ܿ (contact) γƤ Winford ϡʸˡܤμѲǽϤƤʤΤΡŦƤʸˡѤλ¿ϡ̾θüѤ١ȤΤǤꡤȯŸǤȤ٤ΤΤǤϤʤȤͤƤ롥
㤨С̤Ѹˤϥե줫¿ܼѤ줿Ȥ롥 (suffix) ˸¤äƤ -acioun, -age, -aunce, -erie, -ment, -ite; -ant, -ard, -esse, -our; -able, -al, -iv, -ous, -ate, -ify, -ize ʤɤ (Winford 57) ѸüԤϡեäԥݥȤڤäƼƤ櫓ǤϤʤޤǤñ̤˼ƤθڤФơѸθŬѤΤŪ˥ե줫ܼѤΤ褦˸뤬ºݤΥץϡüѤθܼڤФŬѤȤȤʤΤ
Ʊͤˡ츫ŪʼѤ˸⡤칽¤ùܤμѤޤϢưǷŪ칽¤ΤΤ⥳ԡ줿̤ȤߤʤȤǤ뤫⤷ʤ
㤨СWinford (66) Silva-Corvalán 1994ǯθȤơɸॹڥȡѸǻܿƤ륹ڥιʸӤƤ롥ѸǤ they broke my jaw 칽¤ԤǤͿ me ȼ y me quebraron la mandibula ȤʤΤΡԤǤϱѸ° mi ȼ y quebraron mi, mi jaw ȤʤȤ륹ڥιʸˤƱѸ줫ѤƤ褦ˤߤ뤬̩ˤСּѡפȤϡѸ칽¤ȤǤΥ륹ڥȤƤˡγĥȤ٤⤷ʤȤΤϡɸॹڥǤ⡤Ԥι¤ԼǤϤ뤬ƶоݤ֤פΤ褦ʿΤ̤ǤϤʤΤڤΥ̤νͭʪξˤϡ̤Ѥ뤫ĤޤꡤȤȤΥڥˤäѡŪ¤бѸ칽¤˿ȯơˤޤäΤ褦˻פ롥ּѡפȸƤ֤ȤǤΤȡФ Winford η (68)
Silva-Corvalán (1998) discusses several other examples like these, and argues that the changes involved are not the outcome of direct borrowing of a syntactic structures or rules from one language into another (1998: 225). Rather, what is involved is a kind of "lexico-syntactic calquing" (ibid.) triggered by partial congruence between Spanish and English words. This results in Spanish words assuming the semantic and/or subcategorization properties of the apparent English equivalents (faux amis). Her findings lead her to the conclusion that "what is borrowed across languages is not syntax, but lexicon and pragmatics" (1998: 226) This claim certainly seems to hold for cases of language maintenance with bilingualism such as that in LA.
ѡפ "lexico-syntactic calquing" (cf. loan_translation) Ȥơ뤤Ū "faux amis" (cf. false_friend) ȤƤȤ館ϤޤǤˤʤäܤ줿
Winford, Donald. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003.
Silva-Corvalán, Carmen. Language Contact and Change: Spanish in Los Angeles. Oxford: Clarendon, 1994.
Silva-Corvalán, Carmen. "On Borrowing as a Mechanism of Syntactic Change." Romance Linguistics: Theoretical Perspectives. Ed. Shwegler, Armin, Bernard Tranel, and Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1998. 225--46.
ùܤμѤϤФ뤬ʸˡܤμѤϤޤǤ롥ΤȤϡ (borrowing) ܿ (contact) εǰŪǧƤ뤳ȤʸˡܤȤäƤ͡Ǥ롥㤨СŪѤϳΤ˵Τ褦ŪѤ˻礫ʤԤΤʤǤǤ϶Ǥùܤ˶ᤤ˼ѻ¿Ȥ롥ޤŪäǤ롥
ʸˡѤϤɤΤ褦ʾΤȤΤˤϤɤΤ褦ʸŪ¤ݤƤΤܿǤ⤿ӤƤǡܥ֥ǤϰʲεǸڤƤ
#902. Ѥ䤹ܡ ([2011-10-16-1])
#1779. ܿ٤ȼͽ¬ɸ ([2014-03-11-1])
#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])
#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])
#2011. Moravcsik ˤѤ ([2014-10-29-1])
#2113. ʸˡѤξ ([2015-02-08-1])
#2067. Weinreich ˤ촳Ĥηװ ([2014-12-24-1])
#4410. ܿη̤˴ؤ礭ʸޡ ([2021-05-24-1])
Winford (93--96) ϡWeinreich, Heath, Thomason and Kaufman ʤɤԸȤʤ顤ּѤ˲ݤ¤Ȥ4Ƥ롥
Morphological constraint 1 (borrowing):
The greater the congruence between morphological structures across languages in contact, the greater the ease of borrowing.
. . . .
Morphological constraint 2 (borrowing):
The greater the degree of transparency of a morpheme, the greater the likelihood of its diffusion. By contrast, the more opaque (complex, bound, phonologically reduced) a morpheme is, the less likely it is to be borrowed.
. . . .
Morphological constraint 3 (borrowing):
The existence of gaps in the morphemic inventory of a recipient language facilitates the importation of new morphemes and functional categories from a source language.
. . . .
Morphological constraint 4 (borrowing):
The lack of a functional category in a source language may lead to loss of a similar category in a recipient language
ԸǤǤ˻ŦƤ4Ȥǡ̤Ϥ褯ʤäƤ롥2ˤޤС2֤ι¤Ūפȡָ naturalnessפ˹Ԥ夯
Winford, Donald. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003.
Weinreich, Uriel. Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems. New York: Publications of the Linguistic Circle of New York, 1953. The Hague: Mouton, 1968.
Heath, Jeffrey. Linguistic Diffusion in Arnhem Land. Australian Aboriginal Studies: Research and Regional Studies 13. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1978.
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
ܿ (contact) θǡǯäȤƶϤäȤ Thomason and Kaufman Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics (1988) źθܿλƤ͡ʴ褦Ȥ˲ͤ롥ܥ֥Ǥ⡤ʲΤ褦ʵǾҲ𤷤Ƥʤۤεɤˡ
#1779. ܿ٤ȼͽ¬ɸ ([2014-03-11-1])
#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])
#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])
Winford (23--24) Thomason and Kaufman ʬŪ˰͵Ĥ "Major outcomes of language contact" ꤹɽäƤ롥ָܿη̤˴ؤ礭ʸޡפȤäƤ褤ܿݤ˾˼긵֤ƤȤĤǡʲ˼ *

Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Winford, Donald. An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2003.
ֱܲѸƳ2021꺣Ҳ𤹤륳ƥĤϡɽ줿ʹԷ ing äƸʬʤΡư̾ʤΡǤưοʹԷˤҤȤϸʬιʸήǤ뤬ǽư̾ιʸήǤ뤳ȤŦƥĤǤ
be + -ing ȤɽʹԷ (progressive form) εȯãˤĤƤϡѸ˾¿εʤƤޤʶȤƤꡤʤȸƤ٤Τ뤫ɤǤˤˤĤƤ Mustanoja (584--90) ˤ褯ޤȤޤäƤޤʲ˰͵ƳάҤ٤ޤ礦
űѸˤϡѸ be + -ing ΤȤ٤ʸȤ wesan/beon + -ende ޤθʬ -ende Ȥ֤äƤꡤ˹ä -ing ֤줿Ȥаޤޤcf. #2421. ʬư̾ζƯŪȯã ([2015-12-13-1])#2422. Ѹˤư̾졤ʬ졤θβŪƱ ([2015-12-14-1])ˡűѸ wesan/beon + -ende ϡΤ˷³ްդʸ̮Ѥ뤳Ȥ⤢ޤǤʤȤ¿ǽŪˤϸοʹԷľܤĤʤΤɤԳΤǤޤȤƤϥƥб빽ʸǤȤƤޤѸȡιʸϤषΩʤʤޤˤäƤ٤Ф꤬ߤޤѸˤ¤ĹϤᡤḽѸοʹԷϢʤήФޤŵŪ˷³ɽ魯ŪˡȯãΩΤϡ16ʹߤΤȤǤ
ʹԷεȯãäȳѤޤξܺ٤ϼ¤ʣǡѸ˸塤ε깭ƤޤűѸбʸ³ȯãǤȤ⤢СΡon + ư̾פιʸǤȤ⤢ޤ2ĤȤ߹碌3ƤƤꡤ줬ƤȤʤäƤ褦Ǥ
¾줫αƶˤȯãȤ¿ޤҤ̤ꡤűѸ wesan/beon + -ende ϥƥбʸ路ΤǤȤΤͭϤǤѸǤλѤˤĤƤϡťեбʸαƶ⵿ƤޤˡȸƶޤƤƤޤcf. #3754. ȸ줫ι¤Ūѡ֥ȸ첾פˤĤơ ([2019-08-07-1])ˡ
ʹԷϡΤ褦˱Ѹ˸̥ŪǤ³Ƥޤ
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
ˡߤˡ "mandative subjunctive" 奢ꥫѸǰŪѤƤ¤ˤĤơܥ֥Ǥ̻ŪʴʲεǼ夲Ƥ#325. mandative subjunctive should ([2010-03-18-1])#326. The subjunctive forms die hard. ([2010-03-19-1])#345. "mandative subjunctive" Υꥹȡ ([2010-04-07-1])#3042. Ѹ³ˡλѤäͳ ([2017-08-25-1])#3351. ꥫѸǤ "mandative subjunctive" λѤ "colonial lag" ǤϤʤפ ([2018-06-30-1])
ˤĤ Hundt (595--97) Brown ϥѥѤƹԤʤäĴγפɤൡä (cf. #428. The Brown family of corpora Ѿա ([2010-06-29-1])) 1930ǯ夫1991ǯޤǤαξѼʽաˤ̻ĴǤ롥should Ѥ٤Ƥ mandative subjunctive ѤγϡꥫѸǤϤǤ1930ǯ8˶Ť⤤ͤƤꡤ1991ǯˤϤۤ9ãƤ롥ꥹѸǤϡ1930ǯ2Ķ٤ͤǤꡤθäȤϤ1991ǯλ4ˤȤɤޤäƤ롥mandative subjunctive λѤˤĤƤϡŪˤ̻Ūˤ⥢ꥫѸΤۤȤäƤ褤
Övergaard ԸˤȡꥫѸǤ mandative subjunctive ä1900ǯ1920ǯˤƵäƤꡤطʤȤƥɥĸ졤ե졤ڥ졤ꥢʤɲˡݻƤȤΰ̱¸ߤŦƤ (Hundt 597)
⤷Τϡ嵭ΡֲˡߡפΤߤʤ餺If I were you Τ褦ʡֲˡפ were λ¸ˤĤƤ⡤Ѽ֤ǻ褦ʷߤ뤳ȤꥹѸǤϡ1930ǯˤ were Ѥ8ۤɤä1990ǯˤ5䶯ؤ礭餷Ƥ롥ꥫѸǤ1930ǯ83.4%1990ǯ74%ƤȤϤϾ
λ㤫⡤20ΥꥫѸʽաˤ "a relatively 'subjunctive-friendly' variety" (Hundt 597) Ǥ뤳Ȥ狼롥
Hundt, Marianne. "Change in Grammar." Chapter 27 of The Oxford Handbook of English Grammar. Ed. Bas Aarts, Jill Bowie and Gergana Popova. Oxford: OUP, 2020. 581--603.
Övergaard, Gerd. The Mandative Subjunctive in American and British English in the 20th Century. Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1995.
ε#4145. ѸǤɤˤ뺮 ([2020-09-01-1]) ơܸλ¸Ǥޤޤʤȳ줫ʤ뺮ͤƤߤ褦֥饤ȡס֥ʲҡסŻҥס֥ƥáסֵӡסڥġפʤɤפ⤫֡ѤWաסIT̿סPCֽפʤɤ롥
ؿܸ춵ŵ٤˶̣Ŧä
ǶǤϡ֤ɤʤС˥ʥˡס֥ǥѡʡȡϲˤᤰפΤ褦ˡĹʤ꤬ʺǤϡά줬Ǥ롥ά¦̤¿ͤʺμ֤ªƤȤϡܸ춵ˤȤäƤפʲǤ롥 (262)
ʤۤɺϴŪʣǤ뤫顤Ĺʤ꤬Ǥ롥ȤȤϡά첽䤹ϵŤʤäݥȤǤ롥ѸǤ¿쾯ʤƤϤޤϤºݡѸˤѸǤɤˤ뺮ɽǤ television 4ûʤ TV άΤȹͤ뤳ȤǤ롥
ܸǤϡѸǤɤˤ뺮˸¤餺̤˺ؤϤۤɶʤ褦˻פ롥ؿܸ춵ŵ٤Ǥ⡤ɤ餫ȤȹŪ˰Ƥ롥
¸ߤϡܸ줬θͭǤǤ¸פˤơǤǤ졤ѶŪ˼ߤʤ顤ˤȤ߹碌뤳Ȥˤä¤Ԥʤä˭٤ˤƤаޤʪäƤ롥 (262)
ѸǤϡ#4149. Խ뤵븽κ ([2020-09-05-1]) ǿ줿褦ˡȤ˺ФŪ٤뤬ܸǤϤηŪ夤Ȥ
ؿܸ춵ŵ١ܸ춵ز ԡ罤۽Ź2005ǯ
#4145. ѸǤɤˤ뺮 ([2020-09-01-1]) ǡ (hybrid) 1פˤĤƤߤΥפ˸¤餺ϰ̤˸ʸ̤꺮ʤᡤԽפʸǤȤΥåƥŽ䤹ȤϤäƤ⡤ե졦ƥǤȱѸǤ礷Ť¸ߤ륿 (ex. bemuse, besiege, genuineness, nobleness, readable, breakage, fishery, disbelieve) Ͻʬ˱ѸäƱƤ뤿ᡤˤ
Խ뤵䤹Τϡ1920˷줿ŪʺǤ롥Ȥ amoral, automation, bi-weekly, bureaucracy, coastal, coloration, dandiacal, flotation, funniment, gullible, impedance, pacifist, speedometer ʤɤԤˤä̤˵뤳Ȥ롥μθϤȤ櫓20˳礷genocide, hydrofoil, hypermarket, megastar, microwave, photo-journalism, Rototiller, Strip-a-gram, volcanology ʤˤȤޤʤ (McArthur 490)
Fowler hybrid formations ι (369) Ǥϡ̤˵뤳Ȥ¿줬ĤƤ뤬θ³ĴҤϤϤ֤봲ƤǤꡤʤʤɤޤɾȤʤäƤ롥
If such words had been submitted for approval to an absolute monarch of etymology, some perhaps would not have been admitted to the language. But our language is governed not by an absolute monarch, nor by an academy, far less by a European Court of Human Rights, but by a stern reception committee, the users of the language themselves. Homogeneity of language origin comes low in their ranking of priorities; euphony, analogy, a sense of appropriateness, an instinctive belief that a word will settle in if there is a need for it and will disappear if there is not---these are the factors that operate when hybrids (like any other new words) are brought into the language. If the coupling of mixed-language elements seems too gross, some standard speakers write (now fax) severe letters to the newspapers. Attitudes are struck. This is all as it should be in a democratic country. But amoral, bureaucracy, and the other mixed-blood formations persist, and the language has suffered only invisible dents.
ʤϡǤʤȤ߹碌ȤǤϡѸ (waseieigo) ϤȤ֡פ˶ᤤȹͤ롥Խ뤵ɽʤǤǤ⡤ξԤϻƤ롥ơŪĹܿˤĸˤƤϡˤƼ̤ʸǤǤ⡤ϤξԤϻƤȻפǸˤĤƤϡ#3858. פֱפȤ̤θݡ ([2019-11-19-1]) ȡ
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992.
Burchfield, Robert, ed. Fowler's Modern English Usage. Rev. 3rd ed. Oxford: OUP, 1998.
츻ΰۤʤǤȤ߹蘆äƷ줿ʣʤɤϺ (hybrid) ȸƤФ롥ɽȤƱѸˤĤƤϡ#96. ѸȥեǺ褫 (hybrid) ([2009-08-01-1]) ǡܸˤĤƤϡ#296. 轡ѸܸͿŪƶ ([2010-02-17-1]) ʤɤǵƤ¾ȤܿˤǻĹȡñʤμѤ˰ꤺǤѤƼͳ¤줹봷ȯãȤΤϼǤ롥Ѹޤ֡פ⤷ꡤΡֺפ⤷
ˤȤˤϡ褽ǤǤȤ߹碌ͤ뤳Ȥ¿㤨Сcommonly murderous ǤֻʬեǡʳѸǤǤ롥ܸΡ֤ˡפˤƤϡֲפǡ֤פܸǤǤ롥
͡ʸ줫μѤ֤ƤˤäƤϡAμѸǤȸBμѸǤȤ߹蘆ä졤ĤޤǤޤޤʤפκȤΤ⤢롥ñǤСtelevision ϥꥷǤ tele- ȥƥǤ vision Ȥ߹蘆äǤޤޤʤפκǤ롥ǤѸǤˤϰ㤤ʤ츻ؼԤǤʤ¤ΰ㤤ʤ̾ϼ̤ǤʤȤ⤢뤫ΥפκŪ٤㤤褦˻פ롥ΥפϼºݤˤϱѸäΤʤΤǤϤʤꥷƥͳ褹Ϣ (combining_form)ѤؽѸѸ㤬Ȥ櫓¿ǡ줬ǧ٤Ƥװ⤷ʤ
ʤȤפäΤϡر -philia ?ɡˤ -phobia ?ݾɡˤȤꥷͳ褹Ϣޤñᡤ֤Ƥ1ǤθĴ٤𤷤Ƥ줿ξ⡤1ǤȾͽۤȤꥮꥷǤä1/3ۤɤƥǤäȤ֥ƥǡܥꥷǡפȤʤĤСAnglophilia ʥˡcanophilia ʸˡclaustrophobia Ľ궲ݾɡˡverbophobia ñ춲ݾɡˤʤɤǤ롥ᤴ䤹פκ˸Ƥ졤ȤƤٶˤʤä
ʤؿѸؼŵ (313) ˡΥפκˤĤƼΤ褦˵ҤäϤ갷Ǥõʤ٤ˤȤɤޤäƤ
ȳηΤߤȤϸ¤ʤθܼˤĤƤߤ롧 hypercorrect (= overly correct; Gk + L), visualize (< LL visuālis + Gk -ize)
ʸͺʴƽˡؿѸؼŵ١ҡ1982ǯ
rhotic ʥꥫѸפȡnon-rhotic ʥꥹѸפȤΩϤ褯ΤƤ롥Ωñ㲽ƤȤ館뤭餤ꡤºݤˤϥꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽ⤢СꥹѸ rhotic Ѽ⤢롥ꥫѸΰǤʤ non-rhotic ȯԤʤƤ뤫ˤĤƤϹäˤꡤܺ٤Ϥޤ餫ˤƤʤ (cf. #3953. ꥫѸ non-rhotic Ѽε ([2020-02-22-1]))
⤽ non-rhotic ȯ߽ФȤˤʤä /r/ üȤѲϡʤϤޤäΤMinkova (280) ϡ/r/ ü˺ѤŪҲŪװŦĤġֻ˸경줿 <r> Ʊξü˻ߤˡʣʹ˰礤η̤Ȥơrhotic non-rhotic ξȯ¸뤳ȤˤʤäƤΤ⤯
While loss of /r/ may be described as 'natural' in a phonetic sense, it is still unclear why some communities of speakers preserved it when others did not. One reason why the change may have taken off in the first place, not usually considered in the textbook accounts, is loan phonology. In Later Old French (eleventh to fourteenth century) and Middle French (fourteenth to sixteenth century), pre-consonantal [r] was assimilated to the following consonant and thereby lost in the spoken language (it is retained in spelling to this day), producing rhymes such as sage : large, fors : clos, ferme : meesme. Thus English orthography was at odds with the functional factor of ease of articulation and with the possibly prestigious pronunciation of recent loanwords in which pre-consonantal [-r] had been lost. This may account for the considerable lag time for the diffusion and codification of [r]-loss in early Modern English. Rhotic and non-rhotic pronunciations must have coexisted for over three centuries, even in the same dialects. . . . [C]onservatism based on spelling maintained rhoticity in the Southern standard until just after the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
ǿƤե "loan phonology" ͿƤΤǤϤʤȤϡ¿ʻǤ롥
ּʡײեˤ /r/ üֻˤ <r> ݻ --- /r/ üϤʤŪҲŪװȡ˻ߤ褦ˡŪװȤĹˤ錄˰깭Ū1700ǯ鸽ߤޤǤ300ǯʾˤ錄ä rhotic non-rhotic ξȯ¸³ƤȤȤˤʤ롥
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
#3977. ֺ¡ֱѸˤȸ츻פ6֥οפΤ ([2020-03-17-1]) ǤΤ餻褦ˡ321ڡˤ15:15?18:30ˡī㡼ɶˤֱѸˤȸ츻6οꤹֱԤʤޤʥ륹ҤΤʤDzȿۤޤޤϻ֤Ķ᤹ۤɤμޤ꤬Ȥޤ
ֺ¤Ѥ饤ɻ֤Ƥޤʲ˥饤ɤγƥڡؤΥĥäƤޤ
1. Ѹˤȸ츻6 ֥ο
2. 6ο
3. ܼ
4. 1.
5. Viking θ츻
6. Υ֥ƥ罱
7. 2. ѸȸťΥɸδط
8. 3. ťΥɸ줫Ѥ줿ñ
9. ťΥɼѸ
10. ťΥɼѸβŪħ
11. ĤŪʸťΥɼѸˤĤ
12. ɤ̾θťΥɸ
13. Ѹ̾θťΥɸ
14. ťΥɸ줫ΰ̣
15. 4. ťΥɸθðʳؤαƶ
16. ʤѸθϡּưŪפʤΤ
17. 5. ܿǻ̩
18. ܿμΥǥ
19. ޤȤ
20. ʸ
418ڡˤ15:30?18:45ͽꤷƤޤʿʥ륹αƶޤޤۤǤˡ֥ΥޥȥΥޥīפꤷơ1066ǯλαѸ˾ΰյͤޤܺ٤ɤ
#1253. ťΥɸαƶܡ ([2012-10-01-1]) ǵꥹȤˡDance (1735) ȤĤܤɲäƤ¾ڤԤ벾Ȥ٥Ǥ롥
(1) the marked increase in productivity of the derivational verbal affixes -n- (as in harden, deepen) and -l- (e.g. crackle, sparkle)
(2) the rise of the "phrasal verb" (verb plus adverb/preposition) at the expense of the verbal prefix, most persuasively the development of up in an aspectual (completive) function
(3) certain aspects of v2 syntax (including the development of 'CP-v2' syntax in northern Middle English)
(4) the general shift to VO order
嵭 (1) ˤĤƤϡ#1877. ưƬ en- -en ([2014-06-17-1]) ǴϢ˿ƤΤǡ⻲ȡ
(2) ˤĤƤϡϢơ#2396. ե줫ζμѤФ뿵 ([2015-11-18-1]) ȡ
(3), (4) 츽ݤȤ櫓 (4) 礭ʲǤ롥ˤĤƤرѸˤDzۤѸθ --- ǼƱѸؤ֤ˡؽ2011ǯˤ54ǤƤ롥˰ʲε碌Ƥɤ
#1170. ťΥɸȤθܿȶޤο ([2012-07-10-1])
#3131. Ϣ11֤ʤѸSVOθʤΤԡˡס ([2017-11-22-1]) Ϣܵؤľܥפ
#3160. Ϣ12֤ʤѸSVOθʤΤʸԡˡס ([2017-12-21-1]) Ϣܵؤľܥפ
#3733.رѸ춵٤Ϣ5֤ʤѸϸ礬ʤ˷ޤäƤΤס ([2019-07-17-1])
Ǹ˥ꥹȤ˲äΤ˺Ƥ⤦1Ĥιܤä
(5) the spread of the s-plural
ϡ伫Ȥܺ٤ƤǤ롥ܤ Hotta
Dance, Richard. "English in Contact: Norse." Chapter 110 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1724--37.
δ졡رѸˤDzۤѸθ --- ǼƱѸؤ֤ˡ١ؽ2011ǯ
Hotta, Ryuichi. The Development of the Nominal Plural Forms in Early Middle English. Tokyo: Hituzi Syobo, 2009.
űѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤƤϡܿɤΤ褦˥ǥ벽뤫Ȥ꤬Ĺ餯Ƥܥ֥ϢפʵƤ
#1179. ťΥɸȤܿȡּ夤嫡ס ([2012-07-19-1])
#1223. Ѹϥ쥪줫 ([2012-09-01-1])
#1249. Ѹϥ쥪줫 (2) ([2012-09-27-1])
#1250. Ѹϥ쥪줫 (3) ([2012-09-28-1])
#3001. ʤűѸϸťΥɸִʤäΤ ([2017-07-15-1])
#3972. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation ([2020-03-12-1])
#3980. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation (2) ([2020-03-20-1])
ܿ˴ؤ Thomason and Kaufman Ǥư衤Ū˸ܿˤ "contact-induced changes" (or "borrowing") "shift-induced interference" 2ΥפȤƤꡤűѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤƤ⤽δƸƤʤƤ2ؤʬˤĤƤϡ#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1])#3968. ܿ2סimitation adaptation ([2020-03-08-1]) ȡˡ
Τ褦͡ʥǥ벽ˡʤǡɤ줬äθܿθ¤ǤФƤΤФ Dance (1727) λŦ˼
It is worth stressing that when scholars refer to "the Anglo-Norse contact situation", this must be understood as shorthand for a long period of contacts in diverse local settings. It would have encompassed the widest possible variety of interactions, from the most superficial (trade, negotiation) to the most intimate (mixed communities, intermarriage), and every shade of relative political/cultural "dominance" by one group of speakers or the other. Accordingly, one should be wary of assuming that all the (putative) effects of this contact arose from a single type of encounter (or a series of encounters on a simple chronological cline of intensity), even if historical distance has effectively turned them into one cluster of phenomena.
ξܿϻŪˤŪˤ¿ͤäΤǤꡤ1Ĥʿͤ뤳ȤˤդʤФʤʤȤåθܿǥ벽褦ȤʤС֤ȤǥκפȤǥꤹΤŬڤ⤷ʤ
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Dance, Richard. "English in Contact: Norse." Chapter 110 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2nd vol. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1724--37.
ɸϡѸˤǤϸŤƤǤ롥ΤꤿΤȤϤ狼ʤȤɤǤ⤢롥
ε#3980. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation (2) ([2020-03-20-1]) Ǽ夲 Warner ϡξԤǤȤξǵʤƤ뤬ΤɤȤ꤬뤳ȤϽʬ˰ռƤ롥ºݡޤ͡ʰոФƤȤ˿졤ŵƤƤ (375) ⤷ʤΤǡʲˤβսѤƤ
How mutually comprehensible were the two languages? There is a range of views on this. 'The Englishmen and Northmen could easily understand each other in their own languages." says Björkmann (1900--2: 8), and Jespersen agreed. Haugen (1976: 138) writes that the languages were 'closely related and probably mutually intelligible,' Tristram (2004: 94) that 'with a little effort' speakers of Anglian and Norse 'were very well able to communicate in their everyday dealings.' Poussa thinks that 'communication between speakers of the different languages [would have been] possible, but not easy.' (1982: 27). Kastovsky (1992: 328--9) and Hansen (1984) think that mutual intelligibility was not high and that bilingualism would have been required.
Warner (375--76) ٻƤΤϼȤ Townend θ
This area has recently been carefully re-examined by Townend (2000, 2002) and his claim that the languages were 'adequately mutually comprehensible' is rather convincing. He reminds us that in the mid-to-late ninth century we are only 400 years from the common North-West Germanic attested in runic inscriptions in southern Scandinavia and Jutland; a dialect area whose language was 'largely uniform' (Nielsen 1989: 5), and in which 'the evidence of both dialect grouping and the runic language supports the notion of a North-West Germanic continuum which contained (in proximity) speakers of the antecedents of both Norse and English' (Townend 2002: 25). We should not think in terms of Late West Saxon and Icelandic, the common citation forms: the English dialect is Anglian, which is closer to Norse, and Icelandic is 400 years later. So, for example, the suggestion made by Kastovsky (1992: 329) and Milroy (1997: 319) that the suffixed definite article of Norse would have contributed to difficulty of communication is unlikely to be relevant, since this development is not recorded until the eleventh century (Townend 2002: 183 note 1; 198 note 15)
ʤ伫ȤΩ Townend Warner ˶ִñƤβäǤФ褽̤ˤʤפǤ롥
Warner, Anthony. "English-Norse Contact, Simplification, and Sociolinguistic Typology." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 118 (2017): 317--404.
Björkmann, Eric. Scandinavian Loan-Words in Middle English. Halle: Niemeyer, 1900--02.
Jespersen, O. Growth and Structure of the English Language. 9th ed. Oxford: Blackwell, 1938.
Haugen, Einar. The Scandinavian Languages: An Introduction to their History. London: Faber, 1976.
Tristram, H. "Diglossia in Anglo-Saxon England or What was Spoken Old English Like?" Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 40 (2004): 87--110.
Poussa, P. "The Evolution of Early Standard English: The Creolization Hypothesis." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 14 (1982): 69--85.
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Semantics and Vocabulary." The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 290--408.
Hansen, B. H. "The Historical Implications of the Scandinavian Linguistic Element in English: A Theoretical Evaluation." Nowele 4 (1984): 53--95.
Townend, M. "Viking Age England as a Bilingual Society." Cultures in Contact: Scandinavian Settlement in England in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Ed. Dawn Hadley and J. D. Richards. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000. 89--105
Townend, M. Language and History in Viking Age England. Turnhout: Brepols, 2002.
Nielsen, Hans Frede. Germanic Languages: Origins and Early Dialectal Interrelations. Tuscaloosa/London: U of Alabama P, 1989.
Milroy, James 1997. "Internal versus External Motivations of Linguistic Change." Multilingua 16 (1997): 311--23.
[2020-03-12-1]˰³Ƥꡥkoineisation ȤϡűѸȸťΥɸθ᤹ܿ뿷Ǥ롥ȤƤϡײŪ˷Ƥ줿˥塼ξͤƤߤȤ褤ܤΤ˥˥塼졤ϤサԤäƤ롥ܸ͡餳ʹ뤬֤ФĤˤĤ (mixing) ġ¤Ρ֤ɤĤʬʿಽդȤñ㲽Ƥ椯ΰϢβ koineisation Ǥcf. #1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1])#3150. ܿϸñˤ뤫ʣˤ뤫 ([2017-12-11-1])ˡ
koineisation ȤܤΤϡܿˤ礭ʱƶϤ Thomason and Kaufman ̤2ܿסʤ shift-induced interference contact-induced changes ΤȤۤʤ륿פȤƤ뤫ʤ2ζ̤ˤĤƤϡ#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1])#3968. ܿ2סimitation adaptation ([2020-03-08-1]) ȡˡ
űѸȸťΥɸܿ koineisation פǤܳŪƤ Warner ʸɤϤ빥Ǥ롥Warner koineisation ꡤξüԤưפˤȤϤʤ˸ߤ˽ʬǽäȤˤƤ롥ξǡߥ˥ˤüԤɤ accommodation selection Ż뤷 (344)
In ... koineization, English and Norse were both used in the same conversation. Speakers tend to accommodate to their interlocutors, so situations developed in which there was mixing of forms with considerable variation. Over time particular forms were selected, and they survived.
ϥԡɴȤǼ㴳ĤȤΤ⡤Kerswill ˤСkoineisation 2--3Τ˴λΤŵȤ뤫űѸȸťΥɸܿˤѲϰ̤ˤϤʤꥹԡǥ˵äȤ뤬ͿѲ¿ϡˤޤǤ®٤ˤϵڤФʤ
˴ؤơWarner ϸܿξˤäƤ koineisation λ֤뤳ȤƤ롥ĤޤꡤűѸ졦ťΥɸΥ̤ʣǴʥפ koineisation ʤΤǤϤʤȤͻ (351)
The speed of koineization depends on interaction within groups, and can also be slow .... Examples from new towns involve dialects which are quite close to one another, and groups that are relatively compact. Norse and OE are at the limits of mutual comprehension, which means that change is a much bigger job linguistically, and the English-Norse situation will have involved considerable socio-geographical variation and complexity across a period of time, reinforced by continuing inmigration of speakers of Norse in particular area, but as a series of situations involving communities of different sizes and cultural mix, speaking a series of koines which are at various removes from OE and ON, and which become dialects while still containing variation. All this took time.
Warner λ¾ΤޤȤȤʤäƤ1Ƥ (385)
So I believe that there is a coherent interpretation of the history of contact between English and Norse in which they are adequately mutually comprehensible. A (perhaps considerable) period of rudimentary dialect mixing and leveling was followed by an increase in interaction, by the weakening of distinctive elements of cultural identities of speakers of Norse and OE, and by a general willingness to disregard linguistic boundaries .... Then koineization, in which child peer groups especially in larger villages and urban areas may have played a focusing role in stabilizing variation, led to the amalgamation of English and Norse. This will have taken place at different times in different places: early in the Lindisfarne glosses, but considerably later in areas with a denser Norse population reinforced by immigration. Notice that this account includes a mechanism for simplificatory change and selection in the largely automatic accommodation which attends face-to-face interaction between speakers of similar linguistic systems, given appropriate social and psychological circumstances. So there is an apparently motivated connection between the linguistic situation (with its social and psychological components) and the overall type of outcome, and if my interpretation of this situation is appropriate, inflectional simplification at some level should reasonably (but not certainly) be anticipated.
Ǹ Warner ˤ koineisation Ȥ "a process of koineization (dialect mixing, levelling and simplification, driven by mutual accommodation and selection)" (393) ѤƤ
Thomason, Sarah Grey and Terrence Kaufman. Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: U of California P, 1988.
Warner, Anthony. "English-Norse Contact, Simplification, and Sociolinguistic Typology." Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 118 (2017): 317--404.
Kerswill, P. "Koineization and Accommodation." The Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Ed. J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill, and N. Schilling-Estes. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004. 668--702.
321ڡˤ15:15?18:30ˡī㡼ɶˤֱѸˤȸ츻6οꤹֱԤʤޤݤϰʲ̤Ǥ
8Ⱦͤϥνޤߤ̲ǤťΥɸȤƤϡθ奤꽻ޤϤǸťΥɸȱѸϷ㤷ܿ뤳ȤˤʤޤƸťΥɸαƶޤ줿Ѹϸäʸˡˤ礭ѼκפϸѸˤޤƤޤʤä顤ߤαѸλѤϤʤΤǤϡγưȸťΥɸˤĤƳѤĤġ̤ܿεФǡѸˤߤťΥɸθŪʰ仺ܤޤ
ťΥɸ (old_norse) ˤĤơܥ֥ǤϢ¿äƤޤʲפʵ˥ĥäƤޤ
#59. ѸˤˤťΥɸΰյä ([2009-06-26-1])
#111. ѸˤˤťΥɸȸťեαƶӤ ([2009-08-16-1])
#169. get give Ϥʤ /g/ äƤΤ ([2009-10-13-1])
#170. guest host ([2009-10-14-1])
#340. ťΥɸ줬ѸͿƶ Jespersen ɾ ([2010-04-02-1])
#818. ɤ˻ĤťΥɸ̾ ([2011-07-24-1])
#827. she θ츻 ([2011-08-02-1])
#881. ťΥɸǤ͡ ([2011-09-25-1])
#931. űѸȸťΥɸζκۡ ([2011-11-14-1])
#1146. ɥ衼åѸ²ηޡFortsonǡˡ ([2012-06-16-1])
#1167. ܿʿǤϤʤˤ㤷 ([2012-07-07-1])
#1170. ťΥɸȤθܿȶޤο ([2012-07-10-1])
#1179. ťΥɸȤܿȡּ夤嫡ס ([2012-07-19-1])
#1182. ťΥɸȤθܿϤǤϤʤ ([2012-07-22-1])
#1183. ťΥɸαƶɾܻؤơ ([2012-07-23-1])
#1253. ťΥɸαƶܡ ([2012-10-01-1])
#1611. 깾ⳤ糤ء ([2013-09-24-1])
#1937. Ϣ -son ˤΤϸťΥɸͳ ([2014-08-16-1])
#1938. Ϣ -by ˤ̾ϸťΥɸΤΤ ([2014-08-17-1])
#2354. ťΥɸαƶŪեαƶʸŪ ([2015-10-07-1])
#2591. ťΥɸϤĤޤǥɤǻȤƤ ([2016-05-31-1])
#2625. ťΥɸ줫μѸ ([2016-07-04-1])
#2692. ťΥɸѸ˴ؤ Gersum Project ([2016-09-09-1])
#2693. ťΥɸѸס ([2016-09-10-1])
#2869. ťΥɸ줫μѤϸűѸǤäƤ⡤ʸڤѸ ([2017-03-05-1])
#2889. ΰưθưϡ ([2017-03-25-1])
#3001. ʤűѸϸťΥɸִʤäΤ ([2017-07-15-1])
#3263. ʤťΥɸ줫μѸ¿Ѹ˽ФΤ ([2018-04-03-1])
#3969. ƥ졤ťΥɸ졤ȸ졤ե줬Ѹ˵ڤܤƶӤ ([2020-03-09-1])
#3972. űѸȸťΥɸܿη̤ koineisation ([2020-03-12-1])
#3606. ֺ¡̲ȱѸס ([2019-03-12-1])
űѸȸťΥɸܿˤĤơܥ֥ǤϤطʤħӤӵƤ1ĤƶȤơθܿ koineisation ǤϤʤȤ롥koine koineisation ϤȤơϢܿɽ魯Ѹ졦ǰγˤϰƤꡤϲä koineisation ȸƤ֤ȤȤϤʤФʤʤʲδϢ뵭ͤޤǤ˵ƤΤΡϤΤ䤳ˤĤƤϿꤷʤǤ
#1671. dialect contact, dialect mixture, dialect levelling, koineization ([2013-11-23-1])
#3150. ܿϸñˤ뤫ʣˤ뤫 ([2017-12-11-1])
#3178. ȳ̿ԻѼء ([2018-01-08-1])
#3499. "Standard English" "General English" ([2018-11-25-1])
#1391. lingua franca (4) ([2013-02-16-1])
#1690. pidgin ȤδϢ ([2013-12-12-1])
#3207. ɸѸȸɸಽ˴ؤ뤤ĤνѸ ([2018-02-06-1])
Fischer et al. (67--68) koineisation ˤĤƤ Kerswill Ȥά˲⤷ƤȤޤȤƤݥȤ4Ĥ롥
(1) 23Τ˴λΤŵǤꡤȤ1Ǥⴰλ뤳Ȥ
(2) (mixing)ʿ (levelling)ñ㲽 (simplification) 3ʤ
(3) ܿ2ѼŵŪ˷³ʤ pidgin creole Ȱۤʤ
(4) 줫Ѽ郎ŪȤȤʤҿ櫓Ǥʤ
űѸȸťΥɸܿǰƬˡ(2) ˵Ƥ3ĤβˤĤƤ1βǤ뺮 (mixing) ͡ʥ٥Ǥߤ뤬űѸο;̾ΥѥΤʤ they, their, them ʤɤθťΥɸǤƤʤɤŵǤ롥dream Τ褦˷֤ϱѸỤ̄ϸťΥɸŪȤ̣ (semantic_borrowing) λʤɤ롥Ѹäδؤ¿θťΥɸñ줬ǤȤΤ⺮Ȥ롥
2βǤʿ (levelling) ϡʣä۷֤μबꡤ1Ĥη֤˼̤ƤѲؤűѸǤϷ se sēo, þæt ʤɳƼη֤˶ޤѸˤ þe ؿʿƤäǵäƤ뤳Ȥϡkoineisation 1ȤƤȤ館뤳ȤǤ롥
3βǤñ㲽 (simplification) ϡƻޤζ̤줿ꡤưѲ2饹̤ʤɡʸˡƥζ̤ʤʤ褦ʥؤʸˡ (gender) ξü⤳ˤ롥
Τ褦ˤߤƤȡΤ˸űѸȸťΥɸܿˤϡ̣ħĤ롥 koineisation ȸƤ֤٤ɤѸȤȤʤ뤬ŦƤħˤǼǤȤ¿
Ϣơ#3969. ƥ졤ťΥɸ졤ȸ졤ե줬Ѹ˵ڤܤƶӤ ([2020-03-09-1]) ⻲ȡ
Kerswill, P. "Koineization and Accommodation." The Handbook of Language Variation and Change. Ed. J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill, and N. Schilling-Estes. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004. 668--702.
Fischer, Olga, Hendrik De Smet, and Wim van der Wurff. A Brief History of English Syntax. Cambridge: CUP, 2017.
ε#3968. ܿ2סimitation adaptation ([2020-03-08-1]) Ƴܿ (contact) ʬ뿷ʽѸѤơѸˤˤƸܿμפʻƤ4ΡʼҲ˸ŪƶӡоȤƤߤȤϤäƤ⡤ΥꥸʥǤϤʤFischer et al. (55) ޤȤƤƤΤƸƤˤʤ4Ȥϥƥ졤ťΥɸ졤ȸ졤եǤ롥
| Parameters (social and linguistic) | Latin Contact --- OE/ME period and Renaissance | Scandinavian Contact --- OE(/ME) period | Celtic Contact --- OE/ME period and beyond (in Celtic varieties of English) | French Contact --- mainly ME period |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| (1) Type of language agentivity (primary mechanism) | Recipient (imitation) | Source (adaptation) | Source (adaptation) | Recipient (imitation) |
| (2) Type of communication | Indirect | Direct | Direct | (In)direct |
| (3) Length and intensity of communication | Low | High | Average (?) | Average |
| (4) Percentage of population speaking the contact language | Small | Relatively large | Relatively large | Small |
| (5) Socio-economic status | High | Equal | Low | High |
| (6) Language prestige | High | Equal | Low | High |
| (7) Bilingual speakers (among the English speakers) | Yes (but less direct) | No | No | Some |
| (8) Schooling (providing access to target language) | Yes | No | No (only in later periods) | Some |
| (9) Existence of standard in source/target language | Yes/Yes | No/No | No/No (only in later periods) | Yes/No |
| (10) Influence on the lexicon of the target language (types of loanword) | Small (formal) | Large in the Danelaw area (informal) | Small (except in Celtic varieties of English) (informal) | Very large (mostly formal) |
| (11) Influence on the phonology of the target language | No | Yes | Yes? (clearly in Celtic varieties of English) | Some |
| (12) Linguistic similarity with target language | No | Yes | No | No |
ܿ (contact) ʬह͡뤬 (borrowing) ȸˤ봳 (shift-induced interference) ̤ˡΤƤ롥#1780. ܿȼѤμ١ ([2014-03-12-1])#1781. ܿ ([2014-03-13-1])#1985. Ѥܿˤ봳Ĥζ֡ ([2014-10-03-1]) ǤߤȤ褽Ԥ L2 θŪ L1 ذư븽ݡԤ L1 θŪ L2 ذư븽ݤƤ褤
ΩϢưΤȤơimitation adaptation Ȥ̤ͤ롥ѸˤˤܿλͤƤߤ褦Ѹ͡ʸ줫ƶƤξˤϱѸ켫ȤϱƶμǤ뤫 recipient-language ȤȤǤ롥θϱƶθǤ뤫 source-language ȤȤǤ롥
ơѸüԡʽġˤŪ source-language üԡʽġˤ鲿餫θäȤγư (imitation) ȸƤФ롥source-language üԡʽġˤѸظ夹Ȥβ餫θѸػۤȤȤ뤬ˤȤäƤϱѸؤν뤤Ŭ (adaptation) ȸƤǤ褤ư̤γ٤ߤСξѸϱƶμǤϤΤΡɤ¦ѶṲ̄Ƥ뤫ˤꡤrecipient-language agentivity source-language agentivity Ȥʬ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥ϡ¦ dominant ȤˤؤäƤ
Van Coetsem ϤνǰӤĤƹͤFischer et al. (52) ڤơVan Coetsem θƤߤ褦
One important distinction is between 'shift-induced interference' or 'imposition' ... and 'contact-induced changes' (often termed 'borrowing' in a more narrow sense). Contact-induced changes are especially prevalent when there is full bilingualism, and where code-switching is also common, while shift-induced interference is usually the result of imperfect learning (i.e. in cases where a first language interferes in the learning of a later adopted language). To distinguish between contact-induced change and shift-induced interference, Van Coetsem (1877: 7ff.) uses the terms 'recipient-language agentivity' versus 'source-language agentivity', respectively, and in doing so links them to aspects of 'dominance'. Concerning dominance, he refers to (i) the relative freedom speakers have in using items from the source language in their own (recipient) language (here the 'recipient' language is dominant), and (ii) the almost inevitable or passive use that we see with imperfect learners, when they adopt patterns of their own (source) language into the new, recipient language, which makes the source language dominant. In (i), the primary mechanism is 'imitation', which only superficially affects speakers' utterances and does not involve their native code, while in (ii), the primary mechanism is 'adaptation', where the changes in utterances are a result of speakers' (= imperfect learners) native code. Not surprisingly, Van Coetsem (ibid: 12) describes recipient-language agentivity as 'more deliberate', and source-language agentivity as something of which speakers are not necessarily conscious. In source-language agentivity, the more stable or structured domains of language are involved (phonology and syntax), while in recipient-language agentivity, it is mostly the lexicon that is involved, where obligatoriness decreases and 'creative action' increases (ibid.: 26).
Ѹ졦ǰмΤ褦ˤʤ
| imitation | vs | adaptation |
| recipient-language agentivity | vs | source-language agentivity |
| borrowing or contact-induced change | vs | shift-induced interference |
| full bilingualism | vs | imperfect learning |
| mostly lexicon | vs | phonology and syntax |
ε#3949. ȤѸβηϤ˵ڤܤƶ ([2020-02-18-1]) ˰³褦 Minkova (148--149) εǡŪʸݤȤƸƬ [ts-] ȤҲΩļѸҲ𤷤˺Ƕܤ٤ƬλҲȤ [ʃm-, ʃl-, ʃt-] 롥Ѹ˵ĤȤѸŪʻҲϢǤϤ뤬͡ʸȤ [ts-] Ȥϰۤʤꡤۤꤵ롥ΥϤο͡ѤƤ륤ǥå (yiddish) Ǥ롥ǥåϡ#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1]) ΥޥɤηޤǼ褦ˡȤޥ췲°Ǥ롥
2塤ꥫ罰ϤȤѸ˹ܽǥåüԤθäȤȤˡ嵭ħŪʻҲϢѸ˻ơüԽĤʸŪʱƶϤ椨ˡλҲϢѸΤʤǡֻ̱פƤȤǤ롥Ρֻ̱פ䡤褦ʡɤ褦äδߤĤġŪ̥ϤäƤΤǤ롥Ȥ schmaltz ʲ٤δ, schmooze (٤, schmuck , shtetl ʾʥĮ, shtick ʤäʾ̡, shtum ۤä, shtup ʥåˤʤɡschm- [ʃm-] ˻äƤϡäβ (phonaesthesia) ŪǤȤʤäƤ롥
Minkova (148--149) βѤ褦
After World War II, Yiddish is spoken by more people in English-speaking countries --- US, Canada, Australia and Great Britain together --- than in Continental Europe or Israel. Large Yiddish communities in New York, Los Angeles, Melbourne and Montreal have contributed to the recognition and integration of new vocabulary and new consonant clusters: [ʃm-, ʃl-, ʃt-], which have become productive phonaesthemes in PDE. With at least a quarter of a million Yiddish speakers in North America, and a strong presence of Yiddish culture in film, TV and literature, familiarity with these clusters is to be expected and there is no attempt to assimilate them to some native sequence. What is more, the onset <schm-> [ʃm-], treated as a 'combining form' since 1929 by the OED, is clearly productive in playful reduplication, generating mildly disparaging or comic attention-getters: madam-shmadam, able-shmable, holy-shmoly, the Libros Shmibros lending library in Los Angeles.
夲 [ts-] ˤƤ⡤ [ʃm-, ʃl-, ʃt-] ˤƤ⡤Ѹ줬͡ʸܿäƱˡտ魯äʲǤаޤ褯ʬ롥ܿ (contact) ε¿СŪʷDzηϤˤ⤽αƶڤ֤ȤȤ
Minkova, Donka. A Historical Phonology of English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2014.
ѸפˤĤơܥ֥ waseieigo γƵǼ夲ƤϢơסˡֱפֱʩפˤĤƤƤʲεȡ
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Ѹˤδ餤СƱȤֱסֱʩפˤƤϤޤ롥ȤܿʤĹǻ³С֡פȤϼȸΤǤ롥ơ¾οȰۤʤ餺餬Ƴ줿餳¿ʤȤܤǸ줿ȤƤ⡤ŪѤ褦ˤʤмƱƤήԤʤѤƤΤǤ롥¾θˤ뿷Τɤѥ٤ơä˰ۤʤȤϤʤ
ƣ ˡŸ˾ܸ١ҡ1996ǯ
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