դǡѸϢָܴѸѸˤλͤ8ε֤ʤ֥ˡ§פѸ˾פʤΤޤˡ§ (grimms_law) ˤĤơܥ֥Ǥ֤ⷫ夲ƤޤϢܵǤϽ鿴Ԥˤʤ٤狼䤹ˡ§βѲμ˱ѸؽΩĤ⤷ޤ
Ϣܵɤˡ#103. ˡ§Ȥϲ ([2009-08-08-1]) ӡ#102. hundred ˡ§ ([2009-08-07-1]) ɤǤȡˤʤȻפޤ
ϢܵǤϡˡ§Ρ֤ʤפˤĤƤϡ⤤ῨƤޤؿϲؤ˸ؤδ#650. ˥ȥˡ§ ([2011-02-06-1]) #794. ˡ§Ȼη֡ ([2011-06-30-1])#1121. Grimm's Law Ϥʤ ([2012-05-22-1]) Ȥ
ˡ§䴰ͥˡ§ (verners_law) ˤĤƤϡ#104. hundred ͥˡ§ ([2009-08-09-1])#480. father ͥˡ§ ([2010-08-20-1])#858. Verner's Law ȻҲͭ ([2011-09-02-1]) ޤξˡ§碌ơ1ޥҲܡ (First Germanic Consonant Shift) ȸƤ֤ȤϢܵǿޤǤϡ2ޥҲܡפΤȵˤʤϡ#405. Second Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) ȡ#416. Second Germanic Consonant Shift Ϥʤä ([2010-06-17-1]) ΤɤߤѸȥɥĸλҲбˤĤƶ뤳ȤǤޤ
#2942. ޥβѲ ([2017-05-17-1]) ˰³Hamer (15) ꡤɸλ˴ط2ĤβѲҲ𤹤롥
| Sound change | Description | Examples |
|---|---|---|
| D | The diphthongs all developed as follows: ai > ā, au > ēa (ēa = ǣa), eu > ēo, iu > īo. (This development of eu and iu was in fact very much later, but it is placed here in the interests of simplification.) | |
| E | a > æ unless it came before a nasal consonant. | dæg, glæd, but land/lond. |
The effects can be seen in comparing say OE dæg, OFr deg with Go dags, OIc dagr, OHG tag. (The original [æ] was later raised in Frisian.)
In outline, AFB turns low back */α/ to [æ], except before nasals (hence OE, OHG mann but dæg vs. tag. It is usually accepted that at some point before AFB (which probably dates from around the early fifth century), */α/ > [α̃] before nasals, and the nasalized vowel blocked AFB.
AFB ϸűѸ̾ޤʤɤˤʰ۷֤벻ѲȤƽפʤΤǡűѸؽԤϵαƤ
Hamer, R. F. S. Old English Sound Changes for Beginners. Oxford: Blackwell, 1967.
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
#1511. űѸ sc θ ([2013-06-16-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡޥ [sk] ϸűѸ˸ȻФ [ʃ] ؤѲԤϡűѸǤ scip (ship) Τ褦 <sc> ȤŻ (digraph) ֤줿#2049. <sh> Ȥΰֻˡ ([2014-12-06-1]) ȤꡤѸˤϿŻ <sh> ֤褦ˤʤä
ޥƱˤƤ [sk] ݤäƤ뤳Ȥ¿Τǡ餬Ѹ˼ѤȡѸȤȤŸ (doublet) 뤳Ȥˤʤ롥Ѹ shirt ȸťΥɸ줫 skirt δط褯ΤƤ뤬ɸ˵ ship, skiff, skip(per) Τ褦ʻŸȤ⤤٤ط鸫Ĥ뤳ȤǤ롥
פ̣Źϥɥĸñ scifɥĸǤ Schiff Ǥ롥Ҳ [f] ϡ2ޥҲ (sgcs) η̤Źϥɥĸ sciff ϸťꥢ schifo ȤƼѤ졤˸ťե esquif ФѸ skif Ȥƾ̣Ȥä줬Ѹ skiff Ǥ롥ե equip ˤϢ
Ƭ [sk] ݤä楪 schip ղä skipper ϡḶ́ȤѸꡤߤ˻롥θʬṳ̂졤ɤ skip ȤʤΤǡǤߤȤ˻Ÿ줬Ǥ롥skipper ˤĤƤϡ#2645. 줫Ѥ줿ߤΤñ ([2016-07-24-1]) ⻲ȡ
ʤ캬ϥꥷ skaptein ʤȴˤȶ̤Ƥꡤڤ̤ƺäΥˤĤʤ롥
ѸβˤؤܤȤȡűѸ鸽Ѹˤơޤ¿βѲäƤΤܤ饯餹ۤɤܥ֥Ǥ⡤ޤǸġˤ¿βѲäƤηŪ˼פʤΤǤ⾯ƤѤƤФȻפäƤ롥
ϡHamer (14--15) θűѸ첻ѲꡤűѸΩĥޥ3ܤ٤첻ѲҲ𤹤롥
| Sound change | Description | Examples |
|---|---|---|
| A | u > o unless followed by a nasal consonant, or by u or i/j in the following syllable. (By this is meant if the vowel element of the following syllable consisted of any u sound, or of any i sound or of any combination beginning with j.) | bunden, holpen are both OE p.p. of Class III Strong Verbs, the u of bunden having been retained, because of the following n. god, gyden = 'god', goddess. gyden had earlier had i instead of e in its ending, and this i first caused the u to survive, then later caused it to change to y by i-mutation (see I below). Thus both the o and y in these forms derive from Gmc. u. |
| B | e > i if followed by a nasal consonant, or by i/j in the following syllable. | bindan, helpan are both OE infin. of Class III Strong Verbs. helpan has 3 sg. pres indic. hilpþ < Gmc. *hilpiþi. |
| C | eu > iu before i/j in the following syllable. |
#2239. ťޥʬ ([2015-06-14-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡޥ췲ʬˤϵ¿Ūˤ Ingvaeonic, Istvaeonic, Erminonic 3ʬʤƤߤ⤢ѤƤѸ Ingvaeonic 餤
ŪʬˤĤơLass (15) ηŪ˺ƸƤޤκ¦ǯϡƥȾξڵʤɤ˴ŤƤϤΤΡޤǶŪʤΤˤʤȤա
* Proto-WGmn
AD
100 'Ingvaeonic' 'Istvaeonic 'Erminonic'
200
300 'Angl-Fr'
400
500
600 OHG
700 OE OS
800 OLF
900
1000 ME MLG MDu MHG OYi
1100
1200 OFri
1300
1400
1500
1600
1700 ModE Fri LG Du Afr G Yi
1800
1900
Ѹˤϡ˸ƬλҲ碌ĴҤФƬ (alliteration) 롥ܥ֥Ǥϡ#943. Ƭˤ ([2011-11-26-1]) Ϥᡤalliteration γƵǡ˸Ѹ˻ĤƬθݤäƤ
ѸˤǡƬפȤСʤˤűѻˤ뱤Χ§ȤƤƬפФ롥ƬϡűѸΤߤʤ餺ťɸ졤ť졤ŹϥɥĸʤɥޥαʸħŤ뱤ΧμʤǤꡤƥ졦ޥεӱ (rhyme) ȺΩäʤƥޥŪʤαΧʤˤĤơűѻˤƤ˻Ѥ줿Baker (124--26) ˵äƳ⤷
űѻ1 (line) 2ĤȾ (verse) ʤäƤꡤȾԤ on-verse (or a-verse)ȾԤ off-verse (or b-verse) ȸƤ֡δ֤ˤιԴֵٻ (caesura) ޤäƤꡤΰǤĹζɽ蘆ΤǤ롥ȾԤˤ2Ĥζʤ줾 lift ȸƤ֡ˤޤޤƤꡤμϤˤϼ岻 (drop) ֤롥Τ褦˹Ԥˤơon-verse 2Ĥ lifts 뤤ξθƬȡoff-verse κǽ lift θƬϡƱΤȤʤ롥줬űѻƬǤ롥
ƬδܤϸƬҲˤΤºݤˤϸƬ첻ˤΤ⤢롥첻ˤƬǤ첻βʤΤǡ㤨 e i ǤⲡǤ롥ޤҲˤƬˤĤƤϡsc, sp, st λҲ˸¤äơλҲȤȲʤФʤ餺㤨 stān sāriġ ϲǤʤ (see #2080. /sp/, /st/, /sk/ Ҳð ([2015-01-06-1])) g ġc ċ ϲۤʤ졤̾ߤ˱ƧळȤǤ롥
ƬԤ֤ѥˤϡĤΥꥨ롥ܤϰʲ3Ǥ롥
xa|ay: þæt biþ in eorle indryhten þēaw
ax|ay: þæt hē his ferðlocan fæste binde.
aa|ax: ne se hrēo hyġe helpe ġefremman
ʲΤ褦 ab|ab η (transverse alliteration) ab|ba η (crossed alliteration) ⸫뤬̤˽ŪʶäƤȹͤ롥
ab|ab: Þær æt hȳðe stōd hringedestefna
ab|ba: brūnfāgne helm, hringde byrnan
űѸƬλԤϡ嵭ι¤ܤȤơξ͡ʺ§˱äƹƤ롥Ϣơ#1897. "futhorc" acrostic ([2014-07-07-1])#1560. Chaucer ˤƬ ([2013-08-04-1]) ⻲ȡ
Baker, Peter S. Introduction to Old English. 3rd ed. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012.
Ѹˤ礭Ĭή1Ĥˡɸθݤ롥ĬήϡޥĸΤ鸽ѸˤĹ³Ƥ뷹Ǥꡤdrift ήˤȤƾΤ뤳Ȥ⤢뤬Ȥ櫓ʹԤΤϸűѸ줫ѸˤƤλǤ롥Baugh and Cable (154--55) βüŪƤս
Decay of Inflectional Endings. The changes in English grammar may be described as a general reduction of inflections. Endings of the noun and adjective marking distinctions of number and case and often of gender were so altered in pronunciation as to lose their distinctive form and hence their usefulness. To some extent, the same thing is true of the verb. This leveling of inflectional endings was due partly to phonetic changes, partly to the operation of analogy. The phonetic changes were simple but far-reaching. The earliest seems to have been the change of final -m to -n wherever it occurred---that is, in the dative plural of nouns and adjectives and in the dative singular (masculine and neuter) of adjectives when inflected according to the strong declension. Thus mūðum (to the mouths) > mūðun, gōdum > gōdun. This -n, along with the -n of the other inflectional endings, was then dropped (*mūðu, *gōdu). At the same time, the vowels a, o, u, e in inflectional endings were obscured to a sound, the so-called "indeterminate vowel," which came to be written e (less often i, y, u, depending on place and date). As a result, a number of originally distinct endings such as -a, -u, -e, -an, -um were reduced generally to a uniform -e, and such grammatical distinctions as they formerly expressed were no longer conveyed. Traces of these changes have been found in Old English manuscripts as early as the tenth century. By the end of the twelfth century they seem to have been generally carried out. The leveling is somewhat obscured in the written language by the tendency of scribes to preserve the traditional spelling, and in some places the final n was retained even in the spoken language, especially as a sign of the plural.
ѸʸˡηϤ¿ʱƶͿǤꡤαѸ˾ȵڸ̤ȥ꤬ʤۤɤָ캬פȯʡ#655. ޤο캬ξ ([2011-02-11-1])ˡ礫ʬϤؤĬή (synthesis_to_analysis)ƻޤξü (ilame) -e (final_e) ʤɡѸ˾¿طʤˡֶοפؤäƤ롥θݤθ̤ǫСDZѸ̻ˤٵҤȤˤʤΤǤϤʤȤ롥
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.
űѸηƻζѲѲζ̤ˤĤƤϡޥɤθħȤơ#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1])#785. ޥ٤¬뤿10ܡ ([2011-06-21-1])#687. ޥɤηƻζѲȼѲ ([2011-03-15-1]) Ǽ夲ѸˤޤοˤĤƤ ilame γƵˤ
ѲȼѲζ̤ϸűѸǤ̾ˤߤ줿Ѳƻζޤ̾ΤȷŪˤ褽ʿԤƤȤäƤ褤㴳κۤ롥Ȥ˷ƻζѲޤǤϡб̾ζѲޤȰۤʤ꤫˸롥Ūˤϡΰ㤤Τսˤ̾ǤϤʤ;̾ (personal_pronoun) ζǤ롥ĤޤꡤűѸηƻ춯Ѳޤϡ̾ޤ̾ޤ礷褦ʤΤȤʤäƤ롥ηаޤˤĤơHogg and Fulk (146) ˼褦
As in other Gmc languages, adjectives in OE have a double declension which is syntactically determined. When an adjective occurs attributively within a noun phrase which is made definite by the presence of a demonstrative, possessive pronoun or possessive noun, then it follows one set of declensional patterns, but when an adjective is in any other noun phrase or occurs predicatively, it follows a different set of patterns . . . . The set of patterns assumed by an adjective in a definite context broadly follows the set of inflexions for the n-stem nouns, whilst the set of patterns taken in other indefinite contexts broadly follows the set of inflexions for a- and ō-stem nouns. For this reason, when adjectives take the first set of inflexions they are traditionally called weak adjectives, and when they take the second set of inflexions they are traditionally called strong adjectives. Such practice, although practically universal, has less to recommend it than may seem to be the case, both historically and synchronically. Historically, . . . some adjectival inflexions derive from pronominal rather than nominal forms; synchronically, the adjectives underwent restructuring at an even swifter pace than the nouns, so that the terminology 'strong' or 'vocalic' versus 'weak' or 'consonantal' becomes misleading. For this reason the two declensions of the adjective are here called 'indefinite' and 'definite' . . . .
Ū˶ѲޤΤɤŪ̾ŪǤϤʤ̾ŪȤȡacc.sg.masc (-ne), dat.sg.masc.neut. (-um), gen.dat.sg.fem (-re), nom.acc.pl.masc. (-e), gen.pl. for all genders (-ra) Ǥ (Hogg and Fulk 150)
ѲѲȤ֤˴ŤޥӸؤŪʶʬѸϡűѸηƻˤĤƤϲȤͭѸʹߤˤϤۤȤ̵̣ȤʤäƤΤǤꡤ̻ŪˤϤӤ졦̣Ūʵǽܤ (definiteness) (definiteness) Ȥ̤Τۤ⤷ʤ
Hogg, Richard M. and R. D. Fulk. A Grammar of Old English. Vol. 2. Morphology. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
#2286. űѸ hundseofontig (seventy), hundeahtatig (eighty), etc. ([2015-07-31-1]) ǡ70120ޤǤ10ܿɽˤĤơűѸǤ hund- (hundred) ƬղäȤȤطʤˤϡΥޥŪ12ˡȡꥹȶȤȤˤ⤿餵줿ȹͤ10ˡȤξͤȤ𤬤äΤǤϤʤȤ뤬ʤͤꡤξͤޥοηϤˤɤΤ褦ʷ̤ڤܤΤˤĤơŪʤȤ狼ʤ
⤦ܤĴƤߤ褦Ω夬꤫ȤǡˤĤƤʤԸ桤뤤ϾʤȤⲿ餫θڤ뤳ȤΤä줢뤤ϥޥӸؤΩ줫ͤ¿褦ʲϼȤ Hogg and Fulk (189) ˵Ƥʸ¾ΤΤޤƤ롥
Bosworth, Joseph, T. Northcote Toller and Alistair Campbell, eds. An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. Vol. 2: Supplement by T. N. Toller; Vol. 3: Enlarged Addenda and Corrigenda by A. Campbell to the Supplement by T. N. Toller. Oxford: OUP, 1882--98, 1908--21, 1972. (sv hund-)
Hogg, Richard M. and R. D. Fulk. A Grammar of Old English. Vol. 2. Morphology. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.
Lühr, R. "Die Dekaden '70--120' im Germanischen." Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 36 (1977). 59--71.
Mengden, F. von. "How Myths Persist: Jacob Grimm, the Long Hundred and Duodecimal Counting." Englische Sprachwissenschaft und Mediävistik: Standpunkte, Perspectiven, neue Wege. Ed. G. Knappe. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2005. 201--21.
Mengden, F. von. "The Peculiarities of the Old English Numeral System." Medieval English and Its Heritage: Structure, Meaning and Mechanisms of Change. Ed. N. Ritt, H. Schendl, C. Dalton-Puffer, and D. Kastovsky. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2006. 125--45.
Mengden, F. von. 2010. Cardinal Numbers: Old English from a Cross-Linguistic Perspective. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. (see pp. 87--94.)
Nielsen, H. F. "The Old English and Germanic Decades." Nordic Conference for English Studies 4. Ed. G. Caie. 2 vols. Copenhagen: Department of English, University of Copenhagen, I, 1990. 105--17.
Voyles, Joseph B. Early Germanic Grammar: Pre-, Proto-, and Post-Germanic Languages. Bingley: Emerald, 2008. (see pp. 245--47.)
Nielsen ʸϡˤ褯ޤȤƤ褦ǤꡤӸؤ Szemerényi Studies in the Indo-European Systems of Numerals (1960) Ǿ˲ŪʸƤȤ
ǤʸʤäΤǡϽˤȤɤƤ
Ѹˤӥޥˤˤơ̾ưžˡϤäޤܼź (affixation) ˤ¾ʻˡäűѸǤС̾ lufu (love) ưդ lufian (to love) Ȥ륿פǤ롥Ѹˤ light (n.) lighten (v.) Τ褦ʥڥ졤٤̤Ȥơˡ켫Τϳǧ (cf. #1877. ưƬ en- -en ([2014-06-17-1]))
ˡΤ褦źä줿ܼŪ˼岽ĤˤϾüƤޤäΤ롥ϡŪˤߤСʻž (conversion) 뤤ϥ (zero-derivation) ȸƤФΤǤ롥Ѹʹߤ love 1Ǥꡤ̾ưϷֲޤä̤ʤ
ˡźä줿ܼŪפȤǤϥƱܼκפ촴ΰ˴Τ褦˻ĤäƤȤ롥ŵŪʥפ1Ĥϡhouse /haʊs/ (n.) vs house /haʊz/ (v.) Τ褦˸촴Ҳ̵ͭΤǤ롥촴첻Ĺûääơbreath /brɛθ/ (n.) vs breathe /briːð/ (v.) Τ褦ΩΤ⾯ʤʤ (cf. #2223. ФˤҲ̵ͭ ([2015-05-29-1]), #979. Ѹֻ <e> ([2012-01-01-1]))
֤ĤƤܼκספΤ⤦1ĤŵŪʥפϡi-mutation Ǥ롥i-mutation Ȥϡܼ i/j ʤɤ첻ǤȤˡԤ촴첻Ĥꤢ뤤Ϲ⤤֤شŪʲǤ (cf. #157. foot ʣϤʤ feet ([2009-10-01-1])) ܼ˾üƤޤȡ꤬ϸ촴첻ѰۤΤߤȤȤˤʤ롥food (n.) vs feed (v.), tooth (n.) vs teethe (v.) ʤɤ
ʥˤ̾ưβ֤ܴۤ˰פǤ⡤¿ξˡ֤Ѱۤˤʻ줬̤Τ롥diatone γƵǰäƤ̾ưפǤꡤrécord (n.) vs recórd (v.), íncrease (n.) vs incréase (v.) ʤɿ¿¸ߤ (cf. #804. ̾ưñ ([2011-07-10-1]))
ǸƤ褦ˡѸˤӥޥˤˤơܼž촴Ҳ̵ͭΩi-mutation̾ưϡ줾Ūˤ϶̤븽ݤǽŪˤߤʻžȤ̤ͭƤȤ롥ŪˤϴϢΤʤ褦ˤߤ i-mutation ȥ̾ư夬˾塤䴰Ū˵ǽƤȤȤ϶̣˴Ūʰ̴طǤϤűѸ i-mutation षȤȡѸǥ̾ư夬иŪȤʤäȤȤϥƤΤ
ʾƶͿƤ줿ΤϡBiese (250--51) Ǥ롥ʲ˰ѤƤ
[W]e must mention another feature in the development of English sound-changes that was to become important to the process of conversion. In Old English there existed a great number of denominative verbs derived from the corresponding nouns by a suffix causing an i-umlaut, i.e. word-pairs of the following character were very common: scrȳdan?scrūd, hiertan?heorte, rȳman?rūm.
We may regard this differentiation of nouns and verbs in OE. as a phenomenon on the same lines as the stress-distinction . . . . Now, while in the other Germanic languages the umlaut remained a living featuring principle in the field of word-formation, it soon ceased to be an integral principle of English word-formation. Even in early Middle English the umlaut as a living feature of the language, e.g. as used in forming denominatives from new substantives, had disappeared. Moreover, during the development of English a lot of levelling took place in word-pairs that had originally been distinguished by umlaut. In other cases one of the two words, the subst. or adjective on the other hand or the verb on the other, became obsolete. This feature in the development of the structure of the English language was necessarily very favourable to the spread of the process of forming new words by the method of direct conversion.
Biese, Y. M. Origin and Development of conversions in English. Helsinki: Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, B XLV, 1941.
ɽ3ϡ -en Ȥؾ (diminutive) λؾϡޥĸ *-īnam (neut.) ̤롥äơűѸʸڤ cicen mægden ̾Ǥ롥
chicken β֤ȯãϴˤ餫ˤƤʤޥĸ *kiukīno ̤Ȥ롥촴 *kiuk- ϡ*kuk- 첻αƶ i-mutation ФΤǡθ캬 cock űѸǤ cicen ʤɤȤʸڤ (cf. Du. kuiken, G Küken, ON kjúklingr) æ chike (> PDE chick) ϡ֤Ҥ褳Ҥʡפΰ̣ǡѸ˽Ф롥
kitten ϡťե chitoun, cheton (cf. ե chaton) ΥΥޥ *kitoun, *ketun Ѹ˼ѤΤȤ롥Ūˤ -o(u)n ȤˤƤȤ̵طä17˷ŪˤⵡǽŪˤؾ -en Ʊ
maiden ʲˤϡűѸ mægden ʤɤȤʸڤ롥mægden ѸޤǤ˸æΤ mæide Ǥꡤ줬 maid Ϣʤ롥ĤޤꡤűѸΩĻˤ maid ؤܼźäˤ maiden ȹͤ뤬ºݤ˱Ѹ˾ʸڤϡmaiden Ǥꡤü maid ȤȤǤ롥ξϸߤ˻ޤǡ־פΰ̣äƶ¸Ƥ롥⥲ޥĸ *maȝaðiz ʾˤ̤ꡤϴϢűѸ magð ʾˤƤ롥ˡ־פɽ魯Ѹ may (< OE mǣġ (kinswoman)) Ʊȹͤ졤Ϣη֤Ọ̇̄ʣǤ롥ʤmaid ѸǤϡ̤˻ҡפɽ魯Ȥ⤢ä
-en ˤ¾ˤⵯۤˤ͡ʥפ롥#1471. golden ߽ФѲ ([2013-05-07-1])#1877. ưƬ en- -en ([2014-06-17-1])#2221. vixen ν ([2015-05-27-1]) ȡ
ε#2285. hundred "great ten" ([2015-07-30-1]) hundred θ츻ˤűѸ hund ˴ؤƤ⤦1Ķ̣¤롥űѸǤϡ10ܿɽ魯ΤˡѸ9ޤǤο -ty ղäΤƱͤˡ-tiġ ղä (Campbell 284--85) twēntiġ, þrītiġ, fēowertiġ, fīftiġ, siextiġ ǡǤ롥Ȥ70ʾˤʤȡƬ hund ƬΤ褦ղäΤ⡤ˡ100110120ޤ³ΤǤ롧hundseofontiġ, hundeahtatiġ, hundnigontiġ, hundtēontiġ, hundændlæftiġ, hundtwelftiġθƬ hund- ̵ȯ졤ˤäƤ -un ȤʤäꡤüʤɡűѸǤ岽ƤϤ褦
100פˤĤƤϡβ꤯ɤʣ hundtēontiġ Τۤˡʤñ hund(red) ѤƤϡޥ̱²Ǥ12ˡѤƤȤȴط褦ŤޥǤϡ100פ hundtēontiġ Τ褦ʣȤɽΤǤꡤñ hund(red) Ϥष120פɽ路Ƥ (cf. long [great] hundred) ٤ޤǻĤƤΤϸťΥɸǡǤϡ100פ tīu tigir (= *tenty)120פ hundrað1200פ þūsund ɽƤرѸ츻ŵ٤ˤȡޥ̱²ϡˤ餯ꥹȶαƶ10ˡؤžΤȤ롥
ơűѸ hundseofontiġ, hundeahtatiġ ʤɤɽ뤬60, 70, 80, 90, 100, 110, 120 ˤ hund- ղäȤȤϡϤꥲޥ̱²θ12ˡȤδϢ虜ʤظˤɤΤ褦äղäƤΤˤĤƤ͡ʵ褦
OED hund, n. (and adj.) 2ƸƤ
2. The element hund- was also prefixed in Old English to the numerals from 70 to 120, in Old English hund-seofontig, hund-eahtatig, hund-nigontig, hund-téontig, hund-endlyftig (-ælleftig), hund-twelftig, some of which are also found in early Middle English.
[No certain explanation can be offered of this hund-, which appears in Old Saxon as ant-, Dutch t- in tachtig, and may be compared with -hund in Gothic sibuntê-hund, etc., and Greek -ʦϦͦӦ.]
Campbell, A. Old English Grammar. Oxford: OUP, 1959.
ޥκǤ褯Τ줿ʬϡޥ졤̡ؤ3ʬˡǤ롥ϵ2--4Υޥ̱²εサϤȤΤǡAugust Schleicher (1821--68) 1850ǯΤǤ롥Ūˤϡ쥲ޥ dags ʥȸˡ̥ޥ dagr ʸťΥɸˡޥ dæg ʸűѸˤˤߤѲ̾ñʸηŪħ˴ŤƤ롥
3ʬˡˤ餫¿1951ǯ Ernst Schwarz (1895--1983) ϡ2ʬˡƤ̤ҤäȡΥɸ̥ޥפȤƤޤȤᡤޥʡޥפȤƤΩ3ʬʳȤơ̤ޤȤơޥפȤͭϤ⤬1955ǯ Hans Kuhn (1899--1988) ˤ줿
嵭Τ褦˥ޥɤȤؤޥʥ٥ƤƤΤΡ¤ϰ䤨ʤäΤޥ췲ζʬǤ롥ޥ췲ϡˤߤѲ̾ñʸξüΤۤҲʣʤɤβ (ex. PGmc *satjan > OE settan) ͭ뤬Ǹ췲γ֤꤬礭Ȥ𤬤롥㤨иűѸȸŹɥĸγ֤礭ϡ̥ޥγ֤礭äųؤޤ˲ȤҤ˴ŤߤͭϤʸˤȡޥ餫ǤϤʤ3롼פʬƤȤ롥̳ޥ (North Sea Germanic, or Ingvaeonic)饤ޥ (Weser-Rhine Germanic, or Erminonic), ޥ (Elbe Germanic, or Istvaeonic) 3ĤǤ롥ϡFriedrich Maurer (1898--1984) 1952ǯΤǤ롥
ˤ衤ޥ֤δطϡñʷȤϺǤꡤߤʬ«֤ܿơʣʴطʤƤȤϴְ㤤ʤʾϡ (7--11) εҤΤǸ Maurer ˴Ťʬ (7--8) ѤƤޤȤ褦
(1) (a) 쥲ޥ
[1]ޥ졧ȸʤ
(2) ޥ졧롼
(b)[2]̥ޥťΥɸ
Υɸ졧ťɸ졤ťΥ륦
Υɸ졧ťǥ졤ťǥޡ졤ťȥɸ
(c) ޥ
(i)[3]̳ޥ졧űѸ졤ťեꥸ졤ťʡɥĸ졤ťϥ
(ii) Φޥ졧
[4]饤ޥ졧Źʡ˥ɥĸťեťʡե
[5]ޥ졧Źʡ˥ɥĸťХťޥ
Ϣơgermanic γƵӡ#9. ȸGothicˤȱѸˡ ([2009-05-08-1])#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1])#785. ޥ٤¬뤿10ܡ ([2011-06-21-1])#857. ޥ²κħ ([2011-09-01-1]) ʤɤ⻲ȡޤޥʬϿޤ Distribution of the Germanic languages in Europe ɤ *
إޥ١Ʋ2012ǯ
#2219. vane, vat, vixen ([2015-05-25-1]) ȡ#2220. ѸǸƬͭʤäͳ ([2015-05-26-1]) ǡvixen ʻĥ͡ˤȤ˿줿ɸѸθäΤʤǡƬͭŪðۤǤȽҤ٤ƤθˤϤ⤦1Ūðۤ롥ϡŤޥν̾ͳ褹 -en ȤɤƤ
ߡ̾줫б̾礿Ȥ -ess 롥ϡꥷ -issa ƥ줬Ѥ -issa եͳ -esse ȤƱѸäƤΤǤꡤǤ롥ޥϤΤΤȤƤϡ#2188. spinster, youngster ʤɤˤߤ -ster ([2015-04-24-1]) ǿ줿ޥ췲ˤߤ -estre 뤬˽ɽ魯ΤȤƸΤ spinster ΤߤǤ롥ˤƤ -en ⥲ޥɤˤߤǤꡤޥĸ *-inī, *-injō űѸ -en, -in ȯŸΤǤ롥űѸȤƤϡgod (god) Ф gyden (goddess)munuc (monk) Ф mynecen (nun), wulf (wolf) Ф wylfen (she-wolf) ʤŪ˴ޤޤƤ i ˤ i-mutation θ̤աˡ
vixen ˴ؤƤСḥ̂ͤ̾ȤƤϡűѸˤϼгʤȤƤ fyxan 1ΤʸڤˤʤMED fixen (n.) ˤȡѸǤ fixen 뤬fixen hyd (fox hide) ȤѤƤ뤳Ȥ顤η֤ϸűѸν̾ǤϤʤƻ fyxen (of the fox) ͳ褹Ȥͤ뤫⤷ʤѸǤ̾ȤƤ ffixen Τʸڤ졤رѸ츻ŵ٤ˤС16ʹߤˤϸƬͭߤ vyxen Ϣʤ֤褦ˤʤOED ˤ15ˤˡ
ɥĸǤϽȤƤ -in ϸǤꡤFuchs vs Füchsin Τߤʤ餺Student vs Studentin, Sänger vs Sängerin ʤɰŪѤ롥ѸǤϽκפ vixen ˻ĤΤߤȤʤäƤޤäޥθȤơѸˤƤ뵮ŤǤ롥Ƭ v ȹ碌ơѸŪ˴ǽ
Millar (111--13) ѸˤˤŤƿꡤdrift ʶήˤˬƤܥ֥δϢ뵭ϡcat:drift ȡˡ
Sapir ξ drift ϡѸʤѸȤ1ˤˤѲΰؤΤä drift γǰϳĥ졤Ϣʣθ˶̤ƤߤѲĬήؤ褦ˤʤäˤäơѸ drift в졤ޥˤߤ drifts ӡȤ櫓 drifts ®٤ӤȤ褦ˤʤäMillar (112) ⡤ΥޥȤ顤Ѹˤˤ drift ˬƤ롥
A number of scholars . . . take Sapir's ideas further, suggesting that drift can be employed to explain why related languages continue to act in a similar manner after they have ceased to be part of a dialect continuum. Thus it is striking . . . that a very similar series of sound changes --- the Great Vowel Shift --- took place in almost all West Germanic varieties in the late medieval and early modern periods. While some of the details of these changes differ from language to language, the general tendency for lower vowels to rise and high vowels to diphthongise is found in a range of languages --- English, Dutch and German --- where immediate influence along a geographical continuum is unlikely. Some linguists would suggest that there was a 'weakness' in these languages which was inherited from the ancestral variety and which, at the right point, was triggered by societal forces --- in this case, the rise of a lower middle class as a major economic and eventually political force in urbanising societies.
Ƥ Millar ȤǸʸμ "Some linguists" Τʤ1ͤǤ롥Samuels ήεǽŪʴˡҲŪװͤ碌ơѸ drift θġθѲθõȤΩSapir drift = "mystical" ȤȤ館ऱǤ¤Ū褦ȤΩǤ⤢롥⤳Ω˻ǤꡤȤ櫓ҲŪװ "trigger" ǽ˴ؿƤ롥Ϣơ#927. ޥζޤοء ([2011-11-10-1]) #1224. Ѹ졤ǥޡ졤եꥫ˶̤Ƥߤܿθ̡ ([2012-09-02-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
ޥӤȤˤĤƤϡMillar (113) ϡdrift οʹԤ٤ϼŪ˼ޤͿƤ롥ʲ˾Ѥޤʤä˰Ϥޤ줿ϡŤʳǤθɽ魯ˡ

οޤϡ#191. űѸ졤Ѹ졤Ѹϸߤˤɤ줯餤ۤʤ뤫 ([2009-11-04-1]) Ǽ Lass ˤ륲ޥΡָŤ (archaism) οľ̤ηɽ路ΤȤǤ롥ξ硤drift οʹ٤ȸŪʡ֥פδطˤȤɤߤˤʤ롥
οޤǤϡEnglish Afrikaans ANALYTIC ζˤ˰֤Ƥ뤬 DRIFT λȤȤ̣櫓ǤϤʤѸǤ⡤DRIFT η³ѲϿʹǤ롥
Millar, Robert McColl. English Historical Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2012.
#1506. The Rhenish fan ([2013-06-11-1]) εǡϥɥĸϥɥĸʬˤäƸߤ˰פʤ¤ǧλ¤ˤϡǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤ벻ˡ§ΰΧŬѤȤΤǤϤʤषȾ (wave_theory) Ȥơ줴Ȥ˳礷Ƥ椯ΰ褬ۤʤΤȤߤʤɬפ롥
The Rhenish fan ̤ؤľ˽ǤϢΰۤʤϰ1--7̾դ褦ļ˼ꡤѰۤθҲޤ6 (ich, machen, dorf, das, apfel, pfund) ˼롥ȡSecond Germanic Consonant Shift ([2010-06-06-1]) θ̤ˤĤơʲΤ褦ʳʾʬۤ뤳ȤǤRomain, p. 138 "Isoglosses between Low and High German consonant shift: /p t k/ /(p)f s x/" ˡ

1Ǥ SGCS θ̤ϥ2Ǥ ich ˴ؤƤΤ߸̤Ƥ롥3Ǥ machen ˸̤ڤӡ4Ǥ dorf ˤڤ֡³Ƥ椭Ǹ7ˤäơ6줹٤ƤҲѲФȤˤʤ롥1--7ŪľϢ³Ǥ뤳ȤפФСɽϡѲȾ˳礷Ƥ椯ͻҡʤȾɽ魯ΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
ơ1--7ľܤɽ魯ΤǤϤʤ1ˤɽ魯ΤȤƲᤷ褦ˤơ1ˤƤ SGCS θ̤ϤޤƤʤ2ˤƤ ich ˴ؤƸ̤Ƥ롥34ˤ machen, dorf 줾ѲФơ缡7 pfund ޤ³λˤäƤ褦䤯٤Ƥθˤ SGCS λ롥βȤСɽϡ֤ȤȤ SGCS ä˥褦ˤƿʹԤóȻ (lexical diffusion) ɽ魯ΤǤ뤳Ȥ餫
ļ1--7Ȥ٥ϡŪľ¤ΤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤС֤ΤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥ԤȾԤϸóȻɽ路Ѳˤξδط褯ΤǤϤʤ
ˡɽϸѲȼްռ (implicational scale) ƤǤͭյǤ롥6Τ줬 SGCS Ǥ˷ФƤȤ狼äƤΤǤС뤤Ϥλˤơθ꺸¦ˤ뤹٤Ƥθ SGCS ФƤϤǤ롥ΤȤϱ¦θϺ¦θްդɽǤ롥ѲνȤ̻Ūʼȡɤθ줬 SGCS θ̤ͽ¬ǽǤȤŪʼȤߤȤͻ¤Ƥ롥
Ѳ implicational scale ˤĤƤϡ#841. yod-dropping ([2011-08-16-1]) ⻲ȡ
Romain, Suzanne. Language in Society: An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. 2nd ed. Oxford: OUP, 2000.
ε#1505. ˤ "mouse"-line "house"-line ([2013-06-10-1]) ǡƱ첻Ǥޤ2ĤθˤĤơ줾첻 (isogloss) פʤϡƱͤͭ̾⤦1ĸƤߤ褦ɥġ̤ή饤 (the Rhine) ڤäƤĤäƤꡤϴߤ40餤ϴߤظ褦˿ӤƤ뤿ᡤؤǤ "The Rhenish fan" ȤΤƤ롥Bloomfield (344) ˷ǺܤƤ Behaghel ϿޤǺܤ롥

ޥؤǤϡ"make" 2Ҳ [x] [k] ʬäơϥɥĸϥɥĸʬΤŪǤ롥ͤͤŪȤȤˤʤ뤬#1317. פ ([2012-12-04-1]) ˤŬäƤ롥ϡ¦Ǥ Berlin ˱ӤƤ뤬¦Ǥ Benrath ȤĮǥ饤Ϥ롥¦ "Benrath line" ȸƤФƤ롥ϡˤ Berg ʥ饤ˤ Jülich ʥ饤ˤڤʬ붭ä
Ʊ [x/k] ѰۤǤ⡤1;ñ̾ I ˤƤϰۤʤǧ롥Benrath 鲼ήؤФ餯ԤäȤˤ Ürdingen Ȥ¼̤äƥ饤Ϥ [ix/ik] ǡ "Ürdingen line" ȸƤǤ롥Benrath line ǤϤʤ Ürdingen line ϥɥĸζȤߤʤԤ⤤롥ϡʥݥ쥪θΤȥΤȤʬ붭ä
Benrath line ܤܤȡ¼פɽ魯θҲ˴ؤ [dorf/dorp] äƤ롥Ūˤϥȥ졼ΤζȤ褽פ롥ˤϡ"that" [das/dat] ˱ӤƤ롥ϤŪڤζȳͰפ롥
Benrath line Ürdingen line ˤ [x/k] Ѱۤפϡǯʸˡ (Neogrammarians) ˤ벻ˡ§ΰΧŬѤȤޤƤϤޤʤǤ롥ƱǤޤफȤäơġθפȤϸ¤ʤפͳϡġġŪҲŪʶбƤ뤫Ǥ롥 chaque mot a son histoire "every word has its own history" ([2012-10-21-1]) ǧ롥ζκǸθ "history" ˷ƻ "social" Ȥ
ʾ塤Bloomfield (343--45) ȤƼɮ
Bloomfield, Leonard. Language. 1933. Chicago and London: U of Chicago P, 1984.
Norfolk ˤ˷Ƥ줿Į Caistor-by-Norwich ڤѤᱴΤʤ顤Υ (roe-deer) ιǺä (astragalus) ȯƤʸߤ Norwich the Castle Museum ݴɤƤˡƱᱴ϶ȯƤꡤȤͷȤѤ줿Τ˥롼ʸƤΤɤȯ줿롼ʸȤƤϤ줬ǽΤΤǤ롥ʸˤ raihan ɤʸꡤ "roe-deer" ɽ魯ȹͤƤ롥


ʸΤİյϤĤ롥ޤH ɽ魯롼ʸ˲1ܤߤ뤬2ܤβϤ Anglo-Frisia ϤΥ롼ʸ (futhorc) ȰۤʤꡤΥ롼ʸ (futhark) Ǥ뤳Ȥ[2012-01-28-1]ε#1006. 롼ʸѼפȡˡβ1ܤ H νϡǥޡդ꤫褿ǽ롥
ˡǤ롥˸ ai ϥޥĸ2첻ȤɤƤȹͤ졤ޥӸؾפʾڵȤʤäƤ롥ʤ֥Υפɽ魯űѸθ roha Ǥꡤraihan ϤŤʳˤ뤳θζ "from a roe" ۤɤΰդꤵ롥Υκɽ路ƤΤθñȤߤʤƤ褤ɤˤĤƤϵ롥
פʤΤϡ줿ǯ夬400ǯȿꤵ뤳ȤŪ449ǯ Anglo-Saxon ͤΥɤؤΰưǯۤˡޥѤԤ East Anglia Ϥ˽Ǥ餷ȤȤˤʤ[2010-05-21-1]ε#389. Angles, Saxons, and Jutes θϤȰܽפȡˡ
#572. ¸ǸŤαʸ ([2010-11-20-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 the Undley bracteate ϡƱ East Anglia Ǥ Suffolk ڤƤ뤬5ȾΤΤǤꡤAnglo-Frisia ϤΥ롼ʸǽƤ롥
ξʤΥ롼ʸδްդȤϡоŪȤȤˤʤ롥ξԤˤĤƤϡCrystal (12) ȡ
Crystal, David. Evolving English: One Language, Many Voices. London: The British Library, 2010.
Ѹʸˡˡto ΰ̣μɽ魯ˡfor + ̾פ֤빽ʸ롥 for ϼȤʸˡŪʵǽôäƤˤ¼Ūʰ̣⤿ʤΤǡ"inorganic for" ȸƤФ뤳Ȥ롥for . . . to . . . ʸεȯãϱѸˤǤ˰ƤѸΤ褦ƱʸͳѤǤϥޥϤƤʤͳʻȤ "Hearne was no critic. A hasty and ill-natured judgment might conclude that it sufficed for a document to appear old for him to wish to print it." ʤɤʤ顤Zandvoort (265) inorganic for ޤʸˤĤƼΤ褦ɾƤ롥
Both in familiar and in literary style this construction has branched out in so many directions that not only has it become one of the most distinctive features of modern English syntax, but on occasion, too, one of those that may be employed to give to an utterance a somewhat esoteric turn.
ǼͳȸƤǤΤϡ"It is absurd for us to quarrel." Τ褦ŵŪˡΤߤʤ餺͡Ķ˸줦뤫㤨С"The rule was for women and men to sit apart." Τ褦ʼǤˡ"For us to have refused the loan would have been a declaration of economic war." Τ褦ʾ濫뤤Ϸ̤ˡ"She longed for him to say something." "I always wanted so for things to be beautiful." Τ褦ưθ֤ˡ"I am not afraid for them to see it." Τ褦˷ƻθ֤ˡ"There were cries for the motion to be put." Τ褦̾ȴؤäŪɽ魯ˡʤɡZandvoort (268) ϡinorganic for ΤˡηŪ˵ҤʸˡʤʤǡKruisinga ̤ιֵΡȤ˼ƤʷˤŪͤҤĤ仿
Prepositional Object and Stem with to.
Type: I shall be glad for you to help us. --- With regard to the facts of Living English it must be understood that the constr. is a supplementary one to the plain object & stem. the two are really parallel: a) the plain obj. & verbal stem are used with verbs; b) the preposit. object & stem is used with nouns & adjectives chiefly, and as a subject & nom. predicate, i.e. in practically all the other functions when a stem with to can be used at all. Finally the prep. obj. with stem is found with verbs, in a more or less clearly final meaning (see quot. in Shorter Acc.: pushing the glasses along the counter nodded for them to be filled).
"It is absurd for us to quarrel." ʤɤιʸεˤĤƤϡѸˤǤ "It is absurd for us | to quarrel." "It is absurd | for us to quarrel." Ȥʬ (metanalysis) ˤΤȤƤ롥Zandvoort (269) ϡΰʬϤǽȤʤ뤿ˤ for us absurd θ˸뤳ȤɬפǤꡤѸθǤϤξƤȤŻ뤹롥ɥĸ䥪Ǥϡ for us ʬϷƻ˸ΤǤꡤʬϤϤʤƱ²ȤӤ˴Ťιʸεˤ "the fixity of English word-order" (269) ȤޤɬפȤμĥϤ롥
Zandvoort, R. W. "A Note on Inorganic For." English Studies 30 (1949): 265--69.
[2011-11-10-1]ε#927. ޥζޤοءפǡO'Neil ȤĤġѸ줬ťΥɸܿƶޤñΤƱͤˡΦʥӥ줬ϥɥĸ (Middle Low German) ܿեꥫ (Afrikaans) (Dutch) ϥޥ (Low German) ܿơޤñȤ˿줿
ƱݤθڤGörlach (340) ǡ¾θȤǤʤƤǥޡ (Danish) ϡ13--15˶ޤʬäλϡǡͤǥޡϥɥĸ2ѼԤȤʤäƤǤ롥ơ2ϡѸȸťΥɸδطäϳͶ̤ޤ礭ۤʤȤطˤä
եꥫˤĤƤϡ1700--1750ǯλˡѸǥޡƱͤʿCape Province ο̱Ԥ35%ϥϡ35%ϥɥķϤǡ͡͡ʶޤκۤʤ⡤ȤʬŪʤ˰¸ưջ̤ޤäƤȤߤ롥
ξˤ⡤Ʊ°2ܿؤäƤꡤξΤΤʼҲŪ岼طΤʤȤ̤Ƥ롥ɸΥޥ3ʿԴطˤ϶ʾΤΤȹͤƤ褵
ʤ쥪ϡѸΤߤʤ餺եꥫˤĤƤ⾧Ƥ褦ơޥˤ⡥Görlach References ȡ
O'Neil, Wayne. "The Evolution of the Germanic Inflectional Systems: A Study in the Causes of Language Change." Orbis 27 (1980): 248--86.
Görlach, Manfred. "Middle English --- a Creole?" Linguistics across Historical and Geographical Boundaries. Ed. D. Kastovsky and A. Szwedek. Berlin: Gruyter, 1986. 329--44.
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