼ŵ١إå饤ȥϥ¼ŵ١إߥʥ¼ŵ١إѥ¼ŵ٤μ̤ưѤƤ캬बȤˤʤäƤޤ
Ф줿300Ĥθ캬ϡܥӥʳˤ⡤Ѹ˸ˤƲΩĥꥹȤȤʤäƤޤܼ˽äơʲ˰ޤ
cess ʹԤ
ceed ʹԤ
cede ʹԤ
gress ʿʤ
vent
verse ʸ
vert ʸ
cur
pass ̤
sta Ωġ
sist Ωġ
sti Ωġ
stitute ΩƤ
stant ΩäƤ
stance ΩäƤ뤳ȡ
struct ۤ
fact ʺ롤ʤ
fic ʺ
fect ʺä
gen ޤ
nat ޤ
crease Ĺ
tain ݤġ
ward ʼ
serve ʻŤ
ceive ʼ
cept ʼ
sume ʼ
cap ʤĤ
mote ư
move ư
gest ʱ֡
fer ʱ֡
port ʱ֡
mit
mis
duce Ƴ
duct Ƴ
secute ɤ
press ʲ
tract ʰ
ject ꤲ
pose ֤
pend ʤ֤鲼
tend ʹ
ple
cide ڤ
cise ڤ
vary Ѥ
alter ¾Ρ
gno Τ
sent ʴ
sense ʴ
cure ա
path ʶ줷
spect ʸ
vis ʸ
view ʸ
pear ʸ
speci ʸ
pha ʸ
sent ¸ߤ
viv
act ʹư
lect ֡
pet ʵ
quest ʵ
quire ʵ
use ʻѤ
exper ʻߤ
dict ʸ
log ä
spond ʱ
scribe ʽ
graph ʽȡ
gram ʽΡ
test ʾڸ
prove ʾ
count ʿ
qua ʤɤΤ褦ʡ
mini ʾ
plain ʿʡ
liber ʼͳʡ
vac ʶΡ
rupt ˤ줿
equ
ident Ʊ
term ʸ³
fin ʽꡤ³
neg ʤʤ
rect ʿäʡ
prin 1̡
grade ʳ
part ʬ
found ʴá
cap Ƭ
medi ֡
popul ʿ͡
ment ʿ
cord ʿ
hand ʼ
manu ʼ
mand ̿
fort ʶ
form ʷ
mode ʷ
sign ʰ
voc
litera ʸ
ju ˡ
labor ϫƯ
tempo ʻ
uni 1ġ
dou 2ġ
cent 100
fare ʹԤ
it ʹԤ
vade ʹԤ
migrate ʰư
sess ʺ¤
sid ʺ¤
man ʤȤɤޤ
anim ©
spire ©
fa ä
fess ä
cite ʸƤ֡
claim ʶ֡
plore ʶ֡
doc ʶ
nounce
mon ʷٹ𤹤
audi İ
pute ʹͤ
tempt ʻߤ
opt ֡
cri ʷꤹ
don Ϳ
trad ʰϤ
pare Ѱդ
imper ᤹̿
rat ʿ
numer ʿ
solve ʲ
sci Τ
wit ΤäƤ
memor ʵ
fid ʿ
cred ʿ
mir ʶä
pel ɤΩƤ
venge
pone ֤
ten ݻ
tin ݤġ
hibit ʻġ
habit ʻäƤ
auc
ori ʾ
divid ʬ
cret ʬ
dur ³
cline ʷ
flu ή
cas
cid
cease ʤ
close Ĥ
clude Ĥ
draw ʰ
trai ʰĥ
bat Ǥġ
fend Ǥġ
puls Ǥġ
cast ꤲ
guard ʼ
medic ʼ
nur ܤ
cult ʹ̤
ly ʷӤĤ
nect ʷӤĤ
pac
strain
strict 줿
here ʤäĤ
ple ޤꤿ
plic ޤꤿ
ploy ޤꤿ
ply ޤꤿ
tribute ʳƤ
tail ڤ
sect ڤ
sting ʻɤ
tort ʤͤ
frag ʲ
fuse
mens ¬
pens ʽŤ̤
merge ʿ
velop
veil ʤ
cover ʤʤ
gli ʵ
prise ʤĤ
cert ʳΤʡ
sure ʳΤʡ
firm ʳμ¤ʡ
clar ʡ
apt Ŭ
due ʻʧ٤
par
human ʿʹ֤Ρ
common ʶͭΡ
commun ʶͭΡ
semble ʰˡ
simil Ʊ
auto ʼ
proper ʼʬȤΡ
potent ʤǤ
maj 礭
nov ʿ
lev ʷڤ
hum 㤤
cand
plat ʿʡ
minent ͤФ
sane ʷʡ
soph ʸ
sacr ʿʡ
vict
text ʿ줿
soci ֡
demo ̱
civ ʻ̱
polic Իԡ
host ʵҡ
femin ʽ
patr
arch Ĺ
bio ̿衤ʪ
psycho
corp Ρ
face ʴ
head Ƭ
chief Ƭ
ped
valu ʲ͡
delic ̥ϡ
grat ʴӡ
hor ʶݡ
terr ʶ줵
fortune ʱ
hap ʶ
mort ʻ
art ʵѡ
custom ʽ
centr 濴
eco ʴĶ
circ ʱߡġ
sphere ʵ
rol ʲžΡ
tour ʲ
volve ʲ
base ʴá
norm ɸ
ord ʽ
range
int Ρ
front ̡
mark ʶ
limin ߵ
point
punct ͤɤ
phys ʼ
di
hydro ʿ
riv
mari ʳ
sal ʱ
aster
camp
mount ʻ
insula
vi ƻ
loc ʾ
geo ϡ
terr ϡ
dom ʲȡ
court ʵ
cave ʷ
bar
board ġ
cart ʻ
arm
car ʼ֡
leg ˡΧ
reg ʻۤ
her ³
gage
merc ʼ
סظ캬dzФ륳ѥñ١ҡ2019ǯ
ΤνǤʸؤδؿޤäƱͤμݤȤƥ㡼 (gesture) ؤؿ褦ˤʤäKendon (73) ˤСطʤϰʲ̤ꡥ
The expansion of contacts between Europeans and peoples of other lands, especially in the New World, led to an enhanced awareness of the diversity of spoken languages, and because explorers and missionaries had reported successful communication by gesture, the idea rose that gesture could form the basis of a universal language. The idea of a universal language that could overcome the divisions between peoples brought about by differences in spoken languages was longstanding. However, interest in it became widespread, especially in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in part because, as Latin began to be replaced with vernaculars, the need for a new lingua franca was felt. There were philosophical and political reasons as well, and there developed the idea that a language should be created whose meanings were fixed, which could be written or expressed in forms that would be comprehensible, regardless of a person's spoken language. The idea that humans share a 'universal language of the hands,' mentioned by Quintilian, was taken up afresh by Bonifaccio. In his L'arte dei cenni ('The art of signs') of 1616 (perhaps the first book ever published to be devoted entirely to bodily expression) . . . , he hoped that his promotion of the 'mute eloquence' of bodily signs would contribute to the restoration of the natural language of the body, given to all mankind by God, and so overcome the divisions created by the artificialities of spoken languages.
Τνˤ른㡼ؤδؿϡǤθΤ̽ȤܿեȤƤΥƥοࡤůŪŪʴؤδؿּθפκɾʤɤդƤȤϢơ#5128. 17ʸؤδؿϥƥΰҿοब ([2023-05-12-1]) εפФ롥
Kendon, Adam. "History of the Study of Gesture." Chapter 3 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 71--89.
928˳֤ɸΥֺ6ֱѸ졤θȸפˤĤơݤ markmap Ȥ֥ġˤޥɥޥåײޤʲȤƤɤˡ֤줿ѤˡǤʤϹֺƤָ뵡ȤƤѤ
ε#5648. <l> ֻŤͤ뤫ݤ ([2024-10-13-1]) ³<ll> ꡥϥꥹѸǤ <ll> ȽŤ͡ꥫѸǤ <l> 1ĤΤߡȤΤη̤ȤơɤΤ褦ñˤ <ll> 뤫ʬۤߤƤߤ
Τ褦˽Ҥ٤
<ll> ϤȤȸŵˤ椫ΤֻäŵǤե줬װȤƻƤեϸŵͳνŤͤ <ll> ΤޤѤ1Ų <l> ǷѾ뤳ȤФФäˡ餬ߤƤѸäˡ <l> Ťͤ뤫ݤˤĤƤळȤˤʤäΤ
<ll> ʬۤˤĤơCarney (250) ñѤ褦
Normally, <l> would double after a short vowel in a monosyllable (bell, cell, doll, mill, etc.), but there are some exceptions. There are all marginal in various ways, usually by abbreviation: technical loan col ('gap between hills' < French); gal (< girl), pal (< Romany); technical abbreviations bet (< the name '(A. G.) Bell', = 'unit of power comparison'), cel (< celluloid . . .), gel (< gelatine), mel ('perpetual unit of pitch'), mil (< millimetre), nil (contraction of Latin nihil); short names Hal (< Henry), Sal (< Sally) . . . .
Examples of <-ll-> with prefixes . . .:
- (reduced vowel): alleviate, alliteration, allude, allusion, ally (v.); collate, collateral, collect (v.), collide, collision.
- (unreduced vowel): Allocate, ally (n.); collect (n.), colleague, college, collimate, colloquy; illegal, illegible, illicit, illimitable, illuminate, illusion, illustrate; pellucid.
There are quite a few words which resemble the above and in which the <-ll-> is not covered by other doubling conventions: allegory, allergy, alligator. There is some etymological uncertainty about allot, allow, and allure. Allay has come to have a §Latinate appearance in spite of its Old English origin (a + lecgan). To the average reader these spellings must seem to belong with the §Latinate prefixes.
A good many words . . . have <-ll-> in the third syllable from the end of a free-form after a stressed short vowel. The ending <-ion> seems to require this spelling, but not in all instances: billion, bullion, galleon, million, mullion, pillion, postillion, stallion, but also battalion, pavilion, verlion. Compare doubled and single <r> in carrion--clarion.
Other examples of <-ll-> unaccounted for are: ballerina, ballistic, balloon, bellicose, brilliant, bulletin, calligraphy, calliopsis, camellia, colliery, ebullient, ellipse, embellish, fallacious, fallacy, fallible, gallery, gallium, halleluja, hallucinate, hellebore, intellect, intelligent, mellifluous, miscellany, palliate, pallium, parallel, pollute, shallot, shillelagh, tellurium.
Pseudo-compounds are: ballyhoo, bulldozer, hullaballoo, lollipop, scallywag.
<ll> ᤰ뾯ηȽκ٤ĤΤǤϤʤѸˡϤʣǤ롥
Carney, Edward. A Survey of English Spelling. Abingdon: Routledge, 1994.
ѸˡǤϡ<l> Ťͤ뤫ɤȤʤ륱ʤ餺롥
ޤפ⤫֤Τ traveler traveller ΰ㤤Ǥ롥#240. ֻαƺ礭 ([2009-12-23-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡŵŪ˥ꥫֻǤ <l> 1ĤˤȤɤޤ뤬ꥹֻǤ <l> ŤͤΤ§Ǥ롥ȻפСꥫֻ fulfill Ϥष <l> Ť͡ꥹֻ fulfil ϽŤͤʤΤǡˤʤ롥
<l> Ťͤ뤫ݤֻΥꥨϸűѸꤢȤФꡤȤƤˤȤäƤ褤ֻȤ <l> 1ĤǤ2ĤǤ⡤̤ȤƼϤȯˤϱƶͿʤΤǡǤȤˤƤ
伫ȤϡŤͤ <ll> ֻܼϡľ첻Ūˡû첻Ǥ뤳ȤѶŪ˼ȤˤȹͤƤ뤬¤ˤϤۤɤ䤹դǤϤʤѸˡ Carney (250) ϡ"Distribution of <ll>" ꤹ1ˤơƤ롥ƬʬѤ롥
There is more difficulty in accounting for the occurrence of double <-ll-> than for the double spelling of any other consonant. This is partly due to the frequency of <-ll-> in Latin and Greek stems and partly because §Latinate words borrowed by way of French may no longer have recognizable constituents.
<ll> ϤȤȸŵˤ椫ΤֻäŵǤե줬װȤƻƤեϸŵͳνŤͤ <ll> ΤޤѤ1Ų <l> ǷѾ뤳ȤФФäˡ餬ߤƤѸäˡ <l> Ťͤ뤫ݤˤĤƤळȤˤʤäΤʤۤɡѸ餷ȤбѸ餷̤ȤäƤ褤ǰǤ⤢ʤ⤢롥
Ѹˡθ§ȤƤʤС褽ε§ΩΤΤǤ (Carney 251fn)
In the Hanna (1966) spelling rules, <l> is the default spelling and:
1 <ll> word-final accented after /ɔː/ or a short vowel (tall, mill, bell, pull, hull).
<ll> ˤĤƤϡVoicy heldio Ǽ夲Ȥ롥#456. -l ʤΤ -ll ʤΤ till/until, travel(l)er, distil(l)İС
Carney, Edward. A Survey of English Spelling. Abingdon: Routledge, 1994.
Voicy heldio ˤ#1205. Baugh and Cable 57ɼ¶ --- ֱѸ˥饤2024פۿޤϡ#5607. ֱѸ˥饤2024פ B&C 57 "Chronological Criteria" ɼ¶Ѥޤ ([2024-09-02-1]) ͽ𤷤Ȥꡤ98ˤ˳Ť줿ֱѸ˥饤2024פīȤˤۿ줿ȤȤˤʤäƤޤ
ʳءˤᥤMC̳ᡤϽؤʾءˤȻ䤬äǤɼ¶ѤǤإᥤȡhelwa ꥹʡˤ khelf С̾ȤƼϿ˵碌ۿǤİˤʤäꥹʡΤ81̾ãޤؤ֤Ǥī夲Ƥꡤ꤬Ȥޤ
夲ϡ¤ϥƥ˥ǤűѸΥƥѸˤĤơ줾ñ줬ƱǤ⤤ļڤ줿ΤмѤǯ¬˴ؤˡȤʤäƤޤ夲ƤƥѸϤ֤ŪǤϤޤѲӸؤμˡ˸ƤŪƤȤʤäƤޤ
ɲˤäƤǫ˱ʸɤ߲ƤСɬǤޤ˸ظΥƥ¦̤θ뤳ȤǤǤ礦48ʬۤɤĹܤǤҤ֤ΤȤˤäꤪİ
Baugh and Cable ɥΥХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) ˷ǺܤƤޤҤε˥ƥȤꤷơ1ᤫ餪İС

Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
#5618. īѤʵܥΥå with Ͻؤ --- ֱѸ˥饤2024פ ([2024-09-13-1]) ǾҲ𤷤Voicy heldio īѤʵܥΥå with ϽؤˤơԤ40ʬ30ä餤study student <u> ʬȯλۤʤΤϤʤǤפȤ䤤夲Ƥޤ#3295. study <u> û첻Τ櫓 ([2018-05-05-1]) ǤԽʬǤϤʤȤŦޤ
嵭ܥΥåפǤϼ긵˾ܤʤ֤Ǥ¨βäΤǤθ塤ܤĴ٤Ƥߤȡȹä𤬤褦Ǥstudy 1첻û첻ǤΤϡñ줬ȤȤϥƥͳǤʤ顤եͳƤȤаޤͿƤǤ
ˤĤƤϡѸ첻ˤ (339) ˼꤬꤬ä
F [= French] β̡OF [= Old French] 첻 CL [= Classical Latin] β̤ǤϤʤVL [= Vulgar Latin] IJǤûǤĹȤ§ѤME [= Middle English] βȿ F ̤Ƥοβ̤ФȿǤ롥
û첻ˤʤŪʲĶ3ۤɵƤΤ1Ĥˡ3ư졤̾졤ƻ1פp. 340ˡư study Ѹ studien ιܤ¿1ĤȤƵƤֻǼˡ
(3) 3ư졤̾졤ƻ1ᡧbanisshen (=banish)/ravisshen (=ravish)/vanisshen (=vanish)/perishen (=perish)/finishen (=finish)/florisshen (=flourish)/norishen (=nourish)/publisshen (=publish)/punisshen (=punish)/travailen (=travail)/honouren (=honour)/visiten (=visit)/governen (=govern)/studien (=study)/family/salary/memory/remedy/misery/chalaundre (=calendar)/chapitre (=chapter)/sepulcre/oracle/miracle/ministre (=minister)/vinegre (=vinegar)/covenant/rethorik (=rhetoric)/bacheler (=bachelor)/charitee (=charity)/vanite (=vanity)/jolitee (=jollity)/povertee (=poverty)/libertee (=liberty)/trinitee (=trinity)/facultee (=faculty)/vavasour/amorous/casuel (=casual)/natural/general/lecherous/seculer (=secular)/diligent
ư study ϡѸǤ studīen Τ褦3Ǥξ硤2 student Ȥϰۤʤꡤ1IJȤʤ뤿첻ûݤ롤ȤäȤʤޤ
סزˡ١Ѹ11罤۽Ź1985ǯ

Baugh and Cable ˤѸˤθŵŪ̾ Voicy heldio ˤ1᤺ɤƤäȿʤƤޤǯ7˳ϤͭǤޤɲʤɤǤ̾ heldio ˤ̵Ƥޤ
98ˤ12 heldio ۿδֱѸ˥饤2024פŤޤī 8:00-- 8:55 55ʬȤǡBaugh and Cable 57ɼ¶ѡפ̵ͽǤʳءˤϽؤʾءˤī3ͤ䤫ɲ깭Ƥޤ
ƥȤǤʤΤˡɤ뤳ȤˤʤäƤ57 "Chronological Criteria" (pp. 73--75) αʸʲ˷ǺܤƤޤűѸΥƥѸǯ¬˴ؤ륨ƥʲսǤäͽƤƤޤȡɼ¶ѤڤİȤǤȻפޤ
57. Chronological Criteria.In order to form an accurate idea of the share that each of these three periods had in extending the resources of the English vocabulary, it is first necessary to determine as closely as possible the date at which each of the borrowed words entered the language. This is naturally somewhat difficult to do, and in the case of some words it is impossible. But in a large number of cases it is possible to assign a word to a given period with a high degree of probability and often with certainty. It will be instructive to pause for a moment to inquire how this is done.
The evidence that can be employed is of various kinds and naturally of varying value. Most obvious is the appearance of the word in literature. If a given word occurs with fair frequency in texts such as Beowulf, or the poems of Cynewulf, such occurrence indicates that the word has had time to pass into current use and that it came into English not later than the early part of the period of Christian influence. But it does not tell us how much earlier it was known in the language, because the earliest written records in English do not go back beyond the year 700. Moreover, the late appearance of a word in literature is no proof of late adoption. The word may not be the kind of word that would naturally occur very often in literary texts, and so much of Old English literature has been lost that it would be very unsafe to argue about the existence of a word on the basis of existing remains. Some words that are not found recorded before the tenth century (e.g., pīpe 'pipe', cīese 'cheese') can be assigned confidently on other grounds to the period of continental borrowing.
The character of the word sometimes gives some clue to its date. Some words are obviously learned and point to a time when the church had become well established in the island. On the other hand, the early occurrence of a word in several of the Germanic dialects points to the general circulation of the word in the Germanic territory and its probable adoption by the ancestors of the English on the continent. Testimony of this kind must of course be used with discrimination. A number of words found in Old English and in Old High German, for example, can hardly have been borrowed by either language before the Anglo-Saxons migrated to England but are due to later independent adoption under conditions more or less parallel, brought about by the introduction of Christianity into the two areas. But it can hardly be doubted that a word like copper, which is rare in Old English, was nevertheless borrowed on the continent when we find it in no fewer than six Germanic languages.
The most conclusive evidence of the date at which a word was borrowed, however, is to be found in the phonetic form of the word. The changes that take place in the sounds of a language can often be dated with some definiteness, and the presence or absence of these changes in a borrowed word constitutes an important test of age. A full account of these changes would carry us far beyond the scope of this book, but one or two examples may serve to illustrate the principle. Thus there occurred in Old English, as in most of the Germanic languages, a change known as i-umlaut. (Umlaut is a German word meaning 'alteration of sound', which in English is sometimes called mutation.) This change affected certain accented vowels and diphthongs (æ, ā, ō, ū, ēa, ēo , and īo) when they were followed in the next syllable by an ī or j. Under such circumstances, æ and a became e, and ō became ē, ā became ǣ, and ū became ȳ. The diphthongs ēa, ēo, īo became īe, later ī, ȳ. Thus *baŋkiz > benc (bench), *mūsiz > mȳs, plural of mūs (mouse), and so forth. The change occurred in English in the course of the seventh century, and when we find it taking place ina word borrowed from Latin, it indicates that the Latin word had been taken into English by that time. Thus Latin monēta (which became *munit in Prehistoric OE) > mynet (a coin, Mod. E. mint) and is an early borrowing. Another change (even earlier) that helps us to date a borrowed word is that known as palatal diphthongization. By this sound change ǣ or ē in early Old English was changed to a diphthong (ēa and īe, respectively) when preceded by certain palatal consonants (ċ, ġ, sc). OE cīese (L. cāseus, chesse) mentioned earlier, shows both i-umlaut and palatal diphthongization (cāseus > *ċǣsi > *ċēasi > *ċīese). In many words, evidence for date is furnished by the sound changes of Vulgar Latin. Thus, for example, an intervocalic p (and p in the combination pr) in the Late Latin of northern Gaul (seventh century) was modified to a sound approximating a v, and the fact that L. cuprum, coprum (copper) appears in OE as copor with the p unchanged indicates a period of borrowing prior to this change (cf. F. cuivre). Again Latin ī changed to e before A.D. 400 so that words like OE biscop (L. episcopus), disc (L. discus), sigel 'brooch' (L. sigillum), and the like, which do not show this change, were borrowed by the English on the continent. But enough has been said to indicate the method and to show that the distribution of the Latin words in Old English among the various periods at which borrowing took place rests not upon guesses, however shrewd, but upon definite facts and upon fairly reliable phonetic inferences.
Baugh and Cable ɥΥХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) ˷ǺܤƤޤҤε˥ƥȤꤷơ1ᤫ餪İС
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.

1ָ824ڡ17:30--19:00ī㡼ɶˤƥָֺ츻ŵǤɤѸˡ5ȤʤֱѸ졤ƥȽвפ֤ޤ
7274ǤϡָαѸ˻ĤűѸκספꤷơűѸθáȸ줫ζϾʱƶܤޤǤϸűѸ줬٤ι⤤ޥϤθäݤäƤꡤ¤ǽϤ˭ǤäȤ⤷ޤ
űѸˤ줫μѸϳΤˤޤΥȼѸ¸ߤˤĤƤϤǤ˿ޤ¾ˤƥťΥɸ줫μѸ줬ơɴʰʾˤεϤǸűѸäƤƤΤǤɴۤɤοǤϸΤΤʤǤϤۤΩʤΤΤǤθ˭٤ʸüѤˤǰƬˤСűѸѸ˾פʰ֤Ťˤ뤳ȤǤǤ礦
ιֺ¤ǤϡűѸʤ뤤ϤλˤˤƥθŪƶܤޤޤƥαƶŪŪʥ٥ˤȤɤޤ餺ʸŪʼˤޤǵڤȤˤޤ
ܥֺ¤ϳƲΩ⤤Τǡ5滲äʤɤǤޤäʤ֤ǤޤɶǤ̻äΤۤ饤äǽǤθ1֤Ρָƨۿפ⤴ѤǤޤʳäƤä
ʤܥֺ¤ϡָ츻ŵǤɤѸˡפꤷƤȤꡤȤ櫓رѸ츻ŵ١ʸҡˤ˻ȤޤƱŵϡֺ¤˻ȡڤ֤Ǥ뤫Ȼפޤʤ긵ˤʤȤꤢޤˡ

߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵٿǡҡ2024ǯ
Ѹ oh ˤ褽űѸδ (interjection) Ȥ ēalā ȤΤ롥θϽѸؤ ealā ȤưѤ줿ѸޤǤˤϻȤʤä褦Ū˴ϤΤȻפ뤬뤫ˡʹˡ˶ΤΤ˴ŤȤܤΥޥȥڤƥδ o ФűѸȤƤѤƤꡤűѸǤŪʴäȤäƤ褤
⤦٤СΥΥޥȥڤ2ĤʬʤäƤꡤºݤˤ줾줬ΩȤƤѤ롥ēa lā Ǥ롥Ȥ߹碌ʣΤ͡ˤä褦ǡThe Dictionary of Old English (DOE) ˤ eala ea, eala ... la, eala ... ea, eala eala, ealaeala ʤ˭ʥꥨ¾δȤ߹蘆ä eala nu "oh now" Τ褦ʻȤ⤢ä
ȤȤƤϡűѸʸį¤ꡤƤӤꡤꡤò䡤ʤɤ˹ѤƤꡤϤ긽Ѹ oh ȤäƤ褤ȤƤˡˡޤǤꡤ嵭Τ褦˷֤Ѥд𤬶äΤ
űѸ꤯ɤʸǤߤ
Lit 4.6 1: æla þu dryhten æla ðu ælmihtiga God æla cing ealra cyninga & hlaford ealra waldendra.
Sat 161: . . . eala drihtenes þrym! eala duguða helm! eala meotodes miht! eala middaneard! eala dæg leohta! eala dream Godes! eala engla þreat! eala upheofen!
HomU 38 18: eala, eala, fela is nu ða fracodra getrywða wide mid mannum.
űѸθä٤˥ԥ奢ʥޥϤθäȤäƤ褯Ѹϸ¤Ƥ롥⡤θ¤줿Ѹʬƥ (latin) ΤΤǤ롥ۤˤϸťΥɸ (old_norse)ȸ (celtic)ޥ (germanic), ե (french) μѸʤǤϤʤޤDZƤ
θ줫űѸؤμѸϡष㳰Ū餳ˤʤΤʤΤǡűѸɤǤȤ˽Ф魯Ȥ䤱ΩĤΤǤ롥Ѹ˸Ǥ⤫äƤ褯ܤƤ롥Hogg ϡűѸθäȸüѤˤĤƼΤ褦ɾƤ롥
. . . there are words of non-native origin in Old English, the vast majority of which are from Latin. It has been estimated only about 3 per cent of Old English vocabulary is taken from non-native sources and it is clear that the strong preference in Old English was to use its native resources in order to create new vocabulary. In this respect, therefore, and as elsewhere, Old English is typically Germanic. (102--03)
. . . there was in Old English only a very limited use of words taken from other language, i.e. borrowed or loan words, and those words were primarily from Latin. Apart from Latin, Old English borrowed words from the Scandinavian languages after the Viking invasions, from the celtic languages mostly at a very early date, and there was also a scattering of forms from the other Germanic languages. At the very end of the period we begin to see the first loan words from Norman French. (109)
űѸγƸ줫θüѤˤĤƤϡʲεȡ
#32. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2009-05-30-1])
#1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1])
#1619. ʤ deus Ѥ줺 God ݤ줿Τ ([2013-10-02-1])
#1945. űѸΥƥѤλʬ ([2014-08-24-1])
#2578. ȸ̤ƱѸؼѤ줿찮Υƥñ ([2016-05-18-1])
#3787. 650ǯդȤ롤ΥƥѸü ([2019-09-09-1])
#3788. űѸΥƥѸΰճ ([2019-09-10-1])
#3789. űѸäˤƥѸΨ1.75% ([2019-09-11-1])
#3790. 650ǯΥƥѸΰ ([2019-09-12-1])
#3829. 650ǯʸΥƥѸΰ ([2019-10-21-1])
#3830. űѸΥƥѸϸޤ³ݤ ([2019-10-22-1])
#1216. űѸΥȼѸ ([2012-08-25-1])
#3821. Old Saxon μѸ ([2019-10-13-1])
#302. űѸΥեѸ ([2010-02-23-1])
Hogg, Richard. An Introduction to Old English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002.
űѸθä٤˥ԥ奢ʥޥϤθäȤäƤ褯Ѹϸ¤Ƥ롥⡤θ¤줿Ѹʬƥ (latin) ΤΤǤ롥ۤˤϸťΥɸ (old_norse)ȸ (celtic)ޥ (germanic), ե (french) μѸʤǤϤʤޤDZƤ
θ줫űѸؤμѸϡष㳰Ū餳ˤʤΤʤΤǡűѸɤǤȤ˽Ф魯Ȥ䤱ΩĤΤǤ롥Ѹ˸Ǥ⤫äƤ褯ܤƤ롥Hogg ϡűѸθäȸüѤˤĤƼΤ褦ɾƤ롥
. . . there are words of non-native origin in Old English, the vast majority of which are from Latin. It has been estimated only about 3 per cent of Old English vocabulary is taken from non-native sources and it is clear that the strong preference in Old English was to use its native resources in order to create new vocabulary. In this respect, therefore, and as elsewhere, Old English is typically Germanic. (102--03)
. . . there was in Old English only a very limited use of words taken from other language, i.e. borrowed or loan words, and those words were primarily from Latin. Apart from Latin, Old English borrowed words from the Scandinavian languages after the Viking invasions, from the celtic languages mostly at a very early date, and there was also a scattering of forms from the other Germanic languages. At the very end of the period we begin to see the first loan words from Norman French. (109)
űѸγƸ줫θüѤˤĤƤϡʲεȡ
#32. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2009-05-30-1])
#1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1])
#1619. ʤ deus Ѥ줺 God ݤ줿Τ ([2013-10-02-1])
#1945. űѸΥƥѤλʬ ([2014-08-24-1])
#2578. ȸ̤ƱѸؼѤ줿찮Υƥñ ([2016-05-18-1])
#3787. 650ǯդȤ롤ΥƥѸü ([2019-09-09-1])
#3788. űѸΥƥѸΰճ ([2019-09-10-1])
#3789. űѸäˤƥѸΨ1.75% ([2019-09-11-1])
#3790. 650ǯΥƥѸΰ ([2019-09-12-1])
#3829. 650ǯʸΥƥѸΰ ([2019-10-21-1])
#3830. űѸΥƥѸϸޤ³ݤ ([2019-10-22-1])
#1216. űѸΥȼѸ ([2012-08-25-1])
#3821. Old Saxon μѸ ([2019-10-13-1])
#302. űѸΥեѸ ([2010-02-23-1])
Hogg, Richard. An Introduction to Old English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002.
ε#5535. Ƭ en- in- ɤ Chancery English Ǥߤ ([2024-06-22-1]) Ǽ夲ˤĤơäĴ٤Ƥߤʤ OED en- PREFIX1 츻 Note 3 ˡɤˤĤƾܤŪаޤƤ롥ٶˤʤäΤǡβս٤ưѤƤ
3. From 14th cent. onwards the prefix in- (im-) has been frequently substituted for en- (em-); and, conversely, en- (em-) has been substituted for the prefix in- (im-) of words of Latin or Italian origin, and for the native English in- prefix1. Nearly every word, of long standing in the language, which is formed with en- has at some period been written also with in-. Hence it is often impossible to determine whether in a particular word of English formation the prefix en- or in- is due to the analogy of words of French, Latin, or purely English origin; in many instances it must have been applied merely as a recognized English formative, without reference to the analogy of any individual word. In 17th cent. the form in- (im-) was generally preferred; the now prevailing tendency is to use en- (em-) in English formations, and where the prefix represents French en-; and in modern reprints of 17th cent. books, and in dictionaries, the in- (im-) of the original texts is often replaced by en- (em-). In some words, however, as em-, imbed, en-, inclose, the form with in- still occurs, but in most cases less frequently than the en- forms; in a few instances in- has entirely superseded en-, even where the latter is etymologically more correct, as in imbrue, impair, inquest. In a few words (e.g. ensure v., insure v.) the alternative forms have (in very modern times) been appropriated to express different senses. As a general rule the en- and in- forms are in this Dict. treated as belonging to one and the same word. A word still surviving in use is treated in the alphabetical place of its now more frequent form. In the case of obsolete words, where there is no decided preponderance in usage, the choice of the typical form has been determined by etymological considerations: thus the adapted words from French or Spanish with en-, and new formations apparently on the analogy of these, are by preference placed under E; while words apparently formed on Latin analogies, or probably originating as compounds of the English preposition in n.2, will appear under I.
The substitution of in- for en- has in part been due to notions of etymological fitness, the Romanic en- having been regarded as a corrupt and improper form of the Latin in-, while the English formations in en- were either referred to Latin analogies or treated as compounds of the native preposition. The phenomenon seems, however, to be partly of phonetic origin. Tendency to reduce and slightly raise the vowel in this prefix results in homophonic pronunciations of word pairs such as embed and imbed, enclose and inclose. Occurrence of spellings such as inbassed for embassade in the fourteenth century may suggest this phenomenon has existed from an early period.
ɤװˤĤƤεܤװѤƤ褦Ǹ¤Ϥʣ츻ե줫ƥ줫ȤװϤפġñˤƤϳơθߤ˾줷Ƥꡤˤ褦ʡʤ褦ʤȤˡѸǤθξˤϡեƥϡΥǥȤƤޤǴŪ˺ѤƤˤɤƬװʤΤФʬʤϻŪʥޤ츻Ūֻ (etymological_respelling) ᤰˤƤ롥
ǽνˤƤϡɤ줬ԻԤλǺޤǤ뤳ȤƤ롥OED ǤƬ en- in- §ȤƱʪȤưǤϡɤƬǼ縫ФΩƤ٤ȤºŪǺߤϪƤΤɤ롥
ѸֻŪߡʰǡˤ⤦1ΤäƤޤä
Ѹˤ ensure/insureencase/incase, entitle/intitle, embed/imbed, enclose/inclose, enwrap/inwrap ʤɡƬ en- in- ɤڥ롥̣ˡۤʤ⤢С־αƺ⤢뤷ñʤ۷ֻǤ⤢롥⤽ΤϤƬεϰĤʤΤƥ in- ͳ褹եη֤ en- ʤΤǤ롥
2Ĥΰ۷֤ϡŪˤϡʾɤƤ褦ܲ䤬ܤƤ15 Chancery English Ǥϡɤ줬ߤ롥Fisher et al. (33) Ѥ롥
Since prefixes were unaccented, they were subject to the same kinds of irregularities and inconsistencies as the inflectional endings. Adding to the confusion was the lack of standardization of often competing Latin- and French-derived prefixes such as in, im, en, and em.
Many words with prefixes beginning in in/im in MnE were written with en/em prefixes in Chancery documents. One explanation for this is the continuing French influence; another is the drift towards e as the regular vowel in unaccented syllables, noted above. But the relative strength of each explanation is difficult to determine. In any case, en prefixes where MnE requires in are sometimes preferred in Chancery writing. There are, for example, 33 instances of entent(e) as opposed to one of intent, and that in an ecclesiastical petition (153.8) where the Latin in would be expected. Likewise we have endenture and its plurals 25 times and indenture/indentures only six times, five of them in non-Chancery items (238 and 239). Informed is found once (as a past participle, 146.9), while variants of the infinitive enforme are the clear preference, with 27 listings. Other cases where the en form is preferred include enheritaunce and endented. Prefixes beginning with im in MdE show the same kind of variation, with preferences for empechment and enprisoned.
Chancery English ϸɸֻ˨ɾ뤳Ȥ¿Τ褦ˤޤɤ礭 en-/in- ĸä˸¤äƤߤ¾ΰ̤θäˤĤƤϤ褽ƱѸˤˤֻɸಽƻΤĹäΤǤ롥夲ƬȴϢơʲεȡ
#1877. ưƬ en- -en ([2014-06-17-1])
#4241. ʤƬ en ĤưˤʤΤǤ --- hellog 饸ǡ ([2020-12-06-1])
#3510. Ƭ en- ưʻž֡ ([2018-12-06-1])
Fisher, John H., Malcolm Richardson, and Jane L. Fisher, comps. An Anthology of Chancery English. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 1984. 392.
ѸΥɤϥޥʼҲäݥꥰʼҲȤäƤ褤̤ơɤ̱äդϾ˱Ѹäդϡ쥸ˤꡤƥ졤ե졤ѸΤ⤢դȤƤαѸϡѸˤƤäȤǤϤ뤬¤¸ߴ褦ˤʤäƤ
Fisher et al. (xiii) ϡɤˤ뤳3Ⱦθ1ʸϤΤ褯ޤȤƤ롥ʲ˰Ѥ롥
Until the 14th century there was little association between Chancery and Westminster. Like the rest of his household, Chancery followed the King in his peregrinations about the country, and correspondence up to the time may be dated from York, Winchester, Hereford, or wherever the court happened to pause (as the King's personal correspondence---the Signet correspondence---continued to be throughout the 15th century). It is important to observe that in its movement about the country, the court as a whole must have reinforced the impression of an official class dialect , in contrast to the regional dialects with which it came in contact. For two centuries this court dialect was spoken French and written Latin; after 1300 it gradually became spoken English and written French. The English spoken in court then and for a long time afterward was quite varied in pronunciation and structure. But written Latin had been standardized in classical times, and by the 13th century written French had begun to be standardized in form and to achieve the lucid idiom that English prose was not to achieve until the 16th century. Increasingly as the 14th century progressed, this Latin and French was written by clerks whose first language was English. Latin was the essential subject in school, but the acquisition of French was more informal, and by the end of the century we have Chaucer's satire on the French of the Prioress, Gower's apologies for his own (quite acceptable) French, and the errors in legal briefs which betoken Englishmen trying to compose in a foreign language. By 1400 the use of English in speaking Latin and French in administrative writing had established a clear dichotomy between colloquial speech and the official written language, which must have made it easier to create an artificial written standard independent of the spoken dialects when the royal clerks began to use English for their official writing after 1417.
ʤǸ˵Ƥ1417ǯȤϡ#3214. 1410ǯ夫30ǯˤƤ Chancery English ˨ ([2018-02-13-1]) ǿƤ̤ꡤHenry V νʤ̼ (Signet Office) ˤѸȯԤϤǯΤȤǤ롥
Fisher, John H., Malcolm Richardson, and Jane L. Fisher, comps. An Anthology of Chancery English. Knoxville: U of Tennessee P, 1984. 392.
heldio #1111. latitude longitudeɤäɤä --- ȥФΥޥۿlatitude ʰ١ˤ longitude ʷ١ˤζ̤դˤȡǤܸΡְ١פȡַ١פäƶ̤ˤȤʤɤˤǤϿΰŵˡꥹʡƤƤΤǡ𤷤ƤɬɤǤ롥
ξ˸ܤرѸ츻ŵʻ߷˧ͺԽ紴ˡҡ1997ǯˤˤȡ -tude θ츻ϼ̤ꡥ
-tude suf. ƥƻ졦ʬˤĤ֤ɽ魯̾¤롨 -i- ȼä -itude Ȥʤ롧gratittude, solitude. F -tude // L -tūdin-, -tūdō
ıñϡŪˤϥեͳǡ뤤ϥեŪʷ֤ȤƼޤƤ롥Ū褯ܤˤΤȤƤ altitude ʹ١ˡamplitude ʹˡaptitude Ŭˡattitude ١ˡcertitude ʳοˤʤɤ롥fortitude Զˡgratitude ʴաˡineptitude Ŭˡmagnitude 礭ˡmultitude ¿ˡservitude °ˡsolicitude ʵˡsolitude ʸȡˤʤɤ롥Ϣ첻ޤ -itude Ȥʤꡤθ2פ뤿ᡤñΤ⤤ĹʤꡤդʷϵȤˤʤ롥η줷ϡեΤȤϥƥΤȤäƤ褤
OED -tude SUFFIX ΰ̣ˡ⸫Ƥ
Occurring in many words derived from Latin either directly, as altitude, hebetude, latitude, longitude, magnitude, or through French, as amplitude, aptitude, attitude, consuetude, fortitude, habitude, plenitude, solitude, etc., or formed (in French or English) on Latin analogies, as debilitude, decrepitude, exactitude, or occasionally irregularly, as dispiritude, torpitude.
줾ΡʤäûӤơ-(i)tude δդ촶̣臘Τ⤪⤷⤷ʤ
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