
Baugh and Cable ˤѸˤθŵŪ̾ Voicy heldio ˤ1᤺ɤƤäȿʤƤޤǯ7˳ϤͭǤޤɲʤɤǤ̾ heldio ˤ̵Ƥޤ
98ˤ12 heldio ۿδֱѸ˥饤2024פŤޤī 8:00-- 8:55 55ʬȤǡBaugh and Cable 57ɼ¶ѡפ̵ͽǤʳءˤϽؤʾءˤī3ͤ䤫ɲ깭Ƥޤ
ƥȤǤʤΤˡɤ뤳ȤˤʤäƤ57 "Chronological Criteria" (pp. 73--75) αʸʲ˷ǺܤƤޤűѸΥƥѸǯ¬˴ؤ륨ƥʲսǤäͽƤƤޤȡɼ¶ѤڤİȤǤȻפޤ
57. Chronological Criteria.In order to form an accurate idea of the share that each of these three periods had in extending the resources of the English vocabulary, it is first necessary to determine as closely as possible the date at which each of the borrowed words entered the language. This is naturally somewhat difficult to do, and in the case of some words it is impossible. But in a large number of cases it is possible to assign a word to a given period with a high degree of probability and often with certainty. It will be instructive to pause for a moment to inquire how this is done.
The evidence that can be employed is of various kinds and naturally of varying value. Most obvious is the appearance of the word in literature. If a given word occurs with fair frequency in texts such as Beowulf, or the poems of Cynewulf, such occurrence indicates that the word has had time to pass into current use and that it came into English not later than the early part of the period of Christian influence. But it does not tell us how much earlier it was known in the language, because the earliest written records in English do not go back beyond the year 700. Moreover, the late appearance of a word in literature is no proof of late adoption. The word may not be the kind of word that would naturally occur very often in literary texts, and so much of Old English literature has been lost that it would be very unsafe to argue about the existence of a word on the basis of existing remains. Some words that are not found recorded before the tenth century (e.g., pīpe 'pipe', cīese 'cheese') can be assigned confidently on other grounds to the period of continental borrowing.
The character of the word sometimes gives some clue to its date. Some words are obviously learned and point to a time when the church had become well established in the island. On the other hand, the early occurrence of a word in several of the Germanic dialects points to the general circulation of the word in the Germanic territory and its probable adoption by the ancestors of the English on the continent. Testimony of this kind must of course be used with discrimination. A number of words found in Old English and in Old High German, for example, can hardly have been borrowed by either language before the Anglo-Saxons migrated to England but are due to later independent adoption under conditions more or less parallel, brought about by the introduction of Christianity into the two areas. But it can hardly be doubted that a word like copper, which is rare in Old English, was nevertheless borrowed on the continent when we find it in no fewer than six Germanic languages.
The most conclusive evidence of the date at which a word was borrowed, however, is to be found in the phonetic form of the word. The changes that take place in the sounds of a language can often be dated with some definiteness, and the presence or absence of these changes in a borrowed word constitutes an important test of age. A full account of these changes would carry us far beyond the scope of this book, but one or two examples may serve to illustrate the principle. Thus there occurred in Old English, as in most of the Germanic languages, a change known as i-umlaut. (Umlaut is a German word meaning 'alteration of sound', which in English is sometimes called mutation.) This change affected certain accented vowels and diphthongs (æ, ā, ō, ū, ēa, ēo , and īo) when they were followed in the next syllable by an ī or j. Under such circumstances, æ and a became e, and ō became ē, ā became ǣ, and ū became ȳ. The diphthongs ēa, ēo, īo became īe, later ī, ȳ. Thus *baŋkiz > benc (bench), *mūsiz > mȳs, plural of mūs (mouse), and so forth. The change occurred in English in the course of the seventh century, and when we find it taking place ina word borrowed from Latin, it indicates that the Latin word had been taken into English by that time. Thus Latin monēta (which became *munit in Prehistoric OE) > mynet (a coin, Mod. E. mint) and is an early borrowing. Another change (even earlier) that helps us to date a borrowed word is that known as palatal diphthongization. By this sound change ǣ or ē in early Old English was changed to a diphthong (ēa and īe, respectively) when preceded by certain palatal consonants (ċ, ġ, sc). OE cīese (L. cāseus, chesse) mentioned earlier, shows both i-umlaut and palatal diphthongization (cāseus > *ċǣsi > *ċēasi > *ċīese). In many words, evidence for date is furnished by the sound changes of Vulgar Latin. Thus, for example, an intervocalic p (and p in the combination pr) in the Late Latin of northern Gaul (seventh century) was modified to a sound approximating a v, and the fact that L. cuprum, coprum (copper) appears in OE as copor with the p unchanged indicates a period of borrowing prior to this change (cf. F. cuivre). Again Latin ī changed to e before A.D. 400 so that words like OE biscop (L. episcopus), disc (L. discus), sigel 'brooch' (L. sigillum), and the like, which do not show this change, were borrowed by the English on the continent. But enough has been said to indicate the method and to show that the distribution of the Latin words in Old English among the various periods at which borrowing took place rests not upon guesses, however shrewd, but upon definite facts and upon fairly reliable phonetic inferences.
Baugh and Cable ɥΥХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) ˷ǺܤƤޤҤε˥ƥȤꤷơ1ᤫ餪İС
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.

Baugh and Cable ˤѸˤθŵŪ̾Voicy heldio ˤ1᤺ɤƤͭˤäȷ³Ǥܲ4Ϥ "Foreign Influences on Old English" ʸűѸؤ¾줫αƶˤäƤޤ5455ϡѸˤǤϰ̤̣ʰƤȸ줫αƶȤƤޤϥͤȥȿͤܿʤΤä⤷Ƥ54 "The Celtic Influence" ˤĤơαʸǤޤƥȤǤʤ⡤ؿСαʸȤĤġֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (54) The Celtic Influenceİ1ץ̵ǻİǤޤˡ
54. The Celtic Influence. Nothing would seem more reasonable than to expect that the conquest of the Celtic population of Britain by the Anglo-Saxons and the subsequent mixture of the two peoples should have resulted in a corresponding mixture of their languages, that consequently we should find in the Old English vocabulary numerous instances of words that the Anglo-Saxons heard in the speech of the native population and adopted. For it is apparent that the Celts were by no means exterminated except in certain areas, and that in most of England large numbers of them were gradually assimilated into the new culture. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle reports that at Andredesceaster or Pevensey a deadly struggle occurred between the native population and the newcomers and that not a single Briton was left alive. The evidence of the place-names in this region lends support to the statement. But this was probably an exceptional case. In the east and southeast, where the Germanic conquest was fully accomplished at a fairly early date, it is probable that there were fewer survivals of a Celtic population than elsewhere. Large numbers of the defeated fled to the west. Here it is apparent that a considerable Celtic-speaking population survived until fairly late times. Some such situation is suggested by a whole cluster of Celtic place-names in the northeastern corner of Dorsetshire. It is altogether likely that many Celts were held as slaves by the conquerors and that many of the Anglo-Saxons chose Celtic mates. In parts of the island, contact between the two peoples must have been constant and in some districts intimate for several generations.
̤ˤϡͤϥȿͤ䤷ˤʤɤȸ뤳Ȥ¿ΤǤºݤˤδŰ٤ϰˤäƤۤʤäƤ岼طϤäȤƤճŸƤΤǤϤʤȤȤǤ
űѸȥȸθŪطϤɤΤ褦ʤΤäΤǤ礦ϼ55 "Celtic Place-Names and Other Loanwords" ʥȸ̾¾μѸˤǼ夲ƤޤֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (55) Celtic Place-Names and Other Loanwordsɤ
heldio ΥΥХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) ˷ǺܤƤޤ
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.

1ָ824ڡ17:30--19:00ī㡼ɶˤƥָֺ츻ŵǤɤѸˡ5ȤʤֱѸ졤ƥȽвפ֤ޤ
7274ǤϡָαѸ˻ĤűѸκספꤷơűѸθáȸ줫ζϾʱƶܤޤǤϸűѸ줬٤ι⤤ޥϤθäݤäƤꡤ¤ǽϤ˭ǤäȤ⤷ޤ
űѸˤ줫μѸϳΤˤޤΥȼѸ¸ߤˤĤƤϤǤ˿ޤ¾ˤƥťΥɸ줫μѸ줬ơɴʰʾˤεϤǸűѸäƤƤΤǤɴۤɤοǤϸΤΤʤǤϤۤΩʤΤΤǤθ˭٤ʸüѤˤǰƬˤСűѸѸ˾פʰ֤Ťˤ뤳ȤǤǤ礦
ιֺ¤ǤϡűѸʤ뤤ϤλˤˤƥθŪƶܤޤޤƥαƶŪŪʥ٥ˤȤɤޤ餺ʸŪʼˤޤǵڤȤˤޤ
ܥֺ¤ϳƲΩ⤤Τǡ5滲äʤɤǤޤäʤ֤ǤޤɶǤ̻äΤۤ饤äǽǤθ1֤Ρָƨۿפ⤴ѤǤޤʳäƤä
ʤܥֺ¤ϡָ츻ŵǤɤѸˡפꤷƤȤꡤȤ櫓رѸ츻ŵ١ʸҡˤ˻ȤޤƱŵϡֺ¤˻ȡڤ֤Ǥ뤫Ȼפޤʤ긵ˤʤȤꤢޤˡ

߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵٿǡҡ2024ǯ
Ѹ oh ˤ褽űѸδ (interjection) Ȥ ēalā ȤΤ롥θϽѸؤ ealā ȤưѤ줿ѸޤǤˤϻȤʤä褦Ū˴ϤΤȻפ뤬뤫ˡʹˡ˶ΤΤ˴ŤȤܤΥޥȥڤƥδ o ФűѸȤƤѤƤꡤűѸǤŪʴäȤäƤ褤
⤦٤СΥΥޥȥڤ2ĤʬʤäƤꡤºݤˤ줾줬ΩȤƤѤ롥ēa lā Ǥ롥Ȥ߹碌ʣΤ͡ˤä褦ǡThe Dictionary of Old English (DOE) ˤ eala ea, eala ... la, eala ... ea, eala eala, ealaeala ʤ˭ʥꥨ¾δȤ߹蘆ä eala nu "oh now" Τ褦ʻȤ⤢ä
ȤȤƤϡűѸʸį¤ꡤƤӤꡤꡤò䡤ʤɤ˹ѤƤꡤϤ긽Ѹ oh ȤäƤ褤ȤƤˡˡޤǤꡤ嵭Τ褦˷֤Ѥд𤬶äΤ
űѸ꤯ɤʸǤߤ
Lit 4.6 1: æla þu dryhten æla ðu ælmihtiga God æla cing ealra cyninga & hlaford ealra waldendra.
Sat 161: . . . eala drihtenes þrym! eala duguða helm! eala meotodes miht! eala middaneard! eala dæg leohta! eala dream Godes! eala engla þreat! eala upheofen!
HomU 38 18: eala, eala, fela is nu ða fracodra getrywða wide mid mannum.
Ѹ night бűѸñ niht Ǥ롥ϸűѸη֥ƥȤƤѲ̾ʤΤѲ̾¿ɤȤϾۤʤɤΥ롼פ°̾ʤΤդɬפǤ롥
ŪˤС¿ɤǤñʤñгʤȤ٤ȤǡԤ -e դȤۤߤΤɤǤξԤ̵ƱȤʤΤǤ롥ޤɤǤϡʣʡгʤ -a 餺 -e ǰפ Ȥħ⤢롥
ɽ (paradigm) ΤᤤޤѲ̾¿ɤ°2Ĥ̾졤û캬 ġiefu "gift" Ĺ캬 lār "teaching" ζɽ
| Sing. | Pl. | Sing. | Pl. | |
| N. | ġief-u | ġief-a, -e | lār | lār-a, -e |
| A. | ġief-e | ġief-a, -e | lār-e | lār-a, -e |
| G. | ġief-e | ġief-a, -ena | lār-e | lār-a, -ena |
| D. | ġief-e | ġief-um | lār-e | lār-um |
| Sing. | Pl. | |
| N. | niht | niht-e |
| A. | niht | niht-e |
| G. | niht-e | niht-a, -ena |
| D. | niht-e | niht-um |

ǯ4˽Ǥ줿ܸˤοǤVoicy heldio ۿ#1158. ܸȴ --- ˡʤդˡ١ȽŹҴȿӡ2024ǯǴñ˾Ҳ𤷤ޤ
Ϥפʵ͡ŸƤΤǤǤ pp. 9--10 1Ѥޤ
ޤǤϡɻܸˤĤơֲסָáסʸˡˡסʸɽΤ褦ˡʬʬƵҤʿ»塤һƱͤ˵ҤƤȤ꤫ȤƤɻ塤ʿ»ϤˤäƤΤǡ줾̤Ρֶ֡פȤߤ뤳ȤϤǤ롥ĤʤƤȤ館ƤɤϤ狼ʤȤ⤤롥ʤʤСɤȵԤǤϡ֤ۤʤ뤫ĤޤɻܸȻפäƤܸϤСפǤꡤʿ»ܸȻפäƤܸϤСֵפǤꡤۤʤʤΤ㤦ΤȤǽˤӽƤʤԹȤޤǤϤʤ⤷ʤȤˤܤۤɬפ롥ޤꤽθϤʤƤƤʤȻפ롥
λŦܸˤΤߤʤ餺Ѹˤˤ⤽ΤޤƤϤޤǡܤͤޤѸˤǤ⡤űѸΡɸפϥΥȥǤѸʹߤΤϡפȤĤ¾ħɥȤʤޤ
űѸȸѸθŪۤݤˡ̻ŪѲפ⤫٤Τ̤Ȼפޤ٤ƤΤűѸΥȥȸѸΥɥȤȤդɬפޤκۤϡ̻ŪѲǤϤʤȿǤƤǽΤǤ̻ŪѲξؤäƤ륱¿Ǥ礦ݥȤϡּǤϤʤּθʤФʤʤȤȤǤϡˤɤݤ˾դǤ
ܸȴ --- ˡʤȤФˡ١ȽŹҴȥ˥ӡ2024ǯ
ε#5560. 727ڡˤī뿷ֺ4ָαѸ˻ĤűѸκספΤ ([2024-07-17-1]) ǤΤ餻̤ꡤī㡼ɶˤƥָֺ츻ŵǤɤѸˡ4ָαѸ˻ĤűѸκספ֤ޤⶵӥ饤ˤ¿ˤä꤬Ȥޤ
űѸȸѸθä٤ĤġȤ櫓űѸΥޥŪħܤȤʤäƤޤűѸŪطʤä塤űѸˤϼѸŪʤषǤȤ߹碌ʣ줬˭Ǥ뤳ȤĴޤȤ櫓ʣ (compounding) kenning ʱŪʣˤȸƤФ˭ɽ¿ޤȸȤθܿ˿줿塤#1124. ֤ϤƤθűѸ9 with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ&¼Ϻܤ줿 Beowulf 1ʸ夲űѸñθ츻1ĤҤȤġرѸ츻ŵ٤dzǧƤޤ
ʲեեåǹֺ¤ƤƤޤ
#5542. ֥ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ Part 9 with Ͻؤޤˤ¼Ϻ ([2024-06-29-1]) ǤϡVoicy heldio ο͵κǿȤʤ#1124. ֤ϤƤθűѸ9 with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ&¼ϺҲ𤷤ޤۿǤϡϤˤäƼ夲줿 Beowulf 1ʸȤʤޤ
Wyrd oft nereð/ unfǣgne eorl, þonne his ellen dēah. (ll. 572b--73)
"Fate often saves an undoomed earl, when his courage avails."
ֱ̿ϤФлह٤̿ˤʤͦΤߤͦΩĻˡ
ѤκǸθ dēah ϡ "to be good, to be strong, to avail" ̣ dugan Ȥư3ñηǤ̯ʷ֤Ǥ⤽ΤϤŪˤư (preterite-present_verb) ȸƤФüʷưǤcf. #66. ư ([2009-07-03-1])ˡ
Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer (37) ꡤưγɽ⤦1ĤΤ褯֤ư āgan "to own, possess" ¤٤ƷǤޤ礦
| Infin. | dugan 'avail' | āgan 'own' | ||
| Pres. | sing. | 1, 3. | dēah | āh |
| Pres. | sing. | 2. | āhst | |
| Pres. | pl. | dugon | āgon | |
| Pres. | subj. | dyge, duge | āge | |
| Pret. | dohte | āhte | ||
| Past | part. | āgen (only as adj.) |
űѸθä٤˥ԥ奢ʥޥϤθäȤäƤ褯Ѹϸ¤Ƥ롥⡤θ¤줿Ѹʬƥ (latin) ΤΤǤ롥ۤˤϸťΥɸ (old_norse)ȸ (celtic)ޥ (germanic), ե (french) μѸʤǤϤʤޤDZƤ
θ줫űѸؤμѸϡष㳰Ū餳ˤʤΤʤΤǡűѸɤǤȤ˽Ф魯Ȥ䤱ΩĤΤǤ롥Ѹ˸Ǥ⤫äƤ褯ܤƤ롥Hogg ϡűѸθäȸüѤˤĤƼΤ褦ɾƤ롥
. . . there are words of non-native origin in Old English, the vast majority of which are from Latin. It has been estimated only about 3 per cent of Old English vocabulary is taken from non-native sources and it is clear that the strong preference in Old English was to use its native resources in order to create new vocabulary. In this respect, therefore, and as elsewhere, Old English is typically Germanic. (102--03)
. . . there was in Old English only a very limited use of words taken from other language, i.e. borrowed or loan words, and those words were primarily from Latin. Apart from Latin, Old English borrowed words from the Scandinavian languages after the Viking invasions, from the celtic languages mostly at a very early date, and there was also a scattering of forms from the other Germanic languages. At the very end of the period we begin to see the first loan words from Norman French. (109)
űѸγƸ줫θüѤˤĤƤϡʲεȡ
#32. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2009-05-30-1])
#1437. űѸ˼Ѥ줿ƥ ([2013-04-03-1])
#1619. ʤ deus Ѥ줺 God ݤ줿Τ ([2013-10-02-1])
#1945. űѸΥƥѤλʬ ([2014-08-24-1])
#2578. ȸ̤ƱѸؼѤ줿찮Υƥñ ([2016-05-18-1])
#3787. 650ǯդȤ롤ΥƥѸü ([2019-09-09-1])
#3788. űѸΥƥѸΰճ ([2019-09-10-1])
#3789. űѸäˤƥѸΨ1.75% ([2019-09-11-1])
#3790. 650ǯΥƥѸΰ ([2019-09-12-1])
#3829. 650ǯʸΥƥѸΰ ([2019-10-21-1])
#3830. űѸΥƥѸϸޤ³ݤ ([2019-10-22-1])
#1216. űѸΥȼѸ ([2012-08-25-1])
#3821. Old Saxon μѸ ([2019-10-13-1])
#302. űѸΥեѸ ([2010-02-23-1])
Hogg, Richard. An Introduction to Old English. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2002.
ʸˡǤϡư§ư (regular verbs) Ե§ư (irregular verb) Ȥʬ롥Ե§ưΤʤǤȤ櫓Ե§η㤷ư㤨 be, have, can ʤɡˤϡ§ư (anomalous verbs) ȸƤФ뤳Ȥ롥§ư§ϡŪˤϤ٤ǤΤΡʣǤ뤳ȤϳΤǤꡤŪʴϡ§פȤ롼פɤäƽƤȤˡŪ˺ѤƤ롥
űѸˤ⡤Ūʴ§ư¸ߤwillan (= PDE "to will"), dōn (= PDE "to do"), gān (= PDE "to go") Ǥ롥űѸˤƤ鶦Ūˡ§פȤդƤޤΰۿưζɽHogg (40) Ǥ褦Ť§ŪäΤ
| Pres. | willan | dōn | gān |
| 1 Sing. | wille | dō | gā |
| 2 Sing. | wilt | dēst | gǣst |
| Sing. | wile | dēð | gǣð |
| Plural | willað | dōð | gāð |
| Subj. (Pl.) | wille (willen) | dō(dōn) | gā(gān) |
| Participle | willende | dōnde | --- |
| Past | |||
| Ind. | wolde | dyde | ēode |
| Participle | --- | ġedōn | ġegān |

ǯ١ī㡼ɶˤƥָֺ츻ŵǤɤѸˡ˰٤Υڡdz֤Ƥޤ4563νմ7ϲƴ뤬Ϥޤޤ
4轵727ڡˤͼ 17:30--19:00 ˳֤ޤƤޤΤǡܺ٤ǧֺ·Ϥϥ֥åɷǡɶǤ̼֡뤤ϥꥢ륿ࡦ饤Ǥμ֤ǽǤޤߤ줿ϡָƨۿפȤơθ1ֺ֡¤İǤޤԹɤˡǤäʲ̤ꡤܥ12ͽꤷƤޤƲƥΩϹ⤤ΤǡƴƤμ֤ǤäƤ⡤ޤäꤢޤ
1. Ѹ츻ŵڤ2024ǯ427
2. ѸäˤѤ2024ǯ518
3. ñȡ֥ˡ§ס2024ǯ68
4. αѸ˻ĤűѸκס2024ǯ727
5. Ѹ졤ƥȽв2024ǯ824
6. Ѹ졤θȸ2024ǯ928
7. Ѹ졤ե˿̤
8. Ѹ졤ȸή̤
9. Ѹ졤ƥꥷƴ̤
10. Ѹ졤ν̤ܿ
11. Ѹˤߤ븽ο̤
12. 㤤ޤ줿ñ̤
7ʹߤβƴ1ͼ 17:30--19:00 ˳֤ͽǤմ뤫³Ƥ륷ǤϤޤƥ롤ƲȤΩι⤤ֺ¤ǤΤǡƴƤΤäǤäƤ⡤ޤäꤢޤ
մ3ι̣ǤΡ֥ȥפƴϤ褤ѸûˤζŪʵҤϤޤޤ4ϡָαѸ˻ĤűѸκספꤷơѸˤ볫ȤʤűѸ (Old English) λܤޤűѸȤϵ449--1100αѸؤޤäˤƤ⡤ȯʸʸˡˤƤ⡤ѸȤ϶äۤɰۤʤǤδߤȡ㤨иűѸθäϡ¿γ礬ޤӤˡȤʤäƤޤűѸȸѸθäϡƤϤ礭ۤʤΤǤ
Τ˸ä³ΤǤäη³ˤܤȤǤ4ֺ¤ɸϡűѸȸѸθäְ㤤ʤĤʤäƤȤ¤ǧ뤳ȤǤ
4ΤΤ餻ȳפϡ Voicy heldio Ǥ⤪äޤ#1140. 727ڡˡīΥֺ4ָαѸ˻ĤűѸκספ֤ޤİ
ǤرѸ츻ŵ١ʸҡˤ˻ȤޤƱŵϡֺ¤˻ȡڤ֤Ǥ뤫Ȼפޤʤ긵ˤʤȤꤢޤˡ

ܥ˴ؤ hellog βإĥäƤޤΤǡȤ
#5453. īֺ¤οָ츻ŵǤɤѸˡפ427Ϥޤޤ ([2024-04-01-1])
#5481. īֺ¤οָ츻ŵǤɤѸˡפ1λޤ ([2024-04-29-1])
#5486. 518ڡˤī뿷ֺ2ֱѸäˤѤפΤ ([2024-05-04-1])
#5511. 68ڡˤī뿷ֺ3ֱñȡ֥ˡ§ספΤ ([2024-05-29-1])
#5528. īֺ¤οָ츻ŵǤɤѸˡפνմ3λޤ ([2024-06-15-1])
մϡīֺ¤ΤʤǺǤ¿˼֤Ƥޤ4Ϥޤƴ⡤¿ΤäԤƤޤ
߷ ˧ͺԽ紴ˡرѸ츻ŵ١ҡ1997ǯ
#2560. űѸηƻ춯Ѳޤ̾̾κѥ ([2016-04-30-1]) Ǥߤ褦ˡűѸηƻζޤˤ̣Ū˱ƼѲ (weak declension) ȶѲ (strong declension) ̤롥
줾ηŪʵϡεǽҤ٤̤ǡ̾μѲȶѲ˥ȥ졼Ȥб櫓ǤϤʤäƤ롥ƻμѲϡΤ̾μѲб롥n-stem ҲȤڤ̤ꡤ n ΩġFertig (38) ˤȡѲζϡȤȤϸ̲ǽ (= "individualizing function") ͭüȯȤ̲ơפɽ魯餳ޥɤǤ "definiteness" ȷӤĤ褦ˤʤäΤ
ƻζѲζϡɬ̾ζѲΤ˻ƤʤषŪˤ̾Τह롥ˤ̾Ūʶƻ˿ѲȤʤΤϤ褯ʬʤˤäƷƻ줬Ūˤ̾Ȱ褹ؤȯŸƤäȤϳΤ
Fertig (39--40) ꡤϢƤ
Originally, the function of this new distinction in Germanic involved definiteness (recall the original 'individualizing' function of the -en suffix in Indo-European): strong = indefinite, blinds guma 'a blind man'; weak = definite, blinda guma 'the blind man').
The other Germanic innovation which may not be entirely separable from the first one, is that many of the endings on the strong forms of adjectives do not correspond to strong noun forms, as they had in Indo-European. Instead, they correspond largely to pronominal forms . . . .
űѸ̾졤ƻ졤ưǤȤΡּѲפȡֶѲפϡ줾̣礤ۤʤ뤳Ȥ˲դ
Fertig, David. Analogy and Morphological Change. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2013.
ε#5544. űѸζʤεǽ3 ([2024-07-01-1]) ˰³ (instrumental) ˤĤơűѸ괧ʤ뤤Ϸ (definite article or determiner) ζɽ#154. űѸη se ζޡ ([2009-09-28-1]) Ǽˤȡþȳ, þon Ȥäȼη֤ȤʷäȤ狼롥Ʊͤ˵̾˻ (interrogative_pronoun) ˤĤƤ⡤ζɽ#51. 5W1Hפʤ̡6Hס ([2009-06-18-1]) ˼ˤ hwȳ Ȥʷ롥
Lass (144) ˤȡζʷӸŪˤ⡤ľϤǤŤ̤ΤȤʸ츻ͤȤˤ褦դλľ Lass ˸äƤ餪
There are remains of what is usually called an 'instrumental' in the masculine and neuter sg; this term as Campbell remarks 'is traditional, but reflects neither their origin nor their prevailing use' (1959: §708n). The two forms are þon, þȳ, neither of which is historically transparent. In use they are most frequent in comparatives, e.g. þȳ mā 'the more' (cf. ModE the more, the merrier), and as alternatives to the dative in expressions like þȳ gēare '(in) this year'. There is probably some relation to the 'instrumental' interrogative hwȳ 'why?', which in sense is a real one (= 'through/by what?'), but the /y:/ is a problem; hwȳ has an alternative form hwī, which is 'legitimate' in that it can be traced back to the interrogative base */kw-/ + deictic */ei/.
Ӹؤμ˳ݤäƤ⡤٤Ƥθ츻ɤ餫ˤ뤳ȤϻζȤΤ褦
Lass, Roger. Old English: A Historical Linguistic Companion. Cambridge: CUP, 1994.
Campbell, A. Old English Grammar. Oxford: OUP, 1959.
űѸˤ̾졤̾졤ƻʤɤμ» (substantive) γ (case) Ȥ (instrumental) ƻĤäƤѸޤǤˤܴۤ˾üƤޤűѸǤϤޤѤ롥
ʤδŪʵǽ3Ĥ롥(1) ʤˡɽ魯ˡ(2) ¾ȤƤˡ(3) ֤ɽ魯ˡǤ롥Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer (47) ꡤʰѤ褦
Instrumental
88. The instrumental denotes means or manner: Gāius se cāsere, ōþre naman Iūlius 'the emperor Gaius, (called) Julius by another name'. It is used to form adverbs, as micle 'much, by far', þȳ 'therefore'.
It often expresses time when: ǣlċe ȝēare 'every year'; þȳ ilcan dæȝe 'on the same day'.
ʤϤǤ˸űѸޤǤ˿षƤƤˡűѸǤи٤Ϲ⤯ʤŪˤͿ (dative) ζ֤뤳Ȥ¿ĤäƤȤƤʤиòΤʤʤ褦˻פ롥ӸŪʴζʤοˤĤƤϡ#3994. űѸͿʷε ([2020-04-03-1]) Ȥ줿ۤ˶ʤȤƤϡ#811. the + ӵ + for/because ([2011-07-17-1]) ȡ#812. The sooner the better ([2011-07-18-1]) ⻲ȡ
Davis, Norman. Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Primer. 9th ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1953.
轵620ڡˤˡĸ漼4̾αѸ˳̤뤷ޤ Voicy heldio ˤơ֤ϤƤθűѸץ9ƤϿ#1124. ֤ϤƤθűѸ9 with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ&¼ϺȤƤϤޤۿǤϤޤǤ饤Τ뽼¤ƤȤʤäƤ뤫ȻפޤҤİС
μϿϡ쥮顼СϽؤʾءˡ֤ޤˤפĿФ¢رءˤ˲ä¼ϺءƤӤƼϿޤϸűѸΤ1ʸ˽椷ޤǽʬ˴ǽ뤳ȤǤޤ
嵭Υˤ#1125. ֤ϤƤθűѸ9ƤΥեȡǡ4ͤ夬ͻҤϤƤޤġΥСˤ벻ɤ⤢ꡤɬİǤ
ŤͤˤĤ졤İγθűѸؤδؿޤäƤƤ褦˴ޤˤСhel (helkatsu) ̤赤ŤƤƤޤꥹʡ Grace ˤ A to Z ֱѸ˸ԾҲפȤ٤ notelacolaco ˤֱѸ츻ŵɥΡȡLilimi ˤűѸեȤޤLilimiΥȡ~ߤˤ X ǤűѸ첻ɤλʤɡޤޤ夬äƤƤޤ
֤ϤƤθűѸץ (hajimeteno_koeigo)줫³ƤФȻפޤ
66ڡˤ롤Voicy heldio #1107. ֤ϤƤθűѸ8ơ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (5)Ϥޤ饤Ǥİˤϡ夲ƤޤƤ꤬Ȥޤ
8ƤȤʤ괶ФƤޤʤ3ͤ˲äűѸ칶Ƥʤ¤ءˤʹȤƽб餷Ƥޤꤵ˥ꥹʡɽȤѤʵꤲƤΤǡʰʾ˳ؤ٤ȤʤäƤޤ̤ȤơޤǤȤϰۤʤ뤪⤷ϤǤȻפޤ
³ Bede رѹ̱ˡ (Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum [= Ecclesiastical History of the English People]) θűѸ1ɤ߿ʤޤűѸ츶ʸ hellog #5444. űѸθʸɤ --- 597ǯɤǥꥹȶ۶Ϥޤ ([2024-03-23-1]) ˷ǺܤƤޤ1κǸ "Þæt wīf" ǻϤޤ1ʸĶɤޤ硤³ˡʲˡˡط̾ʤɤŪʴ⡤ưưΰ̣Ѳδ⡤ѸŪ˭٤1ʸȤʤäƤޤʸ黶ʸؤʸػŪήˤĤƤƤޤ
1ּˤ錄ʸŪɼ¶ѤȤʤäƤޤָűѸڤפȤݤǤϤƤޤΤǡҥåƳڤߤʤ餪İ˰³4ͤ#1108. ֤ϤƤθűѸ8ƤΥեȡϿޤ3ͤγơˤűѸ첻ɥʡ⤢ޤҤİ褯
⥷³Ƥޤ Bede ΥΤ褤Ȥޤǽ줿Τǡ̤θűѸƥȤڤؤ褦ȻפäƤޤɤԤ
heldio/helwa ꥹʡ Lilimi ˤhel (helkatsu) note LilimiΥȡ κǿ줿Procreate ǸűѸƤߤꤷơ饹ȥץѤƸűѸʸƤ롥helʤ̸űѸ˻ָűѸեȡפ
ƸƤűѸƥȤϡ#2902. Pope Gregory Υꥹȶ۶ˤۤȥ ([2017-04-07-1]) ǾҲ𤷤1ΰǤ롥26ʸ꾯 "Eft hē āxode . . . ȝefēran bēon." Ȥʬβսϡ¤ Lilimi ⻲ä줿ĹꥪղˤơåСƱDzȤ롥#1048. ꥹʡȸűѸ첻ɡİС
ơ嵭Ǽ夲űѸƥȤΰμܲǤƱƥȤŵϡűѸλʸ Ælfric ˤ Catholic Homilies: 2nd Series "IX, St Gregory the Great" ΥƥȤƤܤȤ folio MS Ii.1.33, fol. 140vCambridge Univ. Digital LibraryˤǤʥådzˡ

ҼܤΤΤ̣äƤС
Baugh and Cable αѸˤθŵŪ̾ A History of the English Language 6ǡˤǡĶɤ Voicy ֱѸθ츻ȤˤĤ饸 (heldio) ΥʤƤޤΥʤͭۿʤΤǤ̾ƤȤפ⤢ꡤޤ˥ƥȤʤ̵ۿԤʤäƤޤޤǤΥۿΥХåʥСϡ#5291. heldio ΡֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤץĴ˿ʤǤޤ ([2023-10-22-1]) Ǥǧ

ܲ3Ϥ褽λȤޤƤޤ3ϤκǸΤ52 "Old English Literature" (pp. 65--68) ǤűѸʸؤ˴ؤפ3ڡĶǡû֤ĶɤˤϤʤʤ궯Ǥ1ͤDz⤹ˤϲ٤ŤȤȤǡ612ʿˤͼ5ȾꡤϤʽÿͤơ60ʬɼ¶ѤȤ2ͤǤϤͽǤʤǤ⽪ʤСץߥۿ helwa ǰ³ۿ뤳Ȥ⽽ʬˤޤˡİɤ
ϸۿȤȤǡƥȤʲ˷ǺܤƤޤʤ³ΤˡܽƤСˡ *
52. Old English Literature. The language of a past time is know by the quality of its literature. Charters and records yield their secrets the philologist and contribute their quota of words and inflections to our dictionaries and grammars. But it is in literature that a language displays its full power, its ability to convey in vivid and memorable form the thoughts and emotions of a people. The literature of the Anglo-Saxons is fortunately one of the richest and most significant of any preserved among the early Germanic peoples. Because it is the language mobilized, the language in action, we must say a word about it.
Generally speaking, this literature is of two sorts. Some of it was undoubtedly brought to England by the Germanic conquerors from their continental homes and preserved for a time in oral tradition. All of it owes its preservation, however, and not a little its inspiration to the reintroduction of Christianity into the southern part of the island at the end of the sixth century, an event whose significance for the English language will be discussed in the next chapter. Two streams thus mingle in Old English literature, the pagan and the Christian, and they are never quite distinct. The poetry of pagan origin is constantly overlaid with Christian sentiment, while even those poems that treat of purely Christian themes contain every now and again traces of an earlier philosophy not wholly forgotten. We can indicate only in the briefest way the scope and content of this literature, and we shall begin with that which embodies the native traditions of the people.
The greatest single work of Old English literature is Beowulf. It is a poem of some 3,000 lines belonging to the type known as the folk epic, that is to say, a poem which, whatever it may owe to the individual poet who gave it final form, embodies material long current among the people. It is a narrative of heroic adventure relating how a young warrior, Beowulf, fought the monster Grendel, which was ravaging the land of King Hrothgar, slew it and its mother, and years later met his death while ridding his own country of an equally destructive foe, a fire-breathing dragon. The theme seems somewhat fanciful to a modern reader, but the character of the hero, the social conditions pictured, and the portrayal of the motives and ideals that animated people in early Germanic times make the poem one of the most vivid records we have of life in the heroic age. It is not an easy life. It is a life that calls for physical endurance, unflinching courage, and a fine sense of duty, loyalty, and honor. A stirring expression of the heroic ideal is in the words that Beowulf addresses to Hrothgar before going to his dangerous encounter with Grendel's mother: "Sorrow not... . Better is it for every man that he avenge his friend than that he mourn greatly. Each of us must abide the end of this world's life; let him who may, work mighty deeds ere he die, for afterwards, when he lies lifeless, that is best for the warrior."
Outside of Beowulf, Old English poetry of the native tradition is represented by a number of shorter pieces. Anglo-Saxon poets sang of the things that entered most deeply into their experience---of war and of exile, of the sea with its hardships and its fascination, of ruined cities, and of minstrel life. One of the earliest products of Germanic tradition is a short poem called Widsith in which a scop or minstrel pretends to give an account of his wanderings and of the many famous kings and princes before whom he has exercised his craft. Deor, another poem about a minstrel, is the lament of a scop who for years has been in the service of his lord and now finds himself thrust out by a younger man. But he is no whiner. Life is like that. Age will be displaced by youth. He has his day. Peace, my heart! Deor is one of the most human of Old English poems. The Wanderer is a tragedy in the medieval sense, the story of a man who once enjoyed a high place and has fallen upon evil times. His lord is dead and he has become a wanderer in strange courts, without friends. Where are the snows of yesteryear? The Seafarer is a monologue in which the speaker alternately describes the perils and hardships of the sea and the eager desire to dare again its dangers. In The Ruin, the poet reflects on a ruined city, once prosperous and imposing with its towers and halls, its stone courts and baths, now but the tragic shadow of what it once was. Two great war poems, the Battle of Brunanburh and the Battle of Maldon, celebrate with patriotic fervor stirring encounters of the English, equally heroic in victory and defeat. In its shorter poems, no less than in Beowulf, Old English literature reveals at wide intervals of time the outlook and temper of the Germanic mind.
More than half of Anglo-Saxon poetry is concerned with Christian subjects. Translations and paraphrases of books of the Old and New Testament, legends of saints, and devotional and didactic pieces constitute the bulk of this verse. The most important of this poetry had its origin in Northumbria and Mercia in the seventh and eighth centuries. The earliest English poet whose name we know was Cædmon, a lay brother in the monastery at Whitby. The story of how the gift of song came to him in a dream and how he subsequently turned various parts of the Scriptures into beautiful English verse comes to us in the pages of Bede. Although we do not have his poems on Genesis, Exodus, Daniel, and the like, the poems on these subjects that we do have were most likely inspired by his example. About 800, and Anglian poet named Cynewulf wrote at least four poems on religious subjects, into which he ingeniously wove his name by means of runes. Two of these, Juliana and Elene, tell well-known legends of saints. A third, Christ, deals with Advent, the Ascension, and the Last Judgment. The fourth, The Fates of the Apostles, touches briefly on where and how the various apostles died. There are other religious poems besides those mentioned, such as the Andreas, two poems on the life of St. Guthlac, a portion of a fine poem on the story of Judith in the Apocrypha; The Phoenix, in which the bird is taken as a symbol of the Christian life; and Christ and Satan, which treats the expulsion of Satan from Paradise together with the Harrowing of Hell and Satan's tempting of Christ. All of these poems have their counterparts in other literatures of the Middle Ages. They show England in its cultural contact with Rome and being drawn into the general current of ideas on the continent, no longer simply Germanic, but cosmopolitan.
In the development of literature, prose generally comes late. Verse is more effective for oral delivery and more easily retained in the memory. It is therefore a rather remarkable fact, and one well worthy of note, that English possessed a considerable body of prose literature in the ninth century, at a time when most other modern languages in Europe had scarcely developed a literature in verse. This unusual accomplishment was due to the inspiration of one man, the Anglo-Saxon king who is justly called Alfred the Great (871--99). Alfred's greatness rests not only on his capacity as a military leader and statesman but also on his realization that greatness in a nation is no simply physical thing. When he came to the throne he found that the learning which in the eight century, in the days of Bede and Alcuin, had placed England in the forefront of Europe, had greatly decayed. In an effort to restore England to something like its former state, he undertook to provide for his people certain books in English, books that he deemed most essential to their welfare. With this object in view, he undertook in mature life to learn Latin and either translated these books himself or caused others to translate them for him. First as a guide for the clergy he translated the Pastoral Care of Pope Gregory, and then, in order that the people might know something of their own past, inspired and may well have arranged for a translation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People. A history of the rest of the world also seemed desirable and was not so easily to be had. But in the fifth century when so many calamities were befalling the Roman Empire and those misfortunes were being attributed to the abandonment of the pagan deities in favor of Christianity, a Spanish priest named Orosius had undertaken to refute this idea. His method was to trace the rise of other empires to positions of great power and their subsequent collapse, a collapse in which obviously Christianity had had no part. The result was a book which, when its polemical aim had ceased to have any significance, was still widely read as a compendium of historical knowledge. This Alfred translated with omissions and some additions of his own. A fourth book that he turned into English was The Consolation of Philosophy b Boethius, one of the most famous books of the Middle Ages. Alfred also caused a record to be compiled of the important events of English history, past and present, and this, as continued for more than two centuries after his death, is the well-known Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. King Alfred was the founder of English prose, but there were others who carried on the tradition. Among these is Ælfric, the author of two books of homilies and numerous other works, and Wulfstan, whose Sermon to the English is an impassioned plea for moral and political reform.
So large and varied a body of literature, in verse and prose, gives ample testimony to the universal competence, at times to the power of beauty, of the Old English language.
¤̣襤Ǥ͡ơ4 "Foreign Influences on Old English" ؤȿʤߤޤ
ʰʲ嵭2024/06/16(Sun)
嵭2֤ۿޤǤ2ʬƤϤޤ2ܤϥץߥۿȤʤޤˡ
(1) ֱѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (52) Old English Literature --- ǦȤμ¶ѡȾˡ
(2) ֡ڱѸˤ #146 ѸˤθŵŪ̾ Baugh and Cable ɤ (52) Old English Literature --- ǦȤμ¶ѡʸȾˡ
Baugh, Albert C. and Thomas Cable. A History of the English Language. 6th ed. London: Routledge, 2013.

523ڡˤ롤Voicy heldio ˤ#1093.֤ϤƤθűѸ7ơ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (4)Ϥޤ饤ǤİˤϡꤲߤΥȤޤƤ꤬Ȥޤ
⤪Ͻʾءˤӡ֤ޤˤפĿ¢رءˤǤ3ͤǸۿƤޤ
оݥƥȤϡ˰³Bede ˤƥ蘆줿رѹ̱ˡ (Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum [= Ecclesiastical History of the English People]) θűѸ1Ǥʸϡhellog Ρ#5444. űѸθʸɤ --- 597ǯɤǥꥹȶ۶Ϥޤ ([2024-03-23-1]) ˷ǺܤƤޤ
ϡŪƱȸ硤ˡޤưޤΤ餤ʸȯã˴ؤǵ夬ޤϿ塤3ͤΤ֤Ȥ#1094. ֤ϤƤθűѸ7ƤΥեȡƤޤΤǡҤİ
ޤǤΡ֤ϤƤθűѸץƤޤ
(1) #822. ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ --- Part 1 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ
(2) #829. ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ --- Part 2 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ
(3) #836. ؤ֤ϤƤθűѸ --- Part 3 with Ͻؤ and ޤˤ
(4) #1030. ֤ϤƤθűѸ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ
(5) #1057. ֤ϤƤθűѸ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (2)
(6) #1078. ֤ϤƤθűѸ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (3)
(7) #1093.֤ϤƤθűѸ7ơ with Ͻؤ&ޤˤ --- Bede ɤ (4)
⤪ڤߤˡ
ε#5506. be to do ʸϸűѸ줫餢ä ([2024-05-24-1]) ˰³ be to do ʸˤˤĤơ
ιʸϸűѸ줫ѻ뤬ŪȤơƥбʸΤʤǤϤʤȤ롥طʤˤϡ˥ƥ줫ʸ˸뤳ȡƥƥбʸϢưƼư (passive) ΰ̣ѤΤ̤ǤȤ¤طʤˤ롥ۤʤ⤢ΤǿŤ˵ɬפ뤬Ǥϥƥƶٻ Mustanoja (524--25) ꡤϢսѤ褦
PREDICATIVE INFINITIVE
INFINITIVE WITH 'To' AS A PREDICATE NOMINATIVE (THE TYPE 'TO BE TO'). --- The construction to be to, implying futurity and often obligation (the infinitive being originally that of purpose), is comparatively infrequent in OE and early ME, but becomes more common in later ME and early Mod. E. It probably arose under Latin influence, the infinitive with to being used to render the Latin future participle (-urus) or gerundive (-ndus), as in wæron fram him ece mede to onfonne ('aeterna ab illo praemia essent percepturi') and he is to gehyrenne ('audiendus est'). In OE this infinitive occurs mostly in a passive sense (he is to gehyrenne; --- hu fela psalma to singenne synt 'quanti psalmi dicendi sunt'). This usage continues in ME and even today. ME examples: --- þi luve . . . oþer heo is to ȝiven allunge oþer he is for to sullen, oþer heo is for to reaven and to nimen mid strengþe (Ancr. 181); --- that ston was gretly for to love (RRose 1091). The periphrastic passive appears in the 14th century: --- þey beþ to be blamed (RMannyng HS 1546).
In OE the predicative infinitive of this type is comparatively seldom found with an active meaning (wæron ece mede to onfonne 'aeterna praemia . . . essent percepturi'). This use continues to be rare in early ME, but becomes more frequent later in the period. In many instances the implication of futurity is faint or practically non-existent: --- þes fikelares mester is to wrien ant te helien þet gong þurl (Ancr. 36); --- al mi rorde is woning ant to ihire grislich þing (Owl&N 312); --- myn entencioun Nis nat to yow of reprehensioun To speke as now (Ch. TC i 685). In many instances, however, the implication of futurity is prominent: --- Crystes tresore, Þe which is mannes oule to save, as God seith in þe Gospel (PPl. B x 474); --- whan the sonne was to reste, so hadde I spoken with hem everichon (Ch. CT A Prol. 30). There are scholars who believe that this construction is used as a real future equivalent in late ME.
ʤ뤤ϤŪưˤǽưŪǤäƤ̣ϼưŪѤˤĤƤϡʲεȤ줿
#3604. ʤ The house is building. ǡֲȤϷǤפȤ̣ˤʤΤ ([2019-03-10-1])
#3605. This needs explaining. --- need ư̾פιʸ ([2019-03-11-1])
#3611. ʤ He is to blame. He is to be blamed. ȤʤʤΤ ([2019-03-17-1])
#4104. ʤ He is to blame. He is to be blamed. ȤʤʤΤǤ --- hellog 饸ǡ ([2020-07-22-1])
Ѥˤ⤢̤ꡤ be to do ʸϸǽưŪˤѤ褦˳ĥߤ˻äƤ롥
Mustanoja, T. F. A Middle English Syntax. Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 1960.
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