ñβṽ¤ˤϸ롥a, the ʤɤμĵǽΤ rhyme ʤȤ2⡼ǹƤʤФʤʤȤΤǤ rhyme Ȥϲṽ¤ñ̤ΤȤǡ#1563. ṽ¤ ([2013-08-07-1])#3715. ṽ¤ Rhyme Ȥñ̤ǧ뺬 ([2019-06-29-1]) Ρ첻ʡܻҲˡפʬؤ
ʬ2⡼ʤФʤʤȤȤϡפ˺Ȥơû첻1Ҳ (VC) Ĺ첻2첻 (VV) Τ줫ǤʤФʤʤȤȤƬ (onset) ˻Ҳ뤫ɤʤʬû첻פΤߤǽ褦ñϵʤȤȤˤʤ롥Ĥޤû첻פζĸϤʤֻҲû첻פǤ롥Τ˵ǽμ /ɪ/, /ɛ/, /æ/, /ɑ/, /ɒ/, /ɔ/, /ʊ/, /ʌ/, /ə/ Τ褦ʸϤʤ˲餫ƬҲäθ¸ߤʤѸˤơβṽ¤˶㳰ˤĤƤϡ#3713. ǽζȼ岻 ([2019-06-27-1])#3776. ǽζȼ岻 (2) ([2019-08-29-1]) ȡˡ
¤Ϥޥ췲˶̤ΤΤǤ롥ޥɤȯã North-West Germanic ȸƤФʳǡβṽ¤η줿ͳ餫ǤϤʤˤû첻Τߤǽ붯ĸϸˡ٤ȤʤäŪû첻ǽäƤˤϡ§ȤĹ첻Ȥǥ롼˹碌뤳ȤˤʤäΤǤ롥Ϣ Minkova (70) Ѥ롥
. . . we noted the absence of word-final stressed short, lax, non-peripheral vowels [ɪ ɛ æ ʊ ʌ] in PDE; words such as *se with [-ɛ], *decrí with [-ɪ], *bru with [-ʊ] are ill-formed. This constraint on the shape of the final stressed syllable in English can be traced back to OE and even earlier. In all North-West Germanic languages the final vowels of lexical monosyllables became uniformly long, that is, they were lengthened if the original vowel was short. In some instances the long vowel appears to be a compensation for the loss of PrG final /-z/: PrG */hwaz/ > OE hwā 'who', PrG /wiz/, OE wē 'we'. Lengthening without loss of a syllable coda is attested in OE nū 'now', Goth. nu, OE swā 'so', Goth. swa; in this second set the process is evidently driven by the preference for co-occurrence of stress and syllable weight.
ϡ1˴ؤˡΡ#2235. 3ʸ§ ([2015-06-10-1]) ˤ⡤ŪʤαƤȤƤˤʤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
ɸϡĸη֤ñθ츻ƳȤǽפμǤ롥Ԥϡ츻 OED θ츻ɤǡΤäƤǤͭѡMinkova (68--69) ꡥ
| a | PIE *al- 'grow', Lat. aliment, Gmc *alda 'old' | ||
| a | |||
| o | PIE *ghos-ti- 'guest', Lat. hostis, Goth. gasts | ||
| ā | PIE *māter, Lat. māter, OE mōder 'mother' | ||
| ō | |||
| ō | PIE *plōrare 'weep', OE flōd 'flood' | ||
| i | PIE *tit/kit 'tickle', Lat. titillate, ME kittle | ||
| i | |||
| e | Lat. ventus, OE wind 'wind', Lat. sedeo, Gmc *sitjan 'sit' |
ѸˤˤơѸƱޥ췲λǤ Old Saxon ¸ߴǤϤʤε#3819. եå粦ˤ륤ɤγò ([2019-10-11-1]) ǿ줿եå粦ζפ˺ݤơJohn Ȥ̾θťͤ亴̳ƤȤϿ롥ޤGenesis B ȤΤűѻˤϡ9 Old Saxon 줿1ޤޤƤ뤳ȤΤƤ롥
Genesis B ˤϡhearra (lord), sima (chain), landscipe (region), heodæg (today) ޤྯ Old Saxon ͳ褹Ȥܤ줬ǧ롥˼ѤʤäȤǤϡѸ˾ΰյϾȤ虜ʤɬפȤФȤñ¿줫ڤȤȯãѸλŪħűѸˤǤ˸ƤȤȤõƤƤ褤 (Crystal 27)
̤ˡѸˤˤơְŪ״طᤤޥ췲μѸ¿ϤʤŪطᤤΤǤС¤θܿ¿äϤǤϤʤ뤬ǤʤȤСʹϡ˥ɥĸ줫μѸϡ#2164. ѸˤǤޤΩʤɥĸ줫μѡ ([2015-03-31-1])#2621. ɥĸαѸؤܳŪ19 ([2016-06-30-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡΤȤƤΩʤʤεϤDZѸ˱ƶͿȤΤϡեޥ줯餤Ͻ줫θŪƶˤĤƤϡ#149. եޥȱѸˡ ([2009-09-23-1])#2645. 줫Ѥ줿ߤΤñ ([2016-07-24-1])#2646. Ѹ˴ؤס ([2016-07-25-1])#3435. ѸˤˤϽ줫αƶϲᾮɾƤ ([2018-09-22-1])#3436. ɤӤȤܿˡ ([2018-09-23-1]) Ȥ줿
Crystal, David. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. 3rd ed. Cambridge: CUP, 2019.
ѸˤˤơѸƱޥ췲λǤ Old Saxon ¸ߴǤϤʤε#3819. եå粦ˤ륤ɤγò ([2019-10-11-1]) ǿ줿եå粦ζפ˺ݤơJohn Ȥ̾θťͤ亴̳ƤȤϿ롥ޤGenesis B ȤΤűѻˤϡ9 Old Saxon 줿1ޤޤƤ뤳ȤΤƤ롥
Genesis B ˤϡhearra (lord), sima (chain), landscipe (region), heodæg (today) ޤྯ Old Saxon ͳ褹Ȥܤ줬ǧ롥˼ѤʤäȤǤϡѸ˾ΰյϾȤ虜ʤɬפȤФȤñ¿줫ڤȤȯãѸλŪħűѸˤǤ˸ƤȤȤõƤƤ褤 (Crystal 27)
̤ˡѸˤˤơְŪ״طᤤޥ췲μѸ¿ϤʤŪطᤤΤǤС¤θܿ¿äϤǤϤʤ뤬ǤʤȤСʹϡ˥ɥĸ줫μѸϡ#2164. ѸˤǤޤΩʤɥĸ줫μѡ ([2015-03-31-1])#2621. ɥĸαѸؤܳŪ19 ([2016-06-30-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡΤȤƤΩʤʤεϤDZѸ˱ƶͿȤΤϡեޥ줯餤Ͻ줫θŪƶˤĤƤϡ#149. եޥȱѸˡ ([2009-09-23-1])#2645. 줫Ѥ줿ߤΤñ ([2016-07-24-1])#2646. Ѹ˴ؤס ([2016-07-25-1])#3435. ѸˤˤϽ줫αƶϲᾮɾƤ ([2018-09-22-1])#3436. ɤӤȤܿˡ ([2018-09-23-1]) Ȥ줿
Crystal, David. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. 3rd ed. Cambridge: CUP, 2019.
ѸʤӥޥˤΦ˥ƥ줫ѤȤñ줬Ĥ뤳Ȥϡ#1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1])#1945. űѸΥƥѤλʬ ([2014-08-24-1]) ʤɤǾҲ𤷤ƤμѸȤ pound, kettle, cheap; street, wine, pit, copper, pin, tile, post (wooden shaft), cup (Durkin 55) ʤɤ㤬뤬Τ pound, kettle, cheap ˤĤ Durkin (72--75) ˾ܤ⤬Τǡ
űѸ pund ϡOld Frisian pund, Old High German phunt, Old Icelandic pund, Old Swedish pund, Gothic pund ʤɤȹޥʸڤ롥˶ͭƤȤǤϡμѤǤ뤳ȤγξڤˤϤʤʤǤΥݥȤϡν˰̣ѲͭƤ뤳ȤĤޤꡤŤñ̤ȤƤΡ֥ݥɡפΰ̣ͭƤ롥ϥƥ lībra pondō (a pound by weight) Ȥͳ褷ΰ̣¸ĤġŪˤ2ǤΤߤäȤˤפˤΤʽ¬꤬פǤ뤳ȤʪѤȤ롥
˸űѸ ċ(i)etel ⥲ޥƱ줬ǧ (ex. Old Saxon ketel, Old High German kezzil, Old Icelandic ketill, Gothic katils) űѸϻҲ첻 i-mutation Ƥ뤳Ȥ顤μѤȤߤƤ褤ƥ catīnus ϡֿפ̣ޥǤϤȯã֤䤫פΰ̣ͭƤ뤳Ȥ⡤μѤ롥Ѹ kettle Ȥ֤ϡċ(i)etel ľƳȤǤʤλˡƬҲ k ĸťΥɸƱ줫αƶäΤ
ƥ caupō (small tradesman, innkeeper) ͳ褹ȤűѸ ċēap (purchase or sale, bargain, business, transaction, market, possessions, livestock) ȤδϢ⡤ФΦμѤȤߤƤ롥ηƻ cheap "good cheap" (good bargain) Ȥû̷Ȥ롥ޥƱϡOld Frisian kāp, Middle Dutch coop, Old Saxon kōp, Old High German chouf, Old Icelandic kaup ʤɡư첽 ċēapian (to buy and sell, to make a bargain, to trade) ċȳpan (to sell) ⥲ޥƱ줬롥ۤ ċȳpa, ċēap (merchant, trader) ϤȤơċēapung, ċȳping (trade, buying and selling, market, market place) ċȳpman, ċȳpeman (merchant, trader) ʤɤ졦ʣ¿ߤĤ롥θˤĤƤϡ#1460. cheap θ츻 ([2013-04-26-1]) ⻲ȡ
Durkin, Philip. Borrowed Words: A History of Loanwords in English. Oxford: OUP, 2014.
Υ衼åѤˤ¯ʸȯãϡ˻Ϥޤä褦ˤߤ롥ƥǤϤʤ¯ (vernacular) ǽ줿ʸؤΤϡեǤ1098ǯΡإβΡ١ɥĸǤ13Ρإˡ٥βΡ٤ȤߥѸǤϤä700ǯȤإ٥ա٤ǽǤ롥
Ūˤ˼˰֤륢ɸˤĤƤϡ¸ǸŤʸ1106ǯΡإʡ̥ɥ٤1160ǯΡإ饰ͥåؽ٤Ȥ뤬ε6ˤޤǤΤܤȤ6Υ顼ե륮ˤ֥७СΡפǤ褯ΤƤ롥Ʊ륺ˤĤƤ⸽¸ǸŤʸ13ʹߤ֥ͥס֥ꥨפʤɤλΤε6ˤΤܤ餷ˤ¯ʸȯãۤᤫäΤϤʤ (213) Τ褦˲⤷Ƥ롥
ϤޤˤʸŪˤȤäƤեμҲؼԥХåˤƤ뤳ȤμʥˤȤӡʤ֥˥硤ɥʥӥܥإߥʤɤǤϡƥ϶ܿͤˤȤäƤ⳰ǤʤλȤʤޤޤǤäҤ줬ͳŪѤʤȤʤǡϸΤȤФѤȤͤޤ졤ƥ˻ȤФǤλѤϤޤäȤ櫓Ǥ롥
äơ衼åѤǤϡμ⳰ǺǽˡŪѤ¯ˤȤФ¯줬ι졦̱²ΤϤäȤǤҥ٥˥ǤϡϻˤϻΤФǤʤǯ嵭ˡŪʸޤǥǽ褦ˤʤäˡŪʸϰ졻ϥƥ줫ǰˤʤäо줹Τǡ٤Ȥλ٤㤤ꥢϥäȤȤطƤ
ǤϥƥθҤŬ٤˼夫äȤפǤ롥ƥȵΥ֤¯λѤ¥ΤǤ롥̤δߤСμҲϡƥ줫ɷ㤳ƥΤޤѤۤɤˤϥƥ줫֤줷ʤäȤθ캹⤢äƸؾΥϥǥƤȤȤǤϤʤ
ơΤ褦ʸؾκǤڤ˾ۤ뤿ˡؽμΥƥ˥å褯ȯãΤħǤ롥#1903. ʬˡ ([2014-07-13-1]) εǡʬϡֳؽԤθɤ߽ưפˤ뤿Ԥ߽ФسؽΥƥ˥åͳ褹פȽҤ٤νγ⤿餷Τϡۤʤ̥ꥹȤ˽ཤƻΤäΤǤ롥
إȤο̮١̼ҡ2007ǯ
ε#3743. Celt λؼоݤŪѲ ([2019-07-27-1]) ³ German ȤλؼоݤˤĤơ
ͤϡ沤̲ˤƵサƤޥϽä̱² Germānī ʥޥ˥͡ˤȸƤǤơбϰ̾ Germany ʥɥġˤϢʤ Germānia ʥޥ˥ˤäŪˤ¾ΤǤꡤΤȤѤ줿ȤϤʤ褦
ѸǤѸ German ޥ˥ͤؤȤƥե𤷤äƤ16ȸ˥ɥĿͤؤ褦ˤʤäˤϡѸǥɥĿͤؤ̾ΤȤƤ Almain Dutch Ūä
German θ츻ˤĤƤϽ⤢롥1ĤϡͤΥޥ˥ͤȸǡٿ͡פȸƤΤǤϤʤȤcf. ťɸ gair ٿ͡ˡˡ⤦1ĤϡƱȸ gairm ʶӡˤͳ褹Ȥ⤢롥Ĥޤ̱פۤɤξΤޤޥǡߤ̱פ̣ *Geramanniz (cf. OHG ger "greedy" + MAN) ƥؼѤ줿ΤȤ⤢롥
θ츻ⲻ夽¾ꡤ̤ܤȤäƤ褤
رѸ츻ŵ٤ˤȡӸؤ̤ˤꡤ1,0002,000ۤɤΰ캬ꤵƤ롥Τ褽ȾѸθäˤȿǤƤȤ뤬˴ܸäȤƼѤƤΤ褦ʻ߷p. 1656åϼѸɽ魯ˡ
| arm, brow, ear, eye, foot, heart, knee, lip, nail, navel, tooth | |
| ² | father, mother, brother, sister, son, daughter, nephew, widow |
| ?????? | beaver, cow, ewe, goat, goose, hare, hart, hound, mouse, sow, wolf; bee, wasp; louse, nit; crane, ern(e), raven, starling; fish, (lax) |
| ???? | alder, ash, asp(en), beech, birch, fir, hazel, tree, withy |
| ʪ | bean, mead, salt, water, (wine) |
| ŷΡ | moon, star, sun; snow |
| one, two, ..., ten, hundred | |
| ̾ | I, me, thou, ye, it, that, who, what |
| ư | be, bear, come, do, eat, know, lie, murmur, ride, seek, sew, sing, stand, weave |
| ƻ | full, light, middle, naked, new, sweet, young |
| ¾ | acre, ax(e), furrow, month, name, night, summer, wheel, word, work, year, yoke |
| bone, hand, toe | |
| ʪʪ | berry, broth, knead, loaf, wheat |
| ưʪ | bear, lamb, sheep, hengest (G Hangst), roe, seal, weasel |
| Ļ | dove, hawk, hen, rave, stork |
| cliff, east, west, north, south, ebb, sail, sea, ship, steer, keel, haven, sound, strand, swim, net, tackle, stem | |
| bow, helm, shield, sword, weapon | |
| ???? | god, ghost, heaven, hell, holy, soul, weird, werewolf |
| bed, bench, hall | |
| Ҳ | atheling, earl, king, knight, lord, lady, knave, wife, borough |
| к | buy, ware, worth |
| ¾ | winter, rain, ground steel, tin |
ε#3593. ˥ȤΤ ([2019-02-27-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡOppenheimer ˤȡΥɡʤȤ櫓ˤ衼åѿͤΰҤѤ͡サƤڵȤˤ衼åѿͤΰҤѤ֥ȷϡ̱餷ԤޥϤθä͡äɤγξڤϤʤβǽǤʤȤΤԤΩ
⤷θ줬Ѹʤ뤤ϾʤȤѸϢʤˤä顤ѸˤϤȤꥲޥ˵Ҥ礭뤳ȤˤʤޤޥɤǤαѸΰ֤Ť⡤ݱʤѹѸεȰ֤Ť˴ؤ Oppenheimer βʹƤߤ뤳Ȥˤ褦 (481--82)
What about the possibility that English was spoken as some form closer to Norse or even a separate Germanic branch in one or both of these two Englands before the Anglo-Saxons arrived? I am sure this will be the most contentious aspect of my argument, but that does not deter me from suggesting it. The various academics I have quoted or cited on this issue are united on one aspect of the oldest recorded English, whether written in runes or Roman script. This is the strong, unexplained Norse influence, both culturally and linguistically, before the Vikings came on the scene. But the evidence against a Dark Ages root of English goes deeper than that. In terms of vocabulary, English is nowhere near any of the West Germanic languages it has traditionally been associated with. It actually roots closer to Scandinavian than to Beowulf, the earliest 'Old English' poem and probably written in the elite court of the Swedish Wuffing dynasty of East Anglia. One study suggests that, on this lexical evidence, English forms a fourth Germanic branch dating 'to before AD 350 and probably after 3600 BC'.
Oppenheimer, Stephen. The Origins of the British. 2006. London: Robinson, 2007.
ε ([2018-07-07-1]) ˰³ƤꡥKastovsky ƤθˤСѸˤϳάŪ root-based morphology ʰĸˢ stem-based morphology ʥޥĸˢ word-based morphology ʸűѸʹߡˤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥
űѸʤɲϴˤƤϿΥפ¸Ƥ뤿ˡ줫1ĤˤäϤȤ櫓ǤϤʤޤǥǡȤƤȤ館٤ѸǤ鶯Ѳưθ촴ؤ stem-based morphology ѸŵŪ sane : sanity, serene : serenity, Japán : Jàpanése ʤɤθ촴ؤƱͤǤ (cf. #3341. ƥեѸϱѸζѥĸصꤵ ([2018-06-20-1]))
Kastovsky (129) ꡤŪեȤĬή˴ؤǻ̩ʸѤ褦
Modern English morphology is the result of a long-range typological restructuring, triggered by phonological changes in connection with the emergence of the Germanic language family, leading to an erosion of unstressed final syllables. As a result, the originally root-based morphology became stem-based and finally word-based. Also morphology was originally characterized by pervasive phonologically conditioned morphophonemic alternations, which gradually became morphologically conditioned, because of phonological changes. This was replaced by a simplified system with base invariancy and phonologically conditioned alternations of inflectional endings as a default case characterizing the regular inflection of nouns, verbs and adjectives. The irregular patterns continue properties of the original system and can be interpreted as stem-based with morphologically conditioned alternations of the base form. This is also true of many non-native word-formation patterns, which have been borrowed from stem-based languages such as French, Latin or Greek and have re-introduced base alternation into English derivational morphology.
¤˻̻ŪӸŪȶŪŪȤ碌פȤǤ⤤٤ѤδäƤΤ
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Linguistic Levels: Morphology." Chapter 9 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 129--47.
#3340. ޥˤưζѲȸƬȤߴط ([2018-06-19-1]) ȡ#3341. ƥեѸϱѸζѥĸصꤵ ([2018-06-20-1]) ǰѡȤ Kastovsky ͤǤϡĸ줫饲ޥĸФƸѸ˻ޤǤΡʳǡ˱Ѹˤˤơ (morphology) ŪѲƤȤĥƤ롥̾ˤŪѲȤС礫ʬϤء (synthesis_to_analysis) ΥեȤפ⤫֤ȤϴϢĤĤΩĬήȤ root-based morphology stem-based morphology word-based morphology ȤŪѲȤ줾ˤĤ Kastovsky (131)
a) word-based morphology: The base form can function as a word (free from) in an utterance without the addition of additional morphological (inflectional or derivational) material, e.g. ModE cat(-s), cheat(-ed), beat(-ing), sleep(-er).
b) stem-based morphology: The base form does not occur as an independent word, but requires additional inflectional and/or derivational morphological material in order to function as a word. It is a bound form (= stem), cf. OE luf- (-ian, -ast, -od-e, etc.), luf-estr-(-e) 'female lover', Grmc. *dag-(-az) 'day, NOM SG', ModE scient-(-ist) vs. science, dramat-(-ic) vs. drama, ast-ro-naut, tele-pathy; thus luf-, luf-estr-, *dag-, dramat-, ast-, -naut, tele-, -pathy are stems.
c) root-based morphology: Here the input to morphological processes is even more abstract and requires additional morphological material to become a stem, to which the genuinely inflectional endings can be added in order to produce a word.
ΤΤ褦ǰƬˡKastovsky (132) root-based morphology ʰĸˢ stem-based morphology ʥޥĸˢ word-based morphology ʸűѸʹߡˤȤˤ䤫ĬήŦƤ롥
The ultimate starting point of English was a root-based morphology (indo-European), which became stem-based in the transition to Germanic. In the transition from Germanic to Old English, inflection became partly word-based, and this eventually became the dominant typological trait of Modern English.
ºݤˤϸűѸǤϤޤ stem-based morphology ǻǡword-based morphology ε̣¿ߤ褦ˤʤäƤʳˤʤ礭ήȤƤȤ館ΤǤ word-based morphology ǽʳȤߤʤȤǤѸˤŤߤ¿ʻǤ롥
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Linguistic Levels: Morphology." Chapter 9 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 129--47.
ޥɤκǤΩäħ1ĤˡѲư¸ߤ롥#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1])#3135. -ed ε ([2017-11-26-1]) ǿ줿褦˻ (dental suffix) դȤǡȤñ˲뤳ȤǤ褦ˤʤä˴ŤδߤȡˤäƸűѸޤॲޥϡ (inflecting languages) æ (agglutinating language) 뤤ϸΩ (isolating language) ؤȰŤȤˤʤ (cf. #522. ˤ ([2010-10-01-1])) ΰ̣ǤϡѲưƳϡ緶ˤСγ̿ŪפäȤ롥von Mengden (287) βʹƤߤ褦
It is remarkable that in a strongly inflecting language like Old English (in contrast to both agglutinating and to analytic), there is a suffix (-d-) which is an unambiguous marker of the tense value past. The fact that this suffix -d- is the only morphological marker in all the paradigms of Old English with a truly distinctive one-to-one relation between form and value may indicate that this morpheme is rather young.
֤ȵǽƩ٤ι⤤11δطˤȤȤϡѸܸΤ褦ʥפθˤƤȡˤʤʤΤΤ褦ʥפǤϤʤäűѸζǰƬ֤ĤIJƹͤƤߤȡΤ˶ˤȤä-d- ̿1ȤϡθϢŪ˳̿ȤͶȯѸŪѤƤȤˤʤäΤǤ롥
von Mengden, Ferdinand. "Old English: Morphology." Chapter 18 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 272--93.
Ѹʹߡƥե줫μѸ줬Ѹä̤˼ޤ줿ȤˤꡤѸζѥ礭ƤȤˤĤơ#718. ѸζѥѸѼ ([2011-04-15-1]) #200. Ȥΰ֤襤 --- ޥϤޥϤ ([2009-11-13-1]) Ǽ夲Ƥ
ƤϡGermanic Stress Rule (gsr) ξ˿ Romance Stress Rule (rsr) դääΤ뤳ȤǤ뤬˹ŪߤȡĸŪʶѥؤβȤߤ뤳ȤǤ롥ĸǤϲѤäζ֤ޥĸǤϸƬ˸경ƥեȤܿˤꡤƤӲѤȤʤäƤȲǤ뤫ơβѤζϡΤδ֤첻μ̤Ѱۤ뤳ȤˤʤäǸθݤϡĸηħŤ첻Ѱ (gradation or ablaut) ˤۤʤʤ
Kastovsky (129--30) ǻ̩ʸϤǤθˤĤƾҲ𤷤Ƥ롥
[T]here are . . . typological innovations like the vowel and/or consonant alternations in sane : sanity, serene : serenity, Japán : Jàpanése, hístory : históric : hìstorícity, eléctric : elètrícity, close : closure resulting from the integration of non-native (Romance, Latin and Net-Latin) word-formation patterns into English with a concomitant variable stress system, which reverses the original typological drift towards a non-alternating relation between bases and derivatives and is reminiscent of Indo-European, where variable stress/accent produced variable vowel quality/quantity (ablaut).
Kastovsky ϡѸηˤŪª٤ȤĥƤ뤬ñʤ붦ŪˤȤɤޤ餺Ȥ⤤٤ʻƤǤ⤢褦˻פ롥
ǿ줿2Ĥζ§ˤĤƤϡ#1473. Germanic Stress Rule ([2013-05-09-1]) ȡ#1474. Romance Stress Rule ([2013-05-10-1]) ȡ
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Linguistic Levels: Morphology." Chapter 9 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 129--47.
#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1]) 6ĤκΩäޥŪħKastovsky (140) ˤȡΤʲ3ĤˤĤƤϡޥĸ줬ȯãǸߤ̩ܤʴطäȤ
(2) ư˸ߤȲ2λ
(3) ư˶Ѳ (strong conjugation) ȼѲ (weak conjugation) 2γѤ
(4) 촴1˶
One major Germanic innovation was a shift from an aspectual to a tense system. This coincided with the shift to initial accent, and both may have been due to language contact, maybe with Finno-Ugric. Initial stress deprived ablaut of its phonological conditioning, and the shift from aspect to tense required a systematic marking of the new preterit tense. From this, two types of exponents emerged. One is connected to the secondary (weak) verbs, which only had present aspect/tense forms. They developed an affixal "dental preterit", together with an affix for the past participle. The source of the latter was the Indo-European participial -to-suffix; the source of the former is not clear . . . . The most popular theory is grammaticalization of a periphrastic construction with do (IE *dhe-), but there are a number of phonological problems with this. The second type was the functionalization of the originally non-functional ablaut alternations to express the new category, i.e. the making use of junk . . . . But this was somewhat unsystematic, because original perfect forms were mixed with aorist forms, resulting in a pattern with over- and under-differentiation. Thus, in class III (helpan : healp : hulpon : geholpen) the preterit is over-differentiated, because the different ablaut forms are non-functional, since the personal endings would be sufficient to signal the necessary distinctions. But in class I (wrītan : wrāt : writon : gewriten), there is under-differentiation, because some preterit forms and the past participle have the same vowel. (140)
Kastovsky ˤСޥĸϡ餯 Finno-Ugric Ȥθܿη̡(a) ĸŪ (aspect) Ż뤹줫 (tense) Ż뤹ؤɤڤꡤ(b) ѥȤŪʸƬȤؤڤؤäȤ˶̤٤褦ˤʤäη֤ϡȤȤϰĸŪʥѰۤ˰¸Ƥ첻Ѱ (gradation or ablaut) ǽŪˡѤƺäΤȡ (dental suffix) դȤΤȤäηȿʣȤؤˤꡤѸưŪʻѲϢʤפΩƤäΤǤ롥츫ȸߤ̵ط˻פ븽ݤ֤εˤƸߤ˴ϢƤȤ1Ĥ
ΰѤǿƤȴϢơ#3135. -ed ε ([2017-11-26-1])#2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1])#2153. Ŭˤ륫ƥȤؤ ([2015-03-20-1])#3331. ĸ줫饲ޥĸؤưʸˡƤκ ([2018-06-10-1]) ⻲ȡ
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Linguistic Levels: Morphology." Chapter 9 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 129--47.
ѸΡԵ§ưפβʬˤϡŵŪ -(e)n 롥written, born, eaten, fallen ǡǤ롥ϡűѸǶѲưȸƤФưβʬͳ褹ΤǤꡤűѸǤ⤽줾 writen, boren, eten, feallen Τ褦ˡ§Ū -en 줿ʡ#2217. űѸ춯ѲưΤޤȤ ([2015-05-23-1]) ˼ѥȡˡ
űѸζѲư ablaut 뤤 gradation ȸƤФ첻Ǥϡߡ12ʬ4̤졤碌ưΡ4 (four principal parts) ȸƤФ롥4ܤβʬγʤΤűѸ줫餵̤СϤȤȤư줽ΤΤ°볬ǤϤʤäषư줫Ωƻͳ褹餷ޥĸǤ *ROOT - - n- ƷƤꡤĸǤ * ROOT- o - nó- ƷƤ롥ķ˴ޤޤɡ n ѸˤޤǻĤʬ -(e)n εȹͤƤ롥
θϡ촴β֤ˤ⾯ƶͿƤ롥äդ٤ϡĸķǤ϶ n θ³ȤϡޥǤ Verner's Law ͳƸ촴λҲѲȤͽۤ롥ʤߤˡѲ V, VI, VII ˤĤơʬθ촴첻γˤ긽߷ƱˤʤäƤ뤳Ȥˤդ (ex. tredan (pres.)/treden (pp.), faran (pres.)/faren (pp.), healdan (pres.)/healden (pp.))
ʾ塤Lass (161--62) Ȥ-en ˤĤƤϡϢơ#1916. ˡȽˡǰۤʤ֤ķƻ ([2014-07-26-1]) ⻲ȡ
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
Lass (151--53) ˤȡSanskrit ŵŪưˤϡ;ΡΥƥ˱126롥ޥΤʤǺǤʣʶޤ Gothic Ǥϡ22ζ롥ޥΤʤǤ⤪褽ŵŪȤäƤ褤űѸϡ8ĤζʤѸǤϺǤ3Ĥλ¤ϡŪФ뤴ȤˡޤμबäƤƤΤǤ롥
ĸǤϡ̤ƤʸˡƥȤ̣ϰʲ̤ꡥ
(voice) ǽư (active) ư (middle)
ˡ (mood) ľˡ (indicative) ³ˡ (subjunctive)ˡ (optative) ̿ˡ (imperative)
ꡦ (aspect/tense) (present) ̵ (aorist) λ (perfect)
(number) ñ (singular) ξ (dual) ʣ (plural)
; (person) 1; (first) 2; (second) 3; (third)
ΥƥˤĤơĸ줫饲ޥĸؤκͻҤάҤ褦
֤ΥƥˤĤƤϡĸǽư vs ư֤ζ̤ϡޥĸǤϡǽư֡ vs ʼư֤ȺƵ֡ˤȤǤ⤤٤̤˺줿
ˡΥƥ˴ؤƤϡĸ4Ĥζʬϡ̡ޥɤǤϡľˡ³ˡ̿ˡ3ʬ뤤Ϥͻ礬ʤߡűѸǤľˡ³ˡ2ʬؤȺ줿
ĸλΥƥϡŪˤ˴ŤΤȹͤƤ롥Ϥ褦ȤưĸΡִλפޥĸˤֲפ˺줿褦̤ȤơޥĸǤϡοֲפȡߤޤפȤΡ˴Ť2ʬˡΩ롥
ΥƥϡűѸǤξ;̾ˤ鷺˻¸ƤΤΡŪˤСñʣ2ʬ˺줿κˤĤƤϡ#2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1])#2153. Ŭˤ륫ƥȤؤ ([2015-03-20-1]) Ȥ줿
Ǹˡ;ΤΥƥˤĤƤϡѸΡ3ñ -sפˤħ褦ˡ褽3ʬˡޤǼѤƤ롥
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ޥĸ줬3̡Υ롼פʬƤݤˡ줾ȼθѲ̤ȤơƱδ֤ˡбط뤳ȤˤʤäAlgeo and Pyles (82--83) ˤäơפѲбط6褦
(1) ޥĸǤϤĤ̾μñ *-az ǽäƤ (ex. *wulfaz ϵ) θޥ췲Ǥϼ (Old English wulf)̥ޥ췲Ǥ -r Ȥʤ (Old Icelandic ulfr)쥲ޥ췲Ǥ -s Ȥʤä (Gothic wolfs)
(2) ޥĸǤư23ñ줾̤Ƥ쥲ޥ췲Ǥ϶̤³OE Ǥ bindest (you bind), bindeþ (he/she/it binds) ȤʤꡤGo Ǥ bindis, bindiþ Τɤḁ̈ޥ췲Ǥ2ñ -r 3ñݤ߹ߡȤ bindr Ȥʤä
(3) ̥ޥ췲Ǥ괧줬̾˸³褦ˤʤä (ex. ulfrinn (the wolf)) 쥲ޥǤϤΤ褦Ѳϵʤä
(4) Verner's Law νϤȤƤ *z ϡ̥ޥ췲Ǥ r Ȥʤä (= rhotacism) 쥲ޥ췲Ǥ s ȤʤäȤơOE ēare (ear), OIc eyra, Go auso
(5) ̥ޥ췲Ǥ i-mutation ơ㤨 OE mann (man) ФƤʣ menn (men) ȤʤäGo Ǥñ mannan Фʣ mannans Ȥʤ첻ѲȿǤƤʤ
(6) ޥ췲Ǥ Verner's Law νϤȤƤ *ð d Ȥʤä̡쥲ޥ췲ǤˤȤɤޤäȤơOE fæder (father) ФơOIc faðir, Go faðar ʤֻ fadarˡ
Algeo, John, and Thomas Pyles. The Origins and Development of the English Language. 5th ed. Thomson Wadsworth, 2005.
Ѹ첻ˤǤϴȤơűѸ West-Saxon ˤ <æ> ֤Ĺ첻ϡε˱2˶̤롥줾Ū ǣ1 ǣ2 ȤƸڤ뤳Ȥ¿ʤʤȤ˸ԤˤäƤ 1 2 źžڤߤˡ2ϡѸʹߤˤˤƤˤäƤФж̤뤳Ȥ顤ƱѤʤɡѸ˸塤פôäƤ롥
(75--76) ˤСޥӸؾ塤ǣ1 ǣ2 εϰۤʤäƤ롥ǣ1 ޥʳǤ *[aː]- ɡ֤ West-Saxon ˤ岽Τǡnon-West-Saxon ǤϤ˾夲Ф [eː] Ȥʤä (ex. dǣd "deed", lǣtan "let", þǣr "there") ǣ2 ޥ *[aɪ] űѸޤǤ [ɑː] ѲΤ i-mutation ФϤǤ (ex. lǣran "teach", dǣlan "deal") ϡWest-Saxon Τߤʤ餺 Anglian Ǥݤ줿Kentish ǤϾ夲ˤ [eː] Ȥʤääơǣ1 ǣ2 βδطϡWest-Saxon Ǥ [æː] : [æː]Anglian Ǥ [eː] : [æː]Kentish Ǥ [eː] : [eː] Ȥʤ롥ޤȤСʲ̤ꡥ
PGmc aː > OE WS æː NWS æː > eː WGmc aɪ > OE ɑː > (i-mutation) WS, Angl æː K æː > eː
סزˡ١Ѹ11罤۽Ź1985ǯ
Ѹˤưβʬ˷ -ed "dental suffix" ȤƤФ졤ղäϥޥͭηֲǤʡ#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1]) ȡˡˤäƥޥϡ촴첻ѲƲ췿ζѲưԵ§Ѳưˤȡ dental suffix ղäѲưʵ§ѲưˤȤ2ʬ뤳ȤˤʤäԤϡֵ§Ūפʤ˸¿ưعäƤѸưˤ礭ʱƶڤܤƤʡ#178. ưε§Ѳά ([2009-10-22-1])#764. ѸưѤ3Ĥʬˡ ([2011-05-31-1]) ȡˡ
Ѹ -ed Υޥˤ뵯ˤĤƤϽ⤢ꡤ夬ĤƤʤͭϤˤȡư do ƱǤϤʤȤdo ΤưṲ̄ȤȤǧˤ衤ʬˤΰ̣ɤФƤΤϼǤϤʤƱˤȡޥˤ do 촴Τʣ (reduplication) ȤŤֲäƤˡƱҲ2ٸ *dēd- ʤɤη֤Ȥʤä䤬첻üλҲ蘆äƽŻҲȤʤäæŻҲơɤΤȤ *d- ˼ޤäĤޤꡤ-ed λҲϡdo θ촴ҲбƱˡ줬Τ˽ʣƱҲˤб뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
Ǥϡϲ餫ʸˤٻΤȸ˾嵭ηֲ碌㤬ĤȤLass (164)
The origin of the weak preterite is a perennial source of controversy. The main problem is that it is a uniquely Germanic invention, which is difficult to connect firmly with any single IE antecedent. Observing the old dictum ex nihilo nihil fit (nothing is made out of nothing), scholars have proposed numerous sources, none of which is without its difficulties. The main problem is that there are at least three consonantisms: /d/ (Go nasida 'I saved', inf. nasjan), /t/ (Go baúhta 'I bought', inf. bugjan), and /s/ (Go wissa 'I knew', inf *witan).
But even given this complexity, the most likely primary source seems to be compounding of an original verbal noun of some sort with the verb */dhe:-/ 'put, place, do' (OHG tuon, OE dōn, OCS dějati 'do', Skr dádhati 'he places', L fēci 'I made, did').
This leads to a useful analysis of a Gothic pret 3 ppl like nasidēdun 'they saved':
(7.18) nas - i -dē - d - un
SAVE-theme-reduplication-DO-3 pl
I.e. a verbal root followed by a thematic connective followed by the reduplicated perfect plural of 'do'. This gives a periphrastic construction with a sense like 'did V-ing'; with, significantly, Object-Verb order . . ., i.e. (7.18) has the form of an OV clause 'NP-pl sav(ing) did'. An extended form also existed, in which a nominalizing suffix */-ti/ or */-tu/ was intercalated between the root and the 'do' form, e.g. in Go faúrhtidēdun 'they feared', which can be analysed as {faúrh-ti-dē-d-un}. This suffix was in many cases later weakened; first the vowel dropped, so that */-ti-d-/ > */-td-/; this led to assimilation */-tt-/, and then eventual reinterpretation of the /t/-initial portion as a suffix itself, and loss of the 'do' part from verbs of this type . . . . The problematic /s(s)/ forms may go back to a different (earlier) development also involving */-ti/, in which the sequence */tt/ > /s(s)/ . . . but this is not clear.
פˡ-ed ղäθϼ̤ޤư촴̾첽ܤư̾Τ褦ʤΤ롥ľˡdo β did Τ褦ʤΤ֤ơΤȤơ֡ưˤưԤʤäפȤ롥Τ褦ˤȤȤOVαŪ칽¤ȤƻϤޤä䤬ΤĤŤޤäʣΤ褦ʤΤȤƤȤ館褦ˤʤꡤŪʲؤȰܹԤʳ˻äơ-ed ʬϡŪǤȤʤ«ǤȲᤵ줿ʸˡ (grammaticalisation) ȤߤƤ褤
ΰѤ Lass Go wissa ˸ڤȤȤˡǸ /s(s)/ ˸ڤǤ뤬бűѸˤư wāt βȤ wiste/wisse ꡤŪꤲƤ롥ˤĤƤϡ#2231. ưβ˸ -st- ([2015-06-06-1]) Ȥ줿
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
ε#3126. ̾ ([2017-11-17-1]) ǡĸδܸ礬 SOV äǽ˸ڤˤĤƤǮϤΤΡLass (218) ƱΤäƤ롥Lass ϡĸΤߤʤ餺ޥĸˤƤ⡤SOV δܸ礬¸³ƤȹͤƤ롥
It seems likely that PIE was basically SOV, though the daughter languages show a wide variety of orders, including SVO and VSO (the later (sic) particularly in Celtic). PGmc is usually taken as continuing this order, though there is of course considerable debate. As I remarked earlier, we can't reconstruct syntax by strict comparative method the way we do phonology or morphology; but in the case of Old English we do have at least fragments of an ancestor: the NWGmc runic corpus (third to seventh centuries AD). This corpus is small and often obscure; there are not that many inscriptions, and some are damaged, partly illegible, or uninterpretable. But it is a precious resource: it brings us as close as we can get to the foundations of Germanic, and contains the earliest pieces of Germanic syntax we have. (The oldest inscriptions predate the Gothic text corpus by some three centuries.) It is, despite its small size, rich enough to suggest reasonable ancestors for some major OE construction types, and gives us some material for constructing a syntactic history of the murky period between the two traditions. (218)
Lass Ϥθ "NWGmc runic corpus" S, V, O ͡ʸȤ߹碌ǼƤNWGmc ǤϡSOV Ȥʤ⡤¾夢Ȥ߹碌褦
Lass ϼˡ8κǽθűѸƥȤĴNWGmc Ʊͤˤۤܤ礬뤳Ȥǧ롥ʳˤܤ٤ϡ礿礬 SOV SVO ؤȰܹԤƤ˸Ƥ뤳Ȥä˼ˤƤηǤ롥°ˤƤ SOV 褯ݤƤ롥μȽ°κϡΥɥĸ䥪θ絬§ʤȤ뤬Ȥ PGmc λ夫Ѥ줿ħǤϤʤȯãǤȤߤʤ٤Ǥ롥ˤ衤9ȾޤǤˤϸűѸμδܸ SOV SVO ؤɤڤäƤ (Lass 224)
PIE NWGmc ˻ꡤOE Ф ModE ˻ޤǤΡS, V, O θˤĤơޤƤ
| PIE -- NWGmc | ᡦ°Ȥ˴ܸ SOV¾θ⤢ |
| C8 OE | δܸ SOV SVO ؽ˰ܹԤ¾θ⤢ |
| C9 OE | δܸ SOV SVO ذܹԤ°δܸϤޤ SOV¾θ⤢ |
| Late OE | °Ǥܸ SVO ذܹԤ¾θ⤢ |
| ME | ᡦ°Ȥ˴ܸ SVO ذܹԤ¾θϾʤʤäƤ |
| ModE | ᡦ°Ȥ˴ܸ SVO ش˰ܹԤ¾θϻ¾ʤʤä |
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