hellogѸ˥֥     ChangeLog ǿ     ƥǿ     ڡ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ڡ / page 2 (8)

morphology - hellogѸ˥֥

ǽ: 2026-07-15 01:27

2024-10-30 Wed

#5665. ෿ηȸĬή [typology][history_of_linguistics][morphology]

Jankowsky "The Rise of Language Typology" ꤹ (651--54) Ǹ෿ (typology) ηάҤƤ롥
ʥϡճˤӸؤ˸ؤ˷ȤäƤ Friedrich von Schlegel (1772--1829) äŪʴθӤˤؿ󤻡෿ؤƻ򳫤ή򡤷 August von Schlegel (1767--1845) Ϥ˿ʤ˹Τ뤳ȤˤʤָΩססֶ޸פȤ˴Ť෿󾧤Τ⡤η Schlegel Ǥ롥
ζʬˡʣפäƲΤWilhelm von Humboldt (1767--1835) Ǥ롥ˡ1920ȾˤƤ⡤ηϺѾƤͼԤ Edward Sapir (1884--1939) ä
20ȾаʹߤϡJoseph Greenberg (1915--2001) ˤ븽Ū෿졤ػ˾忷ʳäοϡWinfred P. Lehmann (1916--2007), Elizabeth C. Traugott (b. 1939), Bernd Heine (b. 1939), Bernard Comrie (b. 1947) ˤäƷѾȯŸ졤˻롥θĬήˤĤơJankowsky (653--64) βɤäƤߤ褦

   The typological work of Joseph Greenberg (1915--2001) constituted a remarkable turning point. He initially dwelled on the 'classical' morphological approach, and started out with a diachronic framework in which language genealogy and historical language development captured his interest. Early in his career he was engaged in fieldwork in Africa, which led him to experiment with classifying the languages he encountered that seemed to him to possess particularly striking and unusual typological features. In later years his attention was directed to Native American languages and, last but not least, also to the Indo-European language family. Greenberg was on the whole appreciative of the early nineteenth-century approach to language typology, which had mainly focused on the individual nature of languages and progressed from there to search for common characteristics. His extensive acquaintance with a great variety of vastly different languages was a determining factor for him to go one decisive step further. Since the large number of existing languages makes it virtually impossible to devise an evaluative system with characteristics that uniformly pertain to all natural languages, he embraced as a way out a 'general' typology, in which he discards the emphasis on holistic grammatical description in favor of a selective characterization process. As a result he succeeded in documenting the fact that there is not, and cannot be, a set of descriptive values which could be meaningfully employed as a measuring rod of all languages.
   Utilizing typology confirms the existence of language types; it cannot establish proof for the existence of one single type that would adequately describe key features shared by all languages. In choosing his strategy, Greenberg had implicitly raised the question of language universals, a topic which became a prominent item on his agenda as early as 1961 . . . .


Greenberg ˸ؤؤδؿʤ顤ηŪ෿ȴФư෿ؤȿʤߡ˸ؤδؿ򿼤᤿Ȥ櫓ؤδؿϡ츫˸ؤΤĸθؤδ㺹ȤȿФΤ褦ˤפ뤬Greenberg ΤʤǤξΩƤȤȤ
ȴϢ hellog 󤲤Ƥ

#522. ˤ෿ ([2010-10-01-1])
#2125. 르󡤥ͥ륲 ([2015-02-20-1])
#4692. ෿3Ĥꡤ෿ȸѲδطˤĤơ ([2022-03-02-1])

Jankowsky, Kurt R. "Comparative, Historical, and Typological Linguistics since the Eighteenth Century." Chapter 28 of The Oxford Handbook of the History of Linguistics. Ed. Keith Allan. Oxford: OUP, 2013. 635--54.

Referrer (Inside): [2024-10-31-1]

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2024-07-07 Sun

#5550. Fertig ˤ Sturtevant's Paradox ؤȽ [sound_change][analogy][neogrammarian][phonetics][phonology][morphology][language_change][phonotactics][prosody]

ε#5549. Sturtevant's Paradox --- Ѳϵ§ŪԵ§߽ФԵ§§߽Ф ([2024-07-06-1]) κǸǡFertig "Sturtevant's Paradox" ȽŪΩǤ뤳Ȥ򼨺Fertig (97--98) εʤΤǡޤޤѤ

   Like a lot of memorable sayings, Sturtevant's Paradox is really more of a clever play on words than a paradox, kind of like 'Isn't it funny how you drive on a parkway and park on a driveway.' There is nothing paradoxical about the fact that phonetically regular change gives rise to morphological irregularities. Similarly, it is no surprise that morphologically motivated change tends to result in increased morphological regularity. 'Analogic creation' would be even more effective in this regard if it were regular, i.e. if it always applied across the board in all candidate forms, but even the most sporadic morphologically motivated change is bound to eliminate a few morphological idiosyncrasies from the system.
   If we consider analogical change from the perspective of its effects on phonotactic patterns, it is sometimes disruptive in just the way that one would expect . . . . At one point in the history of Latin, for example, it was completely predictable that s would not occur between vowels. Analogical change destroyed this phonological regularity, as it has countless others. Carstairs-McCarthy (2010: 52--5) points out that analogical change in English has been known to restore 'bad' prosodic structures, such as syllable codas consisting of a long vowel followed by two voiced obstruents. Although Carstairs-McCarthy's examples are all flawed, there are real instances, such as believed < beleft, of the kind of development he is talking about (§5.3.1).
   What the continuing popularity of Sturtevant's formulation really reveals is that one old Neogrammarian bias is still very much with us: When Sturtevant talks about changes resulting in 'regularity' and 'irregularities', present-day historical linguists still share his tacit assumption that these terms can only refer to morphology. If we were to revise the 'paradox' to accurately reflect the interaction between sound change and analogy, we would wind up with something not very paradoxical at all:
   
   
Sound change, being phonetically/phonologically motivated, tends to maintain phonological regularity and produce morphological irregularity. Analogic creation, being morphologically motivated, tends to produce phonological irregularity and morphological regularity. Incidentally, the former tends to proceed 'regularly' (i.e. across the board with no lexical exceptions) while the latter is more likely to proceed 'irregularly' (word-by-word).

   
I realize that this version is not likely to go viral.


ǤСؼԤϡηϤε§äơε§ε§Ż뤷ƤΤǤϤʤפ˷нŤ󤬤äΤǤϤʤȤŦޤ "Sturtevant's Paradox" ζ̵Ƚ˼ƤˤȤäơܤФ褦ʻŦä

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Carstairs-McCarthy, Andrew. The Evolution of Morphology. Oxford: OUP, 2010.

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2024-07-06 Sat

#5549. Sturtevant's Paradox --- Ѳϵ§ŪԵ§߽ФԵ§§߽Ф [sound_change][analogy][neogrammarian][phonetics][phonology][morphology][language_change]

ɸϡޤޤ˸뤳ȤǤ롥ֲˡ§ϵ§ŪԵ§߽Фˤ¤Ե§§߽ФפȤ⤤뤷ַˤƵ§ŪʲѲϥȥԡ礵Ե§ŪѤϥȥԡ򸺾פȤ⤤롥Ѳ (sound_change) (analogy) γơħ򤦤ޤɽΤǤʺε#5548. Ѳν̤ƹͤ ([2024-07-05-1]) 򻲾ȡˡΰ⤤ˤĤƤϡʲδϢ뵭񤤤Ƥ

#1693. §ŪʲѲԵ§ŪʷѲ ([2013-12-15-1])
#838. ηϤȥȥԡ ([2011-08-13-1])
#1674. Ѳȶ޸οʿˤĤƤŪͻ ([2013-11-26-1])

ζǽ˽Ҥ٤ΤïäפФȤƤFertig ɤǤơ Sturtevant Ǥȶ줿Fertig (96) ꡤϢʬѤ롥

Long before there was a Philosoraptor, historical linguists had 'Sturtevant's Paradox': 'Phonetic laws are regular but produce irregularities. Analogic creation is irregular but produces regularity' (Sturtevant 1947: 109). It is catchy and memorable. It has undoubtedly helped generations of linguistics students remember the battle between sound change and analogy, and, on the tiny scale of our subdiscipline, it is no exaggeration to say that it has 'gone viral', making appearances in numerous textbooks . . . and other works . . . .


Τ˥åʶǤ롥Fertig ϤΥå椨˸ʤʤäƤʬΤǤϤʤȷپĤ餷Ƥ롥

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
Sturtevant, Edgar H. An Introduction to Linguistic Science. New Haven: Yale UP, 1947.

Referrer (Inside): [2024-07-07-1]

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2024-07-05 Fri

#5548. Ѳν̤ƹͤ [sound_change][analogy][neogrammarian][phonetics][phonology][morphology][language_change][history_of_linguistics][comparative_linguistics][lexical_diffusion][terminology]

Ӹ (comparative_linguistics) ζȤ٤ǯʸˡ (neogrammarian) ˤֲѲ㳰ʤפθ§ (Ausnahmslose Lautgesetze) ϡѲ (sound_change) (analogy) ̤ȤΩ衤θѲ2ĤθϡƤʤΡʤΤȤƲᤵƤ2ˤꡤäˤŪʸѲκƤޤȤۤɤθ̤Ǥ롥
ŪʥơФȿ⡤³ŪФƤ㳰ʤȤ벻Ѳ⡤ѤаΧŬѤ줿ȤƲǤΤǤϤʤȤո¤ΤȤ伫ȤóȻ (lexical_diffusion) ᤰΤʤǡ2θѲθϡߤܶᤷΤǤϤʤȹͤȤä
νפˤĤơFertig (99--100) ŸƤ롥Fertig 2̤٤ȤŪʸΩäƤϤ뤬εϥƥ󥰤ϡFertig Τ褦ΩΩĺҤ٤Ƥ1Ѥ (95) ñȯˤ϶ʤɿΰ۷ (variants) ȤҲθˤǤ롥

The restriction of the term 'analogical' to processes based on morpho(phono)logical and syntactic patterns has long since outlived its original rationale, but the distinction between changes motivated by grammatical relations among different wordforms and those motivated by phonetic relations among different realizations of the same wordform remains a valid and important one. The essence of the Neogrammarian 'regularity' hypothesis is that these two systems are separate and that they interface only through the mental representation of a single, citation pronunciation of each wordform. The representations of non-citation realizations are invisible to the morphological and morphophonological systems, and relations among different wordforms are invisible to the phonetic system. If we keep in mind that this is really what we are talking about when we distinguish analogical change from sound change, these traditional terms can continue to serve us well.


Ѳݤˤϡ٤äꤳ˸礦ɬפȹͤƤ롥

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

Referrer (Inside): [2024-07-06-1]

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2024-06-17 Mon

#5530. -(i)tude [word_formation][etymology][latin][french][suffix][noun][adjective][morphology][kdee]



heldio #1111. latitude longitudeɤäɤä --- ȥФΥޥۿlatitude ʰ١ˤ longitude ʷ١ˤζ̤դˤȡǤܸΡְ١פȡַ١פäƶ̤ˤȤʤɤˤǤϿΰŵˡꥹʡ󤫤󤻤ƤƤΤǡ𤷤ƤɬɤǤ롥
ξ˸ܤرѸ츻ŵʻ߷˧ͺԽ紴ˡҡ1997ǯˤˤȡ -tude θ츻ϼ̤ꡥ

-tude suf. ƥƻ졦ʬˤĤ֤ɽ魯̾¤롨 -i- ȼä -itude Ȥʤ롧gratittude, solitude. F -tude // L -tūdin-, -tūdō


ıñϡŪˤϥե󥹸ͳǡ뤤ϥե󥹸Ūʷ֤ȤƼޤƤ롥Ū褯ܤˤΤȤƤ altitude ʹ١ˡamplitude ʹˡaptitude Ŭˡattitude ١ˡcertitude ʳοˤʤɤ󤲤롥fortitude Զˡgratitude ʴաˡineptitude Ŭˡmagnitude 礭ˡmultitude ¿ˡservitude °ˡsolicitude ʵˡsolitude ʸȡˤʤɤ󤲤롥Ϣ첻ޤ -itude Ȥʤꡤθ2פ뤿ᡤñΤ⤤ĹʤꡤդʷϵȤˤʤ롥η줷ϡե󥹸ΤȤϥƥΤȤäƤ褤
OED -tude SUFFIX ΰ̣ˡ⸫Ƥ

Occurring in many words derived from Latin either directly, as altitude, hebetude, latitude, longitude, magnitude, or through French, as amplitude, aptitude, attitude, consuetude, fortitude, habitude, plenitude, solitude, etc., or formed (in French or English) on Latin analogies, as debilitude, decrepitude, exactitude, or occasionally irregularly, as dispiritude, torpitude.


줾ΡʤäûӤơ-(i)tude δդ촶̣臘Τ⤪⤷⤷ʤ

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1]

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2024-05-20 Mon

#5502. դ٤űѸӵ顦Ǿ [superlative][comparison][adjective][adverb][suppletion][morphology][inflection][oe][i-mutation]

Ѹηƻ졦ӵ顦ǾˤԵ§ʤΤĤ롥good -- better -- best bad -- worse --worst ʤɤ佼ˡ (suppletion) 򼨤ΤΤƤ뤬ϸűѸˤ¸ߤषűѸǤϸ¿Ե§ӵ顦Ǿ餬äSweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer (19--20) ꡤդ٤Τ󤹤롥

Ρi-mutation ޤƻӵ顦Ǿ顡

MeaningPositiveComparativeSuperlative
"old"ealdieldraieldest
"young"ġeongġingraġingest
"long"langlengralengest
"strong"strangstrengrastrengest
"high"hēahhīerrahīehst


Ρsuppletion ޤƻӵ顦Ǿ顡

MeaningPositiveComparativeSuperlative
"good"gōdbetera, betrabetst
  sēlrasēlest
"bad"yfelwiersawier(re)st
"great"miċelmāramǣst
"little"lȳtellǣssalǣst


Ρ餬Ǥƻӵ顦Ǿ顡

MeaningPositiveComparativeSuperlative
"formerly"(ǣr)ǣrraǣrest
"far"(feorr)fierrafierrest
"before"(fore) forma, fyrmest, fyr(e)st
"near"(nēah)nēarranīehst
"outside"(ūte)ūterraūt(e)mest
  ȳterraȳt(e)mest


Ρsuppletion ޤӵ顦Ǿ顡

MeaningPositiveComparativeSuperlative
"well"welbetbet(e)st
  sēlsēlest
"badly"yflewierswier(re)st
"much"miclemǣst
"little"lȳtlǣslǣst


Davis, Norman. Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer. 9th ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1953.

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1]

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2024-05-12 Sun

#5494. ѸˤƱȤɽ魯ˤ̾͡ä [onomastics][personal_name][name_project][by-name][occupational_term][morphology][word_formation][compound][compounding][derivation][suffix]

Ѹο̾ӤӤ (by-name) ˤĤĴ٤Ƥ롥Fransson Thuresson ΰįƤȡƱοȤȤܤΤˡ͡ʸƾΤäȤ褯ʬäƤ롥Ȥ櫓Ƥμ¿Τ򡤥ԥååפƤߤǧ줿ǯθƤߤ褦

˿ (Fransson 66--67): Cheseman (1263), Cheser (1332), Chesemakere (1275), Chesewright (1293), Chesemonger (1186), Furmager (1198), Chesewryngere (1281), Wringer (1327)
ꡤ (Fransson 87--88): Webbe (1243), Webbester (1275), Webbere (1340), Weuere (1296)
ޤ (Fransson 95--96): Pouchemaker (1349), Poucher (1317), Pocheler, Poker (1314)
ٹ (Fransson 133--34): Goldsmyth/Gildsmith (125), Gilder/Golder (1281), Goldbeter (1252), Goldehoper (1327)
֡ء繩 (Fransson 161--62): Whelere (1249), Whelster (1327), Whelwright (1274), Whelsmyth (1319), Whelemonger (1332)
֥ (Thuresson 65--67): Swynherde (1327), Swyneman (1275), Swyner (1257), Swyndriuere (1317), Swon (c1240)
Ļ (Thuresson 75--76): Hunte (1203), Hunter (1301), Hunteman (1235)

Τ褦ʰ۷֤ϡȤ櫓̣δ鶽̣򤽤롥ʾˡοȤ¿䡤͡μΡ¾ΤؤΤ꤬졤鴶ưФ롥

Fransson, G. Middle English Surnames of Occupation 1100--1350, with an Excursus on Toponymical Surnames. Lund Studies in English 3. Lund: Gleerup, 1935.
Thuresson, Bertil. Middle English Occupational Terms. Lund Studies in English 19. Lund: Gleerup, 1968.

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2024-03-22 Fri

#5443. blow - blew - blown --- űѸ춯Ѳư7 [oe][verb][conjugation][preterite][morphology][phonetics][paradigm][yod-dropping][sound_change][spelling_pronunciation_gap][voicy][heldio]

ε#5442. إ饤ȥϥ¼ŵ7ǡ٤Ͽ֤ĤŤȯס ([2024-03-21-1]) ǡֿ᤯פ̣ư blow θѸǤγѤȤȯ˿줿Ȥ櫓 blew ֤ä /bluː/ ȯդ¥ᤰäơ֤ Voicy heldio Ǥ夲ƤΤǡİ褷ƤС

#1023. new ϡ֥˥塼פ̡֥פ --- ѲȸóȻ
#1025. blow - blew ֥֥롼 - blown
#1026. ʤ now know ȯ㤦Ρ

blow ϸűѸˤƤ϶Ѳư7°ưäƱ7°Ӥ٤ưȤ know, grow, throw 󤲤롥ơѸ know - knew - known; grow - grew - grown; throw - threw - thrown Τ褦 blow Ȥ褯Ѥ򼨤4ưˤĤơűѸǤ4׷ޤȤƤ4׷ʤɸűѸ춯Ѳưξܺ٤ˤĤƤϡ#2217. űѸ춯Ѳư෿ΤޤȤ ([2015-05-23-1]) #42. űѸˤϲθ촴ढä ([2009-06-09-1]) 򻲾ȡˡ

 12ʬ
"blow"blāwanblēowblēowonblāwen
"know"cnā_wancnēowcnēowoncnāwen
"grow"grōwangrēowgrēowongrōwen
"throw"þrāwanþrēowþrēowonþrōwen


1뤤2θ촴첻ܤȡȤȤθűѸǤ /eːɔw/ ۤɤä줬ǯλФơ/eːɔw/ > /eːʊ/ > /eʊ/ > /ˈɪʊ/ > /ɪˈʊ/ > /juː/ > /uː/ Τ褦ѲƤΤǤ롥
ѸǻѤ򤹤뤵¾ưȤơfly - flew - flown; draw - drew - drawn; slay - slew - slain 롥űѸǤ fly 2ࡤdraw slay 6Ǥꡤblow ȤϽ°ۤʤäϤ餯 blow פȤ (analogy) ˤꡤѤΤˤʤäƤΤưϤ줾ȼˤäƤꡤѲεҤǤϹԤʤΤǤ롥

סزˡ١Ѹ11罤۽Ź1985ǯ

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1]

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2024-03-16 Sat

#5437. phonotacitcs ֲ [phonotactics][graphotactics][terminology][linguistics][phonology][morphology][linearity]

heldio #1018. sch- áϤѸǤ sch- ֻŪȤʤɤˤʸ (graphotactics) Ǥ롥
ʸظˤΤ (phonotactics) Ǥ롥Ƹˤ벻Ǥ¤ӽܤ벻1ʬ2ĤѸ켭ŵꡤphonotactics ˤĤƴϢ̤ѸȤȤ˾Ҳ𤷤ޤϡCrystal ꡥ

phonotactics (n.)A term used in PHONOLOGY to refer to the sequential ARRANGEMENTS (or tactic behaviour) of phonological UNITS which occur in a language --- what counts as a phonologically well-formed word. In English, for example, CONSONANT sequences such as /fs/ and /spm/ do not occur INITIALLY in a word, and there are many restrictions on the possible consonant+VOWEL combinations which may occur, e.g. /ŋ/ occurs only after some short vowels /ɪ, æ, ʌ, ɒ/. These 'sequential constraints' can be stated in terms of phonotactic rules. Generative phonotactics is the view that no phonological principles can refer to morphological structure; any phonological patterns which are sensitive to morphology (e.g. affixation) are represented only in the morphological component of the grammar, not in the phonology. See also TAXIS.


taxis (n.)A general term used in PHONETICS and LINGUISTICS to refer to the systematic arrangements of UNITS in LINEAR SEQUENCE at any linguistic LEVEL. The commonest terms based on this notion are: phonotactics, dealing with the sequential arrangements of sounds; morphotactics with MORPHEMES; and syntactics with higher grammatical units than the morpheme. Some linguistic theories give this dimension of analysis particular importance (e.g. STRATIFICATIONAL grammar, where several levels of tactic organization are recognized, corresponding to the strata set up by the theory, viz. 'hypophonotactics', 'phonotactics', 'morphotactics', 'lexicotactics', 'semotactics' and 'hypersemotactics'). See also HARMONIC PHONOLOGY.


Bussmann ꡥ

phonotacticsStudy of the sound and phoneme combinations allowed in a given language. Every language has specific phonotactic rules that describe the way in which phonemes can be combined in different positions (initial, medial, and final). For example, in English the stop + fricative cluster /ɡz/ can only occur in medial (exhaust) or final (legs), but not in initial position, and /h/ can only occur before, never after, a vowel. The restrictions are partly language-specific and partly universal.


ϡ (linearity) 椨Ǥ¤ӽ硤Ȥ߹碌Ż뤻ʤǤϡ˸¤餺 -tactics ɬŪ˸Ūʰյΰޤ--tactics ̻ŪѲ뤳Ȥ˸ؤǤϽפǤ롥

Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.
Bussmann, Hadumod. Routledge Dictionary of Language and Linguistics. Trans. and ed. Gregory Trauth and Kerstin Kazzizi. London: Routledge, 1996.

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1]

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2024-03-11 Mon

#5432. ʣ -(r)en ϤȤǶǤϤʤä [exaptation][language_change][plural][morphology][derivation][inflection][indo-european][suffix][rhotacism][sound_change][germanic][german][reanalysis]

Ĺ餯̾ʣˤ򸦵椷ƤȤűѸǸԵ§פʣ -ru -n 줾ĸʳǤäȤΤʤäԤ ċildru "children" ʤɤˤߤ뤬ư̾äȤԤ ēagan "eyes" ʤɤˤߤ뤬̲ΰ̣ôä褦
ˤĤơFertig (38) ޥʣܼάˤ򤨤ʤ鶽̣äƤ롥

There are a couple of cases in Germanic where an originally derivational suffix acquired a new inflectional function after regular phonetic attrition at the ends of words resulted in a situation where the suffix only remained in certain forms in the paradigm. The derivational suffix *-es-/-os- was used in proto-Indo-European to form action nouns . . . . In West Germanic languages, this suffix was regularly lost in some forms of the inflectional paradigm, and where it survived it eventually took on the form -er (s > r is a regular conditioned sound change known as rhotacism). The only relic of this suffix in Modern English can be seen in the doubly-marked plural form children. It played a more important role in noun inflection in Old English, as it still does in modern German, where it functions as the plural ending for a fairly large class of nouns, e.g. Kind--Kinder 'child(ren)'; Rind--Rinder 'cattle'; Mann--Männer 'man--men'; Lamm--Lämmer 'labm(s)', etc. The evolution of this morpheme from a derivational suffix to a plural marker involved a complex interaction of sound change, reanalysis (exaptation) and overt analogical changes (partial paradigm leveling and extension to new lexical items). A similar story can be told about the -en suffix, which survives in modern standard English only in oxen and children, but is one of the most important plural endings in modern German and Dutch and also marks a case distinction (nominative vs. non-nominative) in one class of German nouns. It was originally a derivational suffix with an individualizing function . . . .


child(ren), eye(s), ox(en) ˴ؤϡޤǤ͡˼夲ƤʲΥƥ򻲾ȡ

hellog #946. ̾ʣˤγס ([2011-11-29-1])
hellog #146. child ʣ children ʤ櫓 ([2009-09-20-1])
hellog #145. child children 첻Ĺ ([2009-09-19-1])
hellog #218. ʣ ([2009-12-01-1])
hellog #219. eyes ɽ172ֻ̤ ([2009-12-02-1])
hellog #2284. eye ȯˡ ([2015-07-29-1])

hellog-radio ʢ heldio ȡ #31. ʤ child ʣ children ʤΤǤ

heldio #202. child children 첻Ĺ
heldio #291. ͺ ox ʣ oxen
heldio #396. ʤ I eye ƱȯˤʤΡ

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1]

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2024-03-09 Sat

#5430. ԰ټ -er ưǤϤʤ̾δΤˤĤ [analogy][reanalysis][agentive_suffix][suffix][morphology][word_formation][dutch][german]

-er ŵŪ԰ټ (agentive_suffix) 1ĤǤ롥̤ưδΤղä뤳Ȥǡб԰ټԤ̾ȤƤȤ館Ƥ롥
ϡ̾δΤˤĤơ~˴ط͡פۤɤ̣԰ټ̾Τä㤨 fisher ʵաˤϡư fish -er ĤΤȻפ뤫⤷ʤ츻Ūˤ̾ fish -er ĤΤʤΤǤ롥
رѸ츻ŵ٤ -er1 ˤȡȤȤ̾ˤΤղä줿ޤѲưˤĤ褦ˤʤꡤ˶ѲưˤĤ褦ˤʤäȤʤŬϰϤưˤȤäȤСޤ˾˵󤲤 fish Τ褦̾ưͤΤϤȤʤꡤʬ (reanalysis) ¥Τȹͤ롥
Fertig (35) μκʬϤȤơޤ -er 夲Ƥ롥

An even more striking example is the English/German/Dutch agentive suffix -er (< proto-Germanic *-ārjo-z). Originally, this suffix could only be attached to nouns to produce new nouns with the meaning 'person having something to do with X' (where X is the meaning of the base noun). This use can still be seen in Modern English words such as hatter and is highly productive with place names, e.g. English New Yorker; Dutch Amsterdammer; German Pariser, etc. In the older languages, we see this original use clearly in examples such as Gothic bôkareis/Old English bócere 'scribe', derived from the noun corresponding to Modern English book. As this example suggests, the construction was used especially to designate professions and occupations, and there was very often also a related denominal verb. In Gothic, for example, we find the basic noun dôm- 'judgment', the derived verb dômjan 'to judge' and the noun dômareis 'judge (i.e. person who judges)'. Nouns like dômareis were then reanalyzed as being derived from the verbs rather than directly from the basic nouns.


ˤĤƤϡhellog Ǥ¿夲Ƥʲεʤɤ򻲾ȡ

#1748. -er or -or ([2014-02-08-1])
#3791. ԰ټ -er, -ster ϥƥͳ褹롩 ([2019-09-13-1])
#5392. Ѹȿ̾ ([2024-01-31-1])

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

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2024-02-27 Tue

#5419. blending contamination [blend][contamination][morphology][word_formation][terminology]

smoke fog ݤ碌 smog ϡ (blending) ȸƤФˤäޤ줿 (blend) ŵǤ롥
ȻΥפȤ (contamination) 롥ƥ gravis ʽŤˤе levis ʷڤˤθ˱ƶơ¯ƥ grevis ѲȤ㤬󤲤롥ޤˤϷŪǤʤŪޤޤ롥㤨 different from other than ä different than Ϥ㤬롥ϡ#630. blend(ing)portmanteau word θƾΡ ([2011-01-17-1]) #737. ʸ contamination ([2011-05-04-1]) Ǽ夲Τǡ⻲Ȥ줿
blending contamination ϡ2ĤǤκ礤˴ŤȤƤ褯Ƥ롥ºݡξԤä˶̤ʤԤ⤤롥嵭ǻ伫Ȥ2ĤѸֺפȡֺפȰۤʤ餻ƤϤߤơδŪȤ櫓ǤϤʤޤDZѸǤΰۤʤѸ츯˱碌Ƥߤˤʤ
ǤϡξԤ̤븦ԤϡɤǶ̤ƤΤˤĤ Fertig (62) Ѥ롥

The terms contamination and blending were introduced by different scholars (Hermann Paul and Henry Sweet, respectively) in the late nineteenth century to refer to roughly the same range of phenomena. Many historical linguists, if they use both terms at all, have continued to use them more or less interchangeably . . . , whereas most morphologists use blend(ing) to refer only to the type of deliberate creation of new lexical items illustrated by smog.


Fertig Ȥ blend(ing) contamination 1ȤߤʤƤꡤΤ褦Ƥ롥

I classify blends as a subtype of contamination. Exactly where to draw the line is tricky, but a prototypical blend has the following properties: (1) it is lexical, i.e. both the input forms and the product are words (rather than phrases or bound morphemes); (2) it is a deliberate creation; (3) the input words both (or all) contribute to the meaning of the blend.


Τ褦˲ᤷƤʤ졼λϤ褦ΤȤξԤ̤򤷤ƤȻפ

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1] [2024-06-30-1]

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2024-01-31 Wed

#5392. Ѹȿ̾ [name_project][me][onomastics][personal_name][occupational_term][etymology][oe][morphology][lexicology][word_formation][agentive_suffix][by-name]

̾ץȡ (name_project) ȤδϢǡѸο̾ (personal_name)Ȥ櫓 (last name) "by-name" 뤤 "family name" ˴ؿƤ롥űѸѸˤߤ by-name εϡClark (567) ˤ4ढʤѸ˸¤餺褽Ūʬˡ

(a) familial ones, viz. those defining an individual by parentage, marriage or other tie of kinship
(b) honorific and occupational ones (categories that in practice overlap)
(c) locative ones, viz. those referring to present or former domicile
(d) characteristic ones, often called 'nicknames'

Τ (b) ̾̾̾ȤȤ館뤬Ѹˤ뤳̾ȤƤλѡ by-name ȤžѤ줿ܤƤ롥Ѹο̾¿뤬Clark (570--71) 򻲾ȤĤġ츻ŪŪʬहȰʲΤ褦ˤʤ

1. ե󥹸ʤ뤤ϥƥ졩ˤμѸ (French loanword)
barber, butcher, carpenter, cordwainer/cordiner, draper, farrier, mason, mercer, tailor; fourbisseur, pestour
2. (native word)
A. ñ (simplex)
cok, herde, smith, webbe, wrighte
B. ʣǸ (complex)ʤʣ
a. ư١
bruere/breuster, heuere, hoppere/hoppestre; bokebynder, bowestrengere, cappmaker, lanternemaker, lymbrenner, medmowere, rentgaderer, sylkthrowster, waterladestre
b. ̾١
bureller, glovere, glasier, madrer, nailere, ropere, skinnere; burelman, candelwif, horseknave, maderman, plougrom, sylkewymman; couherde, swynherde, madermongere, stocfisshmongere, ripreve, bulleward, wodeward, wheelewrighte

Ѹο̾ᤰˤĤƤϡʲ hellog Ǥ夲ƤΤ׻ȡ

#590. last name ϤĤ̳Ūˤʤä ([2010-12-08-1])
#2365. ΥޥαѸ̾κѡ ([2015-10-18-1])
#5231. űѸο̾ˤϲȷϤɽ魯 (family name) Ϥʤäɡ ([2023-08-23-1])
#5297. űѸ̾ؤѸηϡ ([2023-10-28-1])
#5338. Ѹ˿̾ˤ⤿餵줿2ĤοȤλ ([2023-12-08-1])
#5346. Ѹ˱Ѹ̾Ƴ줿طʡ ([2023-12-16-1])
#5299. Ѹ̾ؤѸηϡ ([2023-10-30-1])

Clark, Cecily. "Onomastics." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 2. Ed. Olga Fischer. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 542--606.

Referrer (Inside): [2025-01-01-1] [2024-03-09-1]

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2024-01-29 Mon

#5390. ˤ word, root, stem, theme, ending [morphology][indo-european][germanic][comparative_linguistics][reconstruction][terminology][inflection][oe]

ɤγʬǤ褯뤳ȤӸؤˤƤȤˤ̤ʤतνѸ¿ɸ˷ǤѸ줬ŵϢϡ#700. 졤ǡܼ캬촴ʣ졤Ρ ([2011-03-28-1]) Ǽ夲ǵ󤲤ΰʾòؽѸȤ롥
word ָ, root ָ캬, stem ָ촴, theme ָ촴ǡ, ending ָפ뤬Ϳ줿򤬿ޤ櫓ǤʤϰĸˤʲηŪʬϤȤʤäƤ롥

                  ROOT
        STEM 
                  THEME
WORD 
       
        ENDING



ROOT ϸỤ̄ôʬǤ롥THEME ϤȤϲ餫ʸˡŪǽôäƤǽ뤬Ǥ˰ĸʳˤợôʤʸ촴ǤȤƵǽƤľζ޸ ENDING ؤΡ֤ĤʤפȹͤƤФ褤ROOT + THEME STEM Ȥʤꡤ ENDING ղäơŪ WORD θȤʤ롥
㤨Сϡפ̣ƥñʷ equus equ (ROOT) + u (THEME) + s (ENDING) ʬϤ졤Ʊꥷ hippos hipp (ROOT) + o (THEME) + s (ENDING) ʬϤ롥
űѸʹߤŪʳˤäƤϡĸˤ嵭ηŪʬϤǤƩ礭ROOT, THEME, ENDING ߤͻ礷ƤޤäƤ뤳Ȥ¿äơ嵭ϸ̩ˤжŪʬϤˤԸ̻ŪŪˤ̣ͭǤ뤷Ӹؤʬˤ봷ŪȤʤäƤ뤿ˡűѸʸˡʸ̮ǤʤۤȤʤʤޤޤˡȤƤ뤳Ȥ¿
ʤTHEME ˤ첻ȻҲꡤޥĸűѸ̾ˤơԤϡֶѲ̾סԤϡּѲ̾פ̾Τ롥THEME 礯 "athematic" ʤ¸ߤΤդפ롥
ʾ塤Lass (123--26) 򻲾ȤƼɮ

Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.

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2024-01-20 Sat

#5381. ʸˡƻڤʸˡ٤ޤѥ᡼ [grammaticalisation][language_change][syntax][morphology][phonology][unidirectionality]

ѲΥᥫ˥ȤƸ椬ޤäƤƤʸˡ (grammaticalisation) ˤĤƤϡ#417. ʸˡȤϡ ([2010-06-18-1]) Ϥ¿εǼ夲Ƥϡ¿Ը򻲾Ȥ Wischer ʸƬʬ򻲹ͤˡʸˡŵŪƻڤʸˡ٤ޤѥ᡼Ҳ𤹤롥
ޤ Wischer (356) Givón (1979: 209) 򻲾ȤĤġʸˡ1ĤŵŪʷϩȤưʲΥѥƳ롥

discourse syntax morphology morphophonemics zero


ʸˡǤϡ˼Ѳ (unidirectionality) ФȤʤ롥
³ Wischer (356) ϡLehmann (1985: 307--08) 򻲾ȤĤġʸˡ٤ޤѥ᡼򼨤

1. "attrition": the gradual loss of semantic and phonological substance;
2. "paradigmaticization": the increasing integration of a syntactic element into a morphological paradigm;
3. "obligatorification": the choice of the linguistic item becomes rule-governed;
4. "condensation": the shrinking of scope;
5. "coalescence": once a syntactic unit has become morphological, it gains in bondedness and may even fuse with the constituent it governs;
6. "fixation": the item loses its syntagmatic variability and becomes a slot filler.


󤷤ƤСʸˡȤϡ«ʤŪñ̤٤¤줿ʸˡŪǤƤƤȤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥

Wischer, Ilse. "Grammaticalization versus Lexicalization: 'Methinks' there is some confusion." Pathways of Change: Grammaticalization in English. Ed. Olga Fischer, Anette Rosenbach, and Dieter Stein. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2000. 355--70.
Givón, Talmy. On Understanding Grammar. New York: Academic P, 1979.
Lehmann, Chr. "Grammaticalisation: Synchronic Variation and Diachronic Change." Lingua e stile 20 (1985): 303--18.

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2024-01-18 Thu

#5379. blend Ϸ䱤ΧˤȤäƤͭյʸݤǤ [blend][morphology][frequency][word_formation][prosody][analogy]

ǯѸä blend ʺˤƤ¤ˤĤƤϡǤ hellog Ǥ֤ⷫ夲Ƥ

#631. blending γ ([2011-01-18-1])
#876. Ѹˤ뤫Ф˹⤤ ([2011-09-20-1])
#4369. Brexit --- ͷӤθ ([2021-04-13-1])

츫 blend ϿܤͷӤˤ夢ޤǼŪʸݤˤȤɤޤȻפ뤫⤷ʤǯαѸˤ뤽ι⤵ϡθѤĤĤ롥㤨СFertig (70) ϡȤŪʰյĤȤ򼡤Τ褦⤷Ƥ롥

   Blends are often treated as a marginal phenomenon (Haspelmath and Sims 2010:40). Aronoff discusses them under the heading 'oddities' and considers them 'words which have no recognizable internal structure or constituents'; they are 'opaque, and hence uncommon' (1976: 20). Recent developments suggest that Aronoff may have had the relationship between opacity and frequency backwards here. Blends may have been rather opaque in 1976 precisely because they were still relatively uncommon. Today, at least in English, blends (of certain types) can hardly be called uncommon, and we generally seem to have little trouble parsing and processing them. As we will see in §7.3.8, this issue of the relationship between the frequency of a morphological pattern and its transparency/opacity has implications for some fundamental theoretical issues of great relevance to morphological change.
   To the extent that some types of blending have become productive and predictable morphological operations in present-day English, it is no longer accurate to classify them as non-proportional. They amount to a kind of compounding with the two elements overlapping in accordance with well defined constraints. Within Paul's proportional theory, they could thus be handled by an extension of the (syntagmatic) proportional equations that he proposes for syntax (see §6.2 below). Blending as a type of word formation would fit even more easily into certain other theories of morphology. Insights and analytical tools from Prosodic Morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1995) have made it clear that (most) blends absolutely do have 'recognizable internal structure'. They are a type of non-concatenative morphology. Instead of combining two words into a linear string as in compounding, blends superimpose one word onto the prosodic structure of another (Piñeros 1998, 2004).


衤ϷŪˤ¤ƩȤߤʤƤϺˤޤ㤫ä˽ʬ˲Ƥ餺ƩפȤΥåƥŽƤʤΤǤϤʤ줬Ƥ븽ߡѼԤ⤹ä괷졤षƩ⤯ʤäƤȤΤǤϤʤơ٤Фʤ顤䲻ˤΥ᥹Ϥ᤿ΤǤϤʤȤΤ褦ʵǤ롥
Χ (Prosodic Morphology) Ȥʬ󾧤Ƥ褦Ǥꡤˡ#3722. ϱ¦βȰפ ([2019-07-06-1]) Ǥߤ̤ꡤħŪʱΧ¤Τˤ褦κؤŸ˴Ԥ

Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

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2024-01-13 Sat

#5374. 䤪ӴϢ㼨ʸ --- Fertig Ƭ [analogy][backformation][folk_etymology][morphology][language_change][voicy][heldio]


heldio #955. ̯ʱʸ̣臘ʥʤӴϢˡۿܥ֥ǤƱ򥫥СƤ
#4229. Fertig ˤ analogy ([2020-11-24-1]) #5336. Fertig ˤ analogy ܳŪܼ ([2023-12-06-1]) ǾҲ𤷤 Fertig analogy ˴ؤ븦ƬϡΤ褦ʱʸ㼨Ǿ롥

A book about analogy and morphological change? That is so not what I was expecting. I never imaginated there'd ever be such a book. I guess I had another thing coming. Who'd of thunk it?


αʸˤ (analogy) ӤȴϢ׿β򼨤㤬4ġʤ뤤5ġ˴ޤޤƤ롥٤Ƥλ㡤뤤˻ƤǤ롥줾⤹1ѤƤ

The short paragraph above contains at least four recognizable examples of some of the different kinds of innovations that we will be exploring in this book. That is so not . . . is an example of analogical change in syntax. Until recently, the intensifier so could only be used directly before an adjective or adverb. Now some speakers regularly use it in other syntactic contexts, such as before the negative particle not. This change can be attributed to the analogy of other intensifiers such as really . . . . The next sentence contains the verb imaginate, which sounds very odd to many English speakers today but has been around since 1541. It means the same thing as the much more common and older verb imagine and may have been created by backformation from the noun imagination, on the analogical model of pairs like speculation--speculate, dedication--dedicate, etc. The fourth sentence contains an altered version of the familiar expression to have another think coming, meaning 'to be seriously mistaken about something'. For at least a century, English speakers/learners have sometimes mistaken the word think in this expression for thing. This kind of change is called folk etymology. It occurs when speakers identify one element in an expression with a different, often historically unrelated element. The word of (for 've) in the final sentence of the paragraph could also be considered folk etymology. Finally, thunk is obviously an innovative past-participle form corresponding to standard thought. It is based on analogical models such as sink--sank--sunk or stick--stuck.


ɽΤΤޤᤤĤɤȽȡinnovations, analogical change, backformation, analogical model, folk_etymology ʤɤ󤬤äƤ롥Fertig ܤǤϡѸ䳵ǰǫ˵ƤˤʺѡˤθɬɽǤ롥


Fertig, David. ''Analogy and Morphological Change.'' Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.



Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.

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2023-12-21 Thu

#5351. OED βǤߤʻ parasynthesis parasynthetic [terminology][morphology][word_formation][compound][compounding][derivation][suffix][parasynthesis][adjective][participle][noun][oed]

#5348. the green-eyed monster ˤߤ̾ƻ첽 -ed ([2023-12-18-1]) εǡʻ (parasynthesis) ȤѸƳ
OED ˤ "Derivation from a compound; word-formation involving both compounding and derivation." Ȥ롥бƻ parasynthetic ȤȤˡꥷζ˴ؤܤΤʤ1862ǯ˽ФƤ롥OED ǤϷƻ parasynthetic ιܤΤۤ⤬ܤΤǡ餫⡤ʸѤ롥

Formed from a combination or compound of two or more elements; formed by a process of both compounding and derivation.

In English grammar applied to compounds one of whose elements includes an affix which relates in meaning to the whole compound; e.g. black-eyed 'having black eyes' where the suffix of the second element, -ed (denoting 'having'), applies to the whole, not merely to the second element. In French grammar applied to derived verbs formed by the addition of both a prefix and a suffix.

1862 It is said that synthesis does, and parasynthesis does not affect the accent; which is really tantamount to saying, that when the accent of a word is known..we shall be able to judge whether a Greek grammarian regarded that word as a synthetic or parasynthetic compound. (H. W. Chandler, Greek Accentuation Preface xii)

1884 That species of word-creation commonly designated as parasynthetic covers an extensive part of the Romance field. (A. M. Elliot in American Journal of Philology July 187)

1934 Twenty-three..of the compound words present..are parasynthetic formations such as 'black-haired', 'hard-hearted'. (Review of English Studies vol. 10 279)

1951 Such verbs are very commonly parasynthetic, taking one of the prefixes ad-, ex-, in-. (Language vol. 27 137)

1999 Though broad-based is two centuries old, zero-based took off around 1970 and missile lingo gave us land-based, sea-based and space-based. A discussion of this particular parasynthetic derivative is based-based. (New York Times (Nexis) 27 June vi. 16/2)


оݤȤʤ˱ parasynthetic/parasynthesis λؤۤʤȤ𤬤褦ǡǤդνѸǤ롥ѸǤ -ed Ϳ parasynthesis ŵȤƵ󤲤뤳Ȥ¿褦-ed parasynthesis ˸ꤷƹͻˤ衤ʥѥ󤬤ꤽǡŪˤϤ˺ʬɬפ

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2023-12-20 Wed

#5350. the green-eyed monster ˤߤ̾ƻ첽 -ed (3) [morphology][word_formation][compound][compounding][derivation][suffix][parasynthesis][adjective][participle][oed][conversion][johnson][coleridge]

Ⱥ˰³green-eyed Υפʻ (parasynthesis) ˤߤ̾դ -ed ˤĤ (cf. [2023-12-18-1], [2023-12-19-1])
OED -ed, suffix2 ̣ˡβѤ

Appended to nouns in order to form adjectives connoting the possession or the presence of the attribute or thing expressed by the noun. In modern English, and even in Middle English, the form affords no means of distinguishing between the genuine examples of this suffix and those participial adjectives in -ed, suffix1 which are ultimately < nouns through unrecorded verbs. Examples that have come down from Old English are ringed:--Old English hringede, hooked: --Old English hócede, etc. The suffix is now added without restriction to any noun from which it is desired to form an adjective with the sense 'possessing, provided with, characterized by' (something); e.g. in toothed, booted, wooded, moneyed, cultured, diseased, jaundiced, etc., and in parasynthetic derivatives, as dark-eyed, seven-hilled, leather-aproned, etc. In bigoted, crabbed, dogged, the suffix has a vaguer meaning. (Groundless objections have been made to the use of such words by writers unfamiliar with the history of the language: see quots.)


ܵȤƤϡ~ġ~ħդ줿դ̾Ȥꤢƻ첽ˤˡ⤢ȤΤȤ̾ -ed ղäˤĤƤϡ̾ղäƤΤ뤤̾줬äưʻž (conversion) ǡư˲ʬ -ed ղäƤΤȽȤʤȤˤ⿨Ƥ롥ʻžư줬Ωʸڤʤˤ⡤ޤʸڤƤʤȤ뤷뤤夽Τ褦˹ͤ뤳ȤϲǽȤΩ⤢뤫⤷ʤΤ񤷤ǤϤ롥
ΰѤκǸˡ̾ + -ed׸λѤȿФ̡ˤĤƤθڤ뤬OED ľ˵󤲤ƤΤ϶ŪˤϼǤ롥

1779 There has of late arisen a practice of giving to adjectives derived from substantives, the termination of participles: such as the 'cultured' plain..but I was sorry to see in the lines of a scholar like Gray, the 'honied' spring. (S. Johnson, Gray in Works vol. IV. 302)

1832 I regret to see that vile and barbarous vocable talented..The formation of a participle passive from a noun is a licence that nothing but a very peculiar felicity can excuse. (S. T. Coleridge, Table-talk (1836) 171)


Johnson Coleridge ޤ "writers unfamiliar with the history of the language" "Groundless objections" ȽҤ٤դꡤOED Ϥʤʤ긷

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2023-12-19 Tue

#5349. the green-eyed monster ˤߤ̾ƻ첽 -ed (2) [morphology][word_formation][compound][compounding][derivation][suffix][parasynthesis][adjective][participle][oed][germanic][old_saxon][old_norse][latin]

ε ([2023-12-18-1]) ³Ԥǡgreen-eyed Υפʻ (parasynthesis) ˤˤĤơ OED 򻲾Ȥ -ed ΤΤ롥
OED ǤưβʬȤƤ -ed, suffix1 ȡΤ褦̾ˤĤȤƤ -ed, suffix2 ̸ФΩƤƤ롥Ԥθ츻Ѥ롥

Cognate with Old Saxon -ôdi (not represented elsewhere in Germanic, though Old Norse had adjectives similarly < nouns, with participial form and i-umlaut, as eygðr eyed, hynrdr horned); appended to nouns in order to form adjectives connoting the possession or the presence of the attribute or thing expressed by the noun. The function of the suffix is thus identical with that of the Latin past participial suffix -tus as used in caudātus tailed, aurītus eared, etc.; and it is possible that the Germanic base may originally have been related to that of -ed, suffix1, the suffix of past participles of verbs formed upon nouns.


εҤˤȡޥǤʶʬۤǤϤ뤬бꡤƱɳΥƥʤɤˤбǤȤȤˤʤ롥̤ķϤɤޤ̤Τ뤤ϳƸɡˤǤΩʿȯãʤΤ뤤ϰ¾ؤμѤͤΤʤɡ䤹褷ˤʤΤ褦
⤦1Ĺθ٤Ȥơ -ed ñ̾դ (ex. dogged) ʣ̾դ (ex. green-eyed) Ȥ򡤸ηδƱΤȤߤƤ褤Τ뤤ϰۤʤΤª٤ʤΤŪˤŪˤ⡤Τ˶̣Ǥ롥

Referrer (Inside): [2023-12-20-1]

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