ӸؤȰˤߤƤȡʸˡƥ䤽ΥСν̸űѸȤˤǰƬˤƤ⡤Ȥưβη֤ϡˤΰĸˤ봰λ (perfect) ̵ (aorist) η֤ˤΤܤ롥ưλꥫƥˤäȤȤ cf. #2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1])#2153. Ŭˤ륫ƥȤؤ ([2015-03-20-1])#3331. ĸ줫饲ޥĸؤưʸˡƤκ ([2018-06-10-1])ˡ
ۤˤϡĸưεˡ (optative) ³ˡ (subjunctive) ǤϤȤȰۤʤ֤ȤäƤűѸޤǤԤη֤Ԥ߹ɽȤʤäο֤դ줿̾Τ³ˡפ顤䤳cf. #3538. Ѹ subjunctive ֤ϰĸ optative ֤ ([2019-01-03-1])ˡ
̾ˤƱͤθݤߤ롥űѸͿ (dative) ϡͿʡåʡ (instrumental)̳ʤʤɤǽŪ˵ۼΤ־εˤϵ롥űѸηƻ졤졤̾ʤɤˤ鷺˺פĤʤ⡤ŪˤζʤѤΤǤϤʤȤ (Marsh 14) ¤ˤ䤳Τ
Clackson (114) ϡˤư쥫ƥκ̾ⵯ䤹äȤͳϰʲ̤ꡥ
In the documented history of many IE languages, the verbal system has undergone complex restructuring, while the nominal system remains largely unaltered. . . . It appears, in Indo-European languages at least, that verbal systems undergo greater changes than nouns. If this is the case, it is not difficult to see why. Verbs typically refer to processes, actions and events, whereas nouns typically refer to entities. Representations of events are likely to have more salience in discourse, and speakers seek new ways of emphasising different viewpoints of events in discourse.
It is certainly true that . . . the verbal systems of the earliest IE languages are less congruent to each other than the nominal paradigms. The reconstruction of the PIE verb is correspondingly less straightforward, and there is greater room for disagreement. Indeed, there is no general agreement even about what verbal categories should be reconstructed for PIE, let alone the ways in which these categories were expressed in the verbal morphology. The continuing debate over the PIE verb makes it one of the most exciting and fast-moving topics in comparative philology.
ȤȤϡ̣Ūˤư쥫ƥΤۤʣǰȤȤͽۤ줽Τ˰ŪˤäơŪ̾ưŪưΤۤˤȤΤϹ
Marsh, Jeannette K. "Periods: Pre-Old English." Chapter 1 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 1--18.
Clackson, James. Indo-European Linguistics. Cambridge: CUP, 2007.
ѸǤϡߤλ¤ȿФβɽ魯Τˡʤ뤤ǫɽȤơˡΤʤưβˡѤΤ§ǤǤ would, should, could, might ʤɤβˡưѤΤŵǤʲʸȡ
(1) If he tried harder, he would succeed.
(2) If we caught the 10 o'clock train, we could get there by lunchtime.
(3) If I were you, I'd wait a bit.
ޤλ¤ȿФβɽˤϡΤʤǤưβˡλѤǤ would/should/could/might have + PP ηΤŪǤ
(4) If she had been awake, she would have heard the noise.
(5) If I had had enough money, I could have bought a car.
(6) If I had known you were ill, I could have visited you.
ŪˤߤȡΤ褦ȿŪʸϸűѸ줫餢ޤѸȰۤʤΤϡűѸǤȿ¤ɽ魯ˤ餺Ĥޤ嵭 (1)--(3) Τߤʤ餺 (4)--(6) Υˤ⡤ӤƲˡʸűѸѸǤ³ˡˤѤƤȤǤĤޤꡤѸǤȤβˡⲾˡλ⡤űѸȻפ³ˡѤۤʤȤȤǤ⡤ˤƤƱͤ˲ˡwould ʤɤˡưǤϤʤˤѤȤȤդɬפǤ
űѸ⤷ Traugott (257) ꡤ2ĤȿŪʸȡˤĤƤβѤƤޤ
The past subjunctive is . . . used to express imaginary and unreal (including counterfactual) conditionality. In this case both clauses are subjunctive. Since no infexional distinction is made in OE between unreality in past, present or future, adverbs may be used to distinguish specific time-relations, but usually the time-relations are determined from the context. Example (219) illustrates a counterfactual in the past, (220) a counterfactual in the present:
(219) ... & ðær frecenlice gewundod wearð, & eac ofslagen wære (PAST SUBJ), gif his sunu his ne gehulpe (PAST SUBJ)
... and there dangerously wounded was, and even slain would-have-been, if his son him not had-helped
(Or 4 8.186.22)
... and was dangerously wounded there, and would even have been killed, had his son not helped him
(220) Hwæt, ge witon þæt ge giet todæge wæron (PAST SUBJ) Somnitum þeowe, gif ge him ne alugen (PAST SUBJ) iowra wedd
What, you know that you still today were to-Samnites slaves, if you them not had-belied your vows
(Or 3 8.122.11)
Listen, you know that you would still today be the Samnites' slaves, if you had not betrayed your vows to them
ʾꡤűѸǤ⸽ѸƱͤȿŪˤϲˡ³ˡ˲ѤƤȤǧǤޤѸޤǤˡȿ¤λؤƤߤʤΤʤΤˤäƲˡȲˡλȤʬʸˡȯãꡤˡư줬Ѥ褦ˤʤʤɤѲϤޤȿŪɽ魯Τ˾Dzˡ³ˡ߷ѤȤϱѸˤ̤ѤäƤޤѸϸűѸӤơȿ¡¡̤¸ˤɽΤˡǤϤʤλäƤΤǤ
Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. Syntax. In The Cambridge History of the English Language. Vol. 1. Ed. Richard M. Hogg. Cambridge: CUP, 1992. 168--289.
ɸ bend -- bent -- bent, lend -- lent -- lent, rend -- rent -- rent, wend -- went -- went ʤɤȤȤ˸ -nd -- -nt -- -nt Ȥʤ륿פԵ§ưʤʬˤ̵ -t ΤϡŪˤɬ餫ˤƤʤfeel -- felt -- felt, keep -- kept -- kept ʤɡʬȤ -t ¾ư줫 (analogy) ˤΤ⤫뤳Ȥ⤢뤬ۤϤ櫓Ǥʤ
Ūˤϡsend βʬ sent ȤʤͳϤʤűѸˤơsendan βŵŪ sende Ǥ sent(en) ˤȯŸʤƱͤˡʬ (ge)send(ed) ǤꡤϤ sent ˤϤʤʤΤäơ -t ϲη̤Ȥߤ뤳ȤϤǤʤ겿ʤηֲˤäƤ⤿餵줿ȤȤˤʤ롥
º -t ʬΤϡ13ˤʤäƤΤȤǤ롥űѸǤ3ñ sendeþ (contraction) sent Ȥʤ륱ˤˤäϤޤ3ñǤꡤǤʬǤʤJespersen (33--34) ϰʲΤ褦ˡѤ줿3ñη֤ʬˤžѤ줿ΤǤϤʤȤ˾öŪͿƤ롥줷ȸ虜ʤ褦˻פ롥ΤȤȤۤʤ
In the send--sent group OE suppressed the d of the stem before the ending: sendan, sende, gesend(ed). I have often thought that the ME innovation sent(e) may originally have stood for sendd with a long, emphatic d to distinguish it from the prs form. This explanation, however, does not account for felt, meant, left, etc.
There is a remarkably full treatment of Origin and Extension of the Voiceless Preterit and the Past Participle Inflections of the English Irregular Weak Verb Conjugation by Albert H. Marckwardt in Essays and Studies in English and Comparative Literature by Members of the English Department of the Univ. of Michigan (Ann Arbor 1935). He traces the beginning of these t-forms back to the eleventh century and then follows their chronological and geographical spreading from century to century up to the year 1400, thus just the period where the subject-matter of my own work begins. There is accordingly no occasion here to deal with details in Marckwardt's exposition, but only to mention that according to him the first germ of these 't'-forms lay in stems in -nd, -ld and -rd. The third person sg of the present of such a verb as OE sendan was often shortened into sent from sendeþ. On the analogy of such very frequently occurring syncopated presents the t was transferred to the prt and ptc. It must be admitted that this assumption is more convincing than the analogy adduced by previous scholars, but it is rather difficult to explain why the t-forms spread, e.g., to such verbs as leave : left. From the point of view of Modern English Grammar, however, we must be content to leave this question open: we must take forms as we find them in the period with which we are concerned.
Jespersen, Otto. A Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles. Part VI. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1942.
[ | ѥڡ ]
#3692. Ѹˤϲ2Ĥʤ ([2019-06-06-1])#3693. ˤȤϲ ([2019-06-07-1]) Ǵñ褦ˡѸˤ̤¸ߤĹ餯ŪˤʤäƤ̤ǧ٤ʤΤǧȤФκϲ뤤ϡǧ٤ǤϤʤΤȤФκϲرѸ켭ŵ٤ future tense ι (269) ƤֱѸ̤ʤפȤκ
(1) ̤ˡwill/shall + פȤ̤פȾΤ̤פɽ魯ΤƤ뤬ϤޤŪʼʤѤƤˤʤȤդɬפǤ롥ȤƳΩƤָפȡֲפϡgo went Τ褦ưޡѲŪʼʤˤָ߷פȡֲפƤꡤwill/shall go Ȥϥ٥뤬ۤʤ褦˻פ롥will/shall go ΩΤϤष would/should go ǤꡤΩΤɤΤȤָСֲפ˴ԸȤ٤ǤϤʤ
(2) 嵭Τ褦ʼʤ̤ˤƤ⡤will/shall ɤޤʸˡŪʸǤ뤫ȤˤĤƤ⵿롥Ƹϸְջ֡סġ̳פɽ魯ưǤꡤư첽ȤǤ⤽θϤٻĤäƤ롥¾ˤտ̣Ȥơֿ̡סɬפʤɤΰ̣ĤäƤꡤˡ̤פΰ̣ôΤȤϤʤäƤʤ can, may, must, ought, be going to, be (about) to ʤ¾Ρʽ˽ư⡤¿쾯ʤ̤פΰ̣ôƤ뤿ᡤ⤷ will/shall ̤פνưǧΤǤСƱͤǧʤаݤƤʤäȤ⡤ˡŪʴްդȼʤʡ̤פɽ魯㤬will/shall ˸ȤΤ¤ǤϤ롥ʲλȡ
My babe-in-arms will be fifty-nine on my eighty-ninth birthday ... The year two thousand and fifteen when I shall be ninety. --- [F. R. Palmer]
Ѹ̤ϤΤʤΤȤϡ̤ˡͿθबʸˡƤǤȤߤʤˤϡɤΤ褦ʾ郎ƤФ褤ΤȤܼŪ䤤ؤȤĤʤäƤʸˡѤ˴ؤ뤭礭ʥȥԥåǤ롥
߷ ˧ͺԡˡرѸ켭ŵ١ҡ2002ǯ298--99ǡ
ε#3692. Ѹˤϲ2Ĥʤ ([2019-06-06-1]) ơϸˤ (tense) Ȥʸˡ (grammatical category) ˤĤƹͤƤߤ롥
ؿѸؼŵ٤ˤСtense ȤϡưˤŪطʸˡƤŪˤϡδطüԤäƤ濴ȤΰߤȤơ̤ʬפȤ롥
ˤͤݤ1դƤΤϡεǤҤ٤褦ˡ¤ˤֻפȸƤȤƤΡֻפȤϡɬ⤭줤б櫓ǤϤʤȤȤŪˤϡֲפѤƤʤ顤̣ŪˤϡָߡפؤƤ What was your name? ʤɤ㤬뤷εդδطΩŪ (historic_present) ʤˡΤƤ롥Τ褦ʥϥˤߤȻȤбطϡ礦ɸűѸ stān (= stone) ŪˤǤǤʤȤ٤ʸˡ̾ȤȤˤʤäƤ롤ʸˡ (grammatical gender) θݤ˻Ƥ롥ȸƤϡɬб櫓ǤϤʤΤǤ롥ޤɽ塤Ƥ֤ζܡȤиߤȲߤ̤ȤζܤɬϤäȶ̤Ƥ櫓ǤϤʤȤˤդפ롥
ʬˡˤ͡ʤΤ뤬Ѹλ˴ؤƤСŪʴΩ (preterite tense) ȸpresent tense) ʤ뤤(non-preterite tense) 2Ȥߤ븫Ť餢롥¾ΥޥʤΤưηѲˤäɸǤΤϡȤ sing ʸ߷뤤ˤФ sang ʲˤʤ츫ȡ̤פǤ뤫Τ褦ˤߤ will/shall sing ưηѲˤΤǤϤʤ顤̤ǧʤȤΩ
̣ŪʴΩĤΤǤСsing, sang Ф will/shall sing ȼλؤƤΤ顤1ĤȤǧ٤Ȥͤ⤢롥ĤޤꡤѸλϡΩˤä2Ȥ3Ȥ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
ѸλˤĤʤΤϡưΤȤϡФн˻ɸ櫓ǤϤʤ (aspect) ˡ (mood) Ȥä¾ʸˡƤεǽ碌ɸ뤳Ȥơεǽߤ߹äƤꡤ줤ʬ뤳ȤǤʤȤ𤬤롥
ѸλϡʸˡʤɤŪʬϤƤƤʤ̤ȤäƤ褤ҤȤĽפŪȤơ#2747. Reichenbach λ ([2016-11-03-1]) ⻲Ȥ줿
ʸͺ ƽؿѸؼŵ١ҡ1987ǯ
Crystal, David, ed. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 6th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2008. 295--96.
ѸˤμȤʤɤǡűѸưλ (tense) ˤϡ (preterite tense)ȸߡʤ뤤˻ (non-preterite tense) 2षʤȽҤ٤ȡɬȤäƤ褤ۤɡ֤Ǥϡ̤ΤȤϤɤäɽ路Τפȼ䤬ʤ롥ѸǤ⡤Ūʴ餤Ѥ餺ȸ2Ĥʤˤ⤫餺Ǥ롥äȤСܸˤʥˤˤ2Ĥʤ櫓ǡűѸȤ⸽ѸȤۤʤȤʤѸޤޥɤνܸȤϤǤϤ褯ƤΤǤ롥
ŪˤߤСѸŪ˲ (preterite tense) ȸpresent tense) ʤ뤤 (non-preterite tense) 2λäƤʤäΤϻ¤Ǥ롥ѸǤ̤ΤȤϼȤƸ߷ɽ路ƤΤǤꡤȶ̤̤̤ȤΤ¸ߤʤäϥޥ˶̤ħǤꡤŪطʤϡ#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1])#3331. ĸ줫饲ޥĸؤưʸˡƤκ ([2018-06-10-1]) Dz⤷̤Ǥ롥
嵭ϡַŪˤߤСפȤâβǤ롥#2208. Ѹư̤ζޤʤΤϤʤ ([2015-05-14-1])#2317. Ѹˤ̤ȯã ([2015-08-31-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡűѸ衤will shall ʤɤνưѤŪʱŪˤ̤פƤΤϻ¤ǤꡤγΩλˤĤƤϵΤΡˤΤʳ̤פѸλƤ˲ää뤳ȤϤǤ뤫⤷ʤ
Ѹλ2ĤʤΤ3ĤʤΤȤʸˡȤΤǤĹ餯³ƤꡤŪϽФƤʤäȽפϡΡֻפȸˤֻפȤ̤ƤʤФʤʤȤȤˤäƤϡξԤפƤ뤳Ȥ⤢뤷ɬ⤽ǤʤȤ⤢롥ʤǧˤˤƤϸߡ̤3Ԥ̤뤫Ȥäơʸˡ (grammatical category) ˤƤƱ褦3Ԥ̤Ȥϸ¤ʤΤǤ롥űѸ⸽Ѹܸ⡤3Ĥλ̤ƤΤФǤ2Ĥλ˶̤ƤˤʤΤǤ롥
⤽⡤ˤȤϲʤΤεǹͤ
رѸ춵٤6ȯ䤵ޤѸϢֱܵѸƳΰФ䤹ѸˤΥĥܡ3ܤȤʤ֤ʤԵ§ưѤΤפǺܤƤޤɤ

ŪñۤԵ§ʿȤΤϡˤߤŪǤϱѸưβʬˤĤƤ⤤ޤ¿ưϵ§Ūʸ -ed դƲʬޤŪʾưϡbuy -- bought -- bought, cut -- cut -- cut, go -- went -- gone, sing -- sang -- sung, write -- wrote -- written ʤɤΤ褦˸̤˰ŵʤФʤʤԵ§ѲޤϢܵǤϡԵ§ưѤˤɤޤơԵ§ư¿Ūˤϡֵ§ưǤꡤεդޤʤꡤȤä٤¤餫ˤʤޤ
ưԵ§ѲˤĤƤϡܥ֥ǤϢƤޤΤǡʲȤ
#3339. ѸδŪԵ§ư ([2018-06-18-1])
#178. ưε§Ѳά ([2009-10-22-1])
#527. Ե§Ѳưε§®٤ٻɸ2ȿ㤹? ([2010-10-06-1])
#528. ˵§ư wed !? ([2010-10-07-1])
#1287. ưζܹԤ١ ([2012-11-04-1])
#3135. -ed ε ([2017-11-26-1])
#3345. ѲưƳγ̿Ǥ ([2018-06-24-1])
#3385. Ѹ˼嶯ܹԤư ([2018-08-03-1])
#492. ѸζѲưɤ ([2010-09-01-1])
#1854. ̵ѲѤư set -- set -- set, etc. ([2014-05-25-1])
#1858. ̵ѲѤư set -- set -- set, etc. (2) ([2014-05-29-1])
#2200. ʤ *haves, *haved ǤϤʤ has, had ʤΤ ([2015-05-06-1])
#1345. read -- read -- read γѡ ([2013-01-01-1])
#2084. drink--drank--drunk win--won--won ([2015-01-10-1])
#2210. think -- thought -- thought γѡ ([2015-05-16-1])
#2225. hear -- heard -- heard ([2015-05-31-1])
#3490. dreamt dreamed ء ([2018-11-16-1])
#439. come -- came -- come ʤΤ welcome -- welcomed -- welcomed ʤΤϤʤ ([2010-07-10-1])
#43. ʤ go β went ˤʤ뤫 ([2009-06-10-1])
#1482. ʤ go β went ˤʤ뤫 (2) ([2013-05-18-1])
#764. ѸưѤ3Ĥʬˡ ([2011-05-31-1])
ϢܤΥХåʥСȤơ1֤ʤ3ñ -s ĤΤ2֤ʤԵ§ʣΤΰ⤴
δ졡ֱѸƳΰФ䤹ѸˤΥĥܡ3ʤԵ§ưѤΤסرѸ춵2019ǯ6桤罤۽Ź2019ǯ51362--63ǡ
ε˰³ָ̿ˡפ˴ؤꡥϺѤʸȤ̤δϢʸΤʤǡͤùѸ춵δ餳ڤǤ롥ָ̿ˡפФȤǡϢݤȤȤ˰ӤʸˡǤΤǤϤʤȤΡ֤ޤȤפѤ (78)
ɡѸ̿ưǤϡʤȤŪ¤ϡ̿ˡθưǤäȤƤ⡤ȼư֤ʤʾˡָˡפªưˡפδϷ褷ƤȸƤ֤櫓ˤϤʤʸˡפȤƤȤ⸫ʤΤǡΰ̣ǡ̿ʸפȸƤ֤ȤǽǤȷŤ롥⡤°³ˡ߷Ǥ⡤ˡư줬ʤȤˤϡ̿Ʊͤ˸ΤߤȤ븫ϡε̳䴫ɽ̣ǽȤοȤؤäơ촶ΤªȸäƤ̿ˡ³ˡ߷ɽŪˡǰª뤳ȤǤȤȤǤ롥ΤˡˡפγǰΤϱѸ춵θǤ뤵ƤܤǤָפȤˤ褯ȤƤ븽ͤȤष̤˲ФƳˡˤ礤˥åȤȻפ롥
عǤϡ뻰ñ -s ˤĤƤϡʤ˽פǡԲķʡľˡȤǰ̵뤷ơ䤫ޤƳ뤬˿øȿ롤°³ˡ߷ he do ȤϢ뤿ˤϡˡ˴ؤƤμɤƤɬܤǤ롥ǤȤˡפȤդϻȤʤˤƤ⡤ξԴ֤ˤȤΩȤŦʤФʤʤκݡưΡָפŪˡʤΰˤôȤͤͤ뤳Ȥϡˡΰ̣ŪǤ⽽ʬͭǤ
̻Ūʻ¤ʬ˲ǡƤȯ̤ۤŪηϲޤȤԤλϡ˿ȤޤѸȾˤ褦ˡä3ñ -sפȤⴹǤǡ٤ࡥ
ʡ---Ѹ̿ʸפˤĤ---סطضס632014ǯ73--79ǡ
ѸˤĤ̿ˡ (imperative mood) ǧ뤫ݤȤϡѸؤǤ⤿ӤӵʤƤˡ (mood) ˷ŪʥƥȲʤСʸˡǤưΡ̿פϸˤƱǤ뤫顤ȼˡꤹɬפϤʤȤȤˤʤ롥षˤܤ˿ơˡ1ĤȤ̿ˡȹͤۤäꤹ롥̿ˡȸ¾νˡˤϡ̣Ūʡפ̣ŪʡפȤ̹⸫Ф졤ǤŪԹ礬褤ˤС³ˡߡפȸƤФƤΤŪˤϸȰۤʤʤΤ顤ϤƱ롼פ뤳Ȥˤʤºݡ³ˡߡפϤޤˡפ碌Ƥ롥
ǽҤ٤ƤȤϡ̿³ˡ߷ȤˡϡפˡȤ1Ĥˤ뤳ȤǤȤƤ̣ǡפŵȤ⤤̤פؤθڤƱʡḶˤˤäôʤΤϤʤȤϻĤ롥ֲפֻ͡פɽˤƤƱͤǤ롥Τ褦ˡʤɤνƥʣ˸ΤϷ褷ưפǤϤʤ̿ˡפΰ褦Ȱ첡ȡ̤פΰԹ礬롤Ȥäͤ뤫
εϡ褽εǤ롥ʸǤϡ̻ŪŪʴ餳äƤ뤬Ρ֤ޤȤפϼ̤ (98)
٤˶ޤŵǤϡˡ̤ΩƤϽʬۤɤꡤ¸߰յޤʬˤäȤޤǤϸƱư֤ʣˡɽȤä餯Τ褦ʷ־νʣȤ̤ȡľˡߤ̤λݤޤǤ뤳ȤǽäȤ̣Ū¦̤Ȥޤäơͭɸ³ˡǤϤʤ̵ɸľˡΤʤ̤ꤹ뤳ȤֲƤΤǤϤʤȹͤ롥
ФơưθѲűѸ٤ƶˤƴDz줿ѸǤϡϤư֤ȤƤˡ뤳ȤǤʤˤ뤬ǤŪˡϡά'stance' marker ȤƵǽ롥will ʤɤˡư if ʤɤüʥޡӡ°Ǥ⡤suggest require ȤäưλỊ̇ˤäƲ̵뤳ȤǤ롥Τ褦˹ͤС̤λؼϡŵŪˤˡư will Ȥ stance marker ˤꡤŪˡɽͭɸʹ¤ª뤳ȤǤˤľˡ³ˡȤäˡǰä˻ɬפϤʤȤˤʤ롥դäСŪˡɽͭɸ¤ˤϡȤƽ°ˡʤưǤ븶ˤ롥̤θСάŪ̿ˡưưǤϤʤˤȸʤ硤ޤˤ̿ˡ°ޤƤȤͤ櫓ǡȤȵդˡŪˡɽˤΰˡȤƽ̿ˡª뤳ȤǤ̿ˡΤˡΰȤΩƤˤɬפƱˤʤʤ뤳Ȥˤʤ롥
ѸŪˡ̿פɤ٤ȤϡʤѸ춵ˤؤäƤ
ʡ̤ˡֻפϤΤ---Ѹľˡ³ˡ---סطضס622013ǯ91--100ǡ
ε#3576. ͱѸ (= AAVE) θŪħ --- ȯ ([2019-02-10-1]) ˰³McArthur ˰͵ AAVE θŪħˤĤơʸˡܤ롥
(1) ¾αѸѼˤߤ뤬¿̤Ѥ롥No way no girl can't wear no platform shoes to no amusement park.
(2) ¸߹ʸ there ǤϤʤ it Ѥ롥It ain't no food here.
(3) ʣͭʷ3ñ -s -ed ʤɤά뤳Ȥ롥He got three cent. / That's my brother book. / She like new clothes. / They talk all night.
(4) ʸ֤ʤʤȤ롥What it is? / How you are?
(5) be ư do Ѥ뤳Ȥ롥It don't all be her fault.
(6) be νˡThey be fightin. / He be laughing.
(7) Τ been ˤνŪʹ٤ɽ魯I béen see dat movie. / She béen had dat hat.
(8) ˾ a ˤջ֤ɽ魯I'm a shoot you. (= I'm going to shoot you.)
(9) steady ʹԷ֤䡤ʸΰ֤ˤƶȼäŪʰ̣ɽ魯We be steady rappin. / We steady be rappin. / We be rappin stéady. (= We are always talking.) / They steady be high. / They be stady high. / They be high stéady.. (= They are always intoxicated.)
(10) Come ˽ưȤѤ롥He come tellin me some story. (= He told me a lie.) / They come comin in here like they own de place. (= They came in here like they owned the place.)
(11) like ֤ۤȤɡפΰ̣ŪѤ롥I like to die(d). (= I almost died.) / He like to hit his head on that branch. (= He almost hit his head on that branch.)
ΤˤΤ褦ʱѸäС狼ϤʸʹʤȻפ롥ۤʤȤۤɤεΥǤϤʤΤ¤Ǥ롥AAVE ΰ֤ŤǮӤӤ櫓
McArthur, Tom, ed. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: OUP, 1992.
ưΡֶܹԡפβϡѸηˤˤƥ㡼Ǥ롥ˤĤơ#178. ưε§Ѳά ([2009-10-22-1]) #527. Ե§Ѳưε§®٤ٻɸ2ȿ㤹? ([2010-10-06-1]) #528. ˵§ư wed !? ([2010-10-07-1])#764. ѸưѤ3Ĥʬˡ ([2011-05-31-1])#1287. ưζܹԤ١ ([2012-11-04-1]) ʤɤǼ夲Ƥ
礭Ĭή˵դ餦ʵήʤּ嶯ܹԡפλ⤷ФлŦƤꥹѸ dive -- dived (-- dived) Ф륢ꥫѸ dive -- dove (-- dived) 㤬褯ΤƤ뤬ŪˤϤ¾롥
ȤСWełna (425) ˤСѸ˼嶯ܹԤʤʬˤƶѲԵ§˷Ѥ³ƤΤȤơΤ褦㤬ȤѸθǵˡ
| INFINITIVE | PAST | PAST PARTICIPLE |
|---|---|---|
| chide | chidde, chōde | chidden |
| ring | ringde, rongen (PL) | runge |
| sawe | sawed, sew | sawid, sown |
| sew | sowed | sewed, sowen |
| shew, show | showed | showed, showen |
| stycke | stiked, stacke | sticked, stōken |
| weer | wēred, wōre | wēred, worn |
ޥɤκǤΩäħ1ĤˡѲư¸ߤ롥#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1])#3135. -ed ε ([2017-11-26-1]) ǿ줿褦˻ (dental suffix) դȤǡȤñ˲뤳ȤǤ褦ˤʤä˴ŤδߤȡˤäƸűѸޤॲޥϡ (inflecting languages) æ (agglutinating language) 뤤ϸΩ (isolating language) ؤȰŤȤˤʤ (cf. #522. ˤ ([2010-10-01-1])) ΰ̣ǤϡѲưƳϡ緶ˤСγ̿ŪפäȤ롥von Mengden (287) βʹƤߤ褦
It is remarkable that in a strongly inflecting language like Old English (in contrast to both agglutinating and to analytic), there is a suffix (-d-) which is an unambiguous marker of the tense value past. The fact that this suffix -d- is the only morphological marker in all the paradigms of Old English with a truly distinctive one-to-one relation between form and value may indicate that this morpheme is rather young.
֤ȵǽƩ٤ι⤤11δطˤȤȤϡѸܸΤ褦ʥפθˤƤȡˤʤʤΤΤ褦ʥפǤϤʤäűѸζǰƬ֤ĤIJƹͤƤߤȡΤ˶ˤȤä-d- ̿1ȤϡθϢŪ˳̿ȤͶȯѸŪѤƤȤˤʤäΤǤ롥
von Mengden, Ferdinand. "Old English: Morphology." Chapter 18 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 272--93.
#182. ޥɤħ ([2009-10-26-1]) 6ĤκΩäޥŪħKastovsky (140) ˤȡΤʲ3ĤˤĤƤϡޥĸ줬ȯãǸߤ̩ܤʴطäȤ
(2) ư˸ߤȲ2λ
(3) ư˶Ѳ (strong conjugation) ȼѲ (weak conjugation) 2γѤ
(4) 촴1˶
One major Germanic innovation was a shift from an aspectual to a tense system. This coincided with the shift to initial accent, and both may have been due to language contact, maybe with Finno-Ugric. Initial stress deprived ablaut of its phonological conditioning, and the shift from aspect to tense required a systematic marking of the new preterit tense. From this, two types of exponents emerged. One is connected to the secondary (weak) verbs, which only had present aspect/tense forms. They developed an affixal "dental preterit", together with an affix for the past participle. The source of the latter was the Indo-European participial -to-suffix; the source of the former is not clear . . . . The most popular theory is grammaticalization of a periphrastic construction with do (IE *dhe-), but there are a number of phonological problems with this. The second type was the functionalization of the originally non-functional ablaut alternations to express the new category, i.e. the making use of junk . . . . But this was somewhat unsystematic, because original perfect forms were mixed with aorist forms, resulting in a pattern with over- and under-differentiation. Thus, in class III (helpan : healp : hulpon : geholpen) the preterit is over-differentiated, because the different ablaut forms are non-functional, since the personal endings would be sufficient to signal the necessary distinctions. But in class I (wrītan : wrāt : writon : gewriten), there is under-differentiation, because some preterit forms and the past participle have the same vowel. (140)
Kastovsky ˤСޥĸϡ餯 Finno-Ugric Ȥθܿη̡(a) ĸŪ (aspect) Ż뤹줫 (tense) Ż뤹ؤɤڤꡤ(b) ѥȤŪʸƬȤؤڤؤäȤ˶̤٤褦ˤʤäη֤ϡȤȤϰĸŪʥѰۤ˰¸Ƥ첻Ѱ (gradation or ablaut) ǽŪˡѤƺäΤȡ (dental suffix) դȤΤȤäηȿʣȤؤˤꡤѸưŪʻѲϢʤפΩƤäΤǤ롥츫ȸߤ̵ط˻פ븽ݤ֤εˤƸߤ˴ϢƤȤ1Ĥ
ΰѤǿƤȴϢơ#3135. -ed ε ([2017-11-26-1])#2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1])#2153. Ŭˤ륫ƥȤؤ ([2015-03-20-1])#3331. ĸ줫饲ޥĸؤưʸˡƤκ ([2018-06-10-1]) ⻲ȡ
Kastovsky, Dieter. "Linguistic Levels: Morphology." Chapter 9 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 129--47.
ѸԵ§ư (irregular verb) οϡʣưޤС褷ƾʤȤϤʤ⤷ʤѸ춵δŪư˸¤С60٤Ǥ롥㤨СعؽƳΡ٤dzؽ٤Ȥ139ĤưΤ§ư82졤Ե§ư57Ǥ롥 (44--45ˤƷǤƤ57ΥꥹȤʲ˵Ƥ
| *become | *begin | *break | bring | build | buy |
| catch | *come | cut | do | *draw | *drink |
| *drive | *eat | *fall | feel | *find | *fly |
| *forget | *get | *give | go | *grow | have |
| hear | keep | *know | leave | lend | *let |
| lose | make | mean | meet | put | read |
| *ride | *rise | *run | say | *see | sell |
| send | *sing | sit | *sleep | *speak | spend |
| *spring | *stand | *swim | take | teach | tell |
| think | *wind | *write |
Lass (151--53) ˤȡSanskrit ŵŪưˤϡ;ΡΥƥ˱126롥ޥΤʤǺǤʣʶޤ Gothic Ǥϡ22ζ롥ޥΤʤǤ⤪褽ŵŪȤäƤ褤űѸϡ8ĤζʤѸǤϺǤ3Ĥλ¤ϡŪФ뤴ȤˡޤμबäƤƤΤǤ롥
ĸǤϡ̤ƤʸˡƥȤ̣ϰʲ̤ꡥ
(voice) ǽư (active) ư (middle)
ˡ (mood) ľˡ (indicative) ³ˡ (subjunctive)ˡ (optative) ̿ˡ (imperative)
ꡦ (aspect/tense) (present) ̵ (aorist) λ (perfect)
(number) ñ (singular) ξ (dual) ʣ (plural)
; (person) 1; (first) 2; (second) 3; (third)
ΥƥˤĤơĸ줫饲ޥĸؤκͻҤάҤ褦
֤ΥƥˤĤƤϡĸǽư vs ư֤ζ̤ϡޥĸǤϡǽư֡ vs ʼư֤ȺƵ֡ˤȤǤ⤤٤̤˺줿
ˡΥƥ˴ؤƤϡĸ4Ĥζʬϡ̡ޥɤǤϡľˡ³ˡ̿ˡ3ʬ뤤Ϥͻ礬ʤߡűѸǤľˡ³ˡ2ʬؤȺ줿
ĸλΥƥϡŪˤ˴ŤΤȹͤƤ롥Ϥ褦ȤưĸΡִλפޥĸˤֲפ˺줿褦̤ȤơޥĸǤϡοֲפȡߤޤפȤΡ˴Ť2ʬˡΩ롥
ΥƥϡűѸǤξ;̾ˤ鷺˻¸ƤΤΡŪˤСñʣ2ʬ˺줿κˤĤƤϡ#2152. Lass ˤ볰Ŭ ([2015-03-19-1])#2153. Ŭˤ륫ƥȤؤ ([2015-03-20-1]) Ȥ줿
Ǹˡ;ΤΥƥˤĤƤϡѸΡ3ñ -sפˤħ褦ˡ褽3ʬˡޤǼѤƤ롥
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
̻ŪǤ춦ŪǤʸˡ (grammaticalisation) ˤ硤ꤢƤ㤬ɤ١ʸˡפ餷ΤʸˡŪפʤΤȽǤबɬפǤ롥Τ褦ʴꤹ뤳ȤϡʸˡͿ뤳Ȥˤۤʤ餺麤ʲǤ뤳ȤؤʤΤ褦ʴࡤʤѥȤƤϡLehmann ƤŵŪʤΤȤƤ롥ϤΤΡȤƽפǤ롥Hopper and Traugott (31) Lehmann ΥѥΤ褯ޤȤޤäƤΤǡѤ褦Ϣطμ (paradigm) 3طμ (syntagm) 3Ǥ롥
Of relevance on the paradigmatic axis are:
1. the "weight" or size of an element (Lehmann refers to "signs"); weight may be phonological (Lat. ille 'that' has more phonological weight than the French article le that derives from it) or semantic (the motion verb go is thought to be semantically weightier than the future marker go) --- "Grammaticalization rips off the lexical features until only the grammatical features are left" (1995: 129);
2. the degree to which an element enters into a cohesive set or paradigm; e.g., Latin tense is paradigmatically cohesive whereas English tense is not (contrast the Latin with its translation in amo 'I love,' amabo 'I will love,' amavi 'I have loved');
3. the freedom with which an element may be selected; in Swahili if a clause is transitive, an object marker must be obligatorily expressed in the verb (given certain semantic constraints), whereas none is required in English.
Of relevance on the syntagmatic axis are:
4. the scope or structural size of a construction; periphrasis, as in Lat. scribere habeo 'write:INF have:1stSg', is structurally longer and weightier and larger than inflection, as in Ital. scriverò, 'I shall write';
5. the degree of bonding between elements in a construction (there is a scale from clause to word to morpheme to affix boundary, 1995: 154); the degree of bonding is greater in the case of inflection than in that of periphrasis;
6. the degree to which elements of a construction may be moved around; in earlier Latin scribere habeo and habeo scribere could occur in either order, but in later Latin this order became fixed, which allowed the word boundaries to be erased.
Ѹʸˡݤ˾Ȥ餷Ƥߤ褦㤨СѸˡư will ˤ̤פȯãϤɤΤ餤ʸˡŪ#2317. Ѹˤ̤ȯã ([2015-08-31-1])#2208. Ѹư̤ζޤʤΤϤʤ ([2015-05-14-1]) 褦ˡˡư will ȯãʸˡŵ1ĤȹͤƤ뤬嵭2鼨̤ꡤѸ will ˤ̤פϢطδ顤ۤ cohesive ȤϤʤ褦ˤפ졤ɤޤǻȤʸˡƥȤưΤ䤬Ĥ롥 Yes/No ǤϤʤ٤ǤꡤץȥŪɬפϤ6ĤΥѥ٤ʻʸˡפȤƤޤȡ¿ȤƤޤȤˤʤ롥
Lehmann, Christian. Thoughts on Grammaticalization. Munich: Lincom Europa, 1995.
Hopper, Paul J. and Elizabeth Closs Traugott. Grammaticalization. 2nd ed. Cambridge: CUP, 2003.
ʸˡ (grammaticalisation) ŵȤơ̤ɽ魯ư be going to ȯã (cf. #417. ʸˡȤϡ ([2010-06-18-1])#2106.ֶʸˡȡֹʸˡ ([2015-02-01-1])#2575. Ѳΰ ([2016-05-15-1]) ) λѤơʸˡޤ̣ŪѲ2Ĥμ˱äơĤޤ2ĤΥᥫ˥ˤäȯʹԤ뤳ȤΤHopper and Traugott (93) Ǥ롥2ĤΥᥫ˥Ȥϡsyntagm, reanalysis, metonymy åȤǹᥫ˥ȡparadigm, analogy, metaphor ʤᥫ˥Ǥ롥ʲοޤȡ
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- Syntagmatic axis
Mechanism: reanalysis
|
Stage I be going [to visit Bill] |
PROG Vdir [Purp. clause] |
|
Stage II [be going to] visit Bill |
TNS Vact |
(by syntactic reanalysis/metonymy) |
|
Stage III [be going to] like Bill |
TNS V |
(by analogy/metaphor) |
Paradigmatic axis
Mechanism: analogy
In summary, metonymic and metaphorical inferencing are comlementary, not mutually exclusive, processes at the pragmatic level that result from the dual mechanisms of reanalysis linked with the cognitive process of metonymy, and analogy linked with the cognitive process of metaphor. Being a widespread process, broad cross-domain metaphorical analogizing is one of the contexts within which grammaticalization operates, but many actual instances of grammaticalization show that conventionalizing of the conceptual metonymies that arise in the syntagmatic flow of speech is the prime motivation for reanalysis in the early stages.
Hopper, Paul J. and Elizabeth Closs Traugott. Grammaticalization. 2nd ed. Cambridge: CUP, 2003.
ǯù¤δطõ븦椬ƤƤ롥ŪˤäơȸΥեܤƤƤ褦ѸˤǤС㤨иűѸ˴ؤơù¤δطõäꡤȾ¤ؤɵ᤹븦椬Ƥ롥
⤦Ū˽Ҥ٤褦űѸǡ (tense) (aspect) ϷŪɸ졤ϤäѤʸˡŪȤưƤƥȤθǤɽѤʬۤĴ٤ƤߤȡλϾʲô̤λϾطʲôȤ餫ˤʤ롥Сñ졤ưŪֻͭĽϴλɽ蘆졤³ȿ̵Ľ̤λɽ蘆ȤʾϡHopper ˤ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle оݤȤʬϷ̤ǤꡤűѸ̤ƤϤޤ뤫ɤŪʷù¤ѤǽΤȤƶ̣
Ʊ褦ˡŪͳȤűѸθ¤˰äƤȤߤʤ㤬ŦƤ롥Ѹ "then" þa, þonne ϡäΤĤʤȤƺѤ뤳ȤΤƤ롥Ʊˡ줬֤뤳Ȥˤꡤ¾ʸǤŪ֤ƶ뤳Ȥ褯ΤƤ롥ɤνиѰۡù¤3Ԥϡʣ̩ܤ˴ϢäƤ褦ʤΤ㤨СʸϤޤꡤľ onginnan (to begin) ư֤ȡäη³ްդ뤳Ȥ¿Ȥ줬ǡƤСä³ްդȤ
ޤþa, þonne ϤȤ "focus particles" ȤΤ褦ˡξˤؤäƤȤ롥ʸ˸Ȥʬ (topic) Ȥʤꡤʬ (focus) Ȥʤ롥
̻Ūʻ鶽̣ΤϡűѸ줫ѸˤơŪʥꥨ경ƤˤĤơ餬ôäƤù¤뵡ǽषƤäϤǤȤȤǤϡù¤뵡ǽϡ¾Τʤʤˤä줿Τ뤤ʤäΤȸΥեΤΤˡʥߥåѲǽ롥
Lenker, Ursula. "Old English: Pragmatics and Discourse" Chapter 21 of English Historical Linguistics: An International Handbook. 2 vols. Ed. Alexander Bergs and Laurel J. Brinton. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2012. 325--340.
ѸǤϡʸȯãLos (Los, Bettelou. The Rise of the to-Infinitive. Oxford: OUP, 2005.) Ȥ Sawada (28) ˴ʷˤޤȤƤ褦ˡȯãˤϡ(1) Ķޤ to ٤Ȥ¦̤ȡ(2) űѸǤϸʤäο칽¤줿Ȥ¦̤롥(2) ˤĤƤϡ5ο¤Ŧ롥ʲˡѸ줫ʸȤȤ˼
(a) ư֤ to : The clothes need to be washed.
(b) λ have ȼ to : He expected to have finished last Wednesday.
(c) Ωꤵ to : They motioned to her not to come any further.
(d) դгʹʸˤ to : They believed John to be a liar.
(e) ʬΥ (split infinitive): to boldly go where no one has gone before.
Τ褦ʶḽŪ to 칽¤ޤ줿طʤˤϡб that ˤοͿƤ롥ȤϡŪˤ that β̤ȤƼεǽʣʹ¤ to ˼ä줿٤ִϰ쵤櫓ǤϤʤư֤ʤɤʣʰ̣¤ؤˤ that ʸФ餯ݤ줿Ȥդ٤Ǥ롥
Sawada, Mayumi. "The Development of a New Infinitival Construction in Late Middle English: The Passive Infinitive after Suffer." Studies in Middle and Modern English: Historical Variation. Ed. Akinobu Tani and Jennifer Smith. Tokyo: Kaitakusha, 2017. 27--47.
#2750. "Present Perfect Puzzle" --- Ѹ줫βȸߴλ ([2016-11-06-1]) ˰³ƤꡥVisser ϡѸˤȸߴλˤĤơեʤɤαƶ⤢ꤦȤϽҤ٤ƤΤΡ礿ͳϻŪ (poetic_license) ˤȹͤƤ롥ȤΤϡξԤؤӱ (rhyme) 䱤Χ (metre) ưŤƤȤܤ㤬ºݤ˾ʤʤӱưŤȤơVisser (713) εƤΤ椫餤ĤȴФƤߤ롥
c1386 Chaucer, C. T. H264: His bowe he bente, and sette ther-inne a flo, / And in his ire his wyf thanne hath he slayn, - / This is theffect, ther is namoore to sayn.
c1390 Gower Conf. Am. (ed. Morley) V p. 245: Wherof this lord hath hede nome / And did hem bothe for to come.
c1390 Gower Conf. Am. (ed. Morley) V p. 277: whan it came unto the grounde, / A great serpent it hath bewounde.
c1400 Syr Tryamowre (ed. Erdman Schmidt) 1030: The messengere ys come and gone. / But tydyngys of Tryamowre herde he none.
ƱͤˡΧˤȹͤΤĤ Visser (717--18) 꼨
c1250 Floris & Bl. 985: Clarice, joie hire mot bitide, / Aros up in þe moreȝentide, / And haþ cleped Blauncheflur.
c1386 Chaucer, C. T. B628: This gentil kyng hath caught a greet motyf / Of this witnesse, and thoghte he wolde enquere / Depper in this.
c1386 Chaucer, C. T. H203: And so befel, whan Phebus was absent, / His wyf anon hath for hir lemman sent.
c1390 Gower, C. A. (ed. Morley) p. 277: And he, which understood his tale, / Betwene him and his asse all softe / Hath drawe and set him up a lofte.
ȸߴλȤƻŪƤ˵Ȥϡ줬ĶˤäƤٻ롥Τ褦ϡ14--15αʸˤܸۤ¤ƤΤǤ롥θűѸѸǤϡʸˤ軶ʸˤ衤Ϥ㤷ǧʤޤѸǤ⡤ʸǤ̤ߤʤˡȸߴλߤĶǤϡȸ߷ƱͤˤߤȤ¤⡤ŪƤˤɤȤʤ롥ḽˤơŪʥƥȤƽŻ뤵褦ˤʤꡤȸߡʴλˤζ̤⤦뤵ʤäƤѸǤϡΥƥȤηϡΧС̤ê夲Ƥ褤٤νפǤȤ館ƤΤ
ǤϡḽˤơδƤ졤ͤˤʤäƤäΤϤʤʤΤϡȼҲᤰ礭ʱѸ˾Ǥ롥
Visser, F. Th. An Historical Syntax of the English Language. 3 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1963--1973.
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