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ѲȤɾΤ Language Change: Progress or Decay 路 Aitchison ϡäѲϿʤΤ뤤ʤΤȤˤĤ͡ʳ٤Ƥ롥κǽϤǡԤϿǤǤʤȷŤ롥ͳϡʤʤȤǰˤϡܻؤ٤ʥפ¸ߤȤ뤬ˤƤ줬ʤΤˤĤưפʤĤޤꡤִʸפȤΤǤС¤θѲ˸äƤʤСֿפǤꡤդǤСפǤȽҤ٤뤳ȤǤִʸפʤΤˤĤƤζ̤λʤ¤ꡤȤȤȽǤǤʤϤ
ǤⲾˡִʸפ¤ñǸΨŪ˥ߥ˥ʤȹͤ뤳Ȥϲǽ⤷ʤξˤ礭꤬ΩϤ롥ޤäƸñ㤵ʤ뤤ʣˤ¬ΤȤ꤬cf. #293. ٤¬뤫 ([2010-02-14-1]) #1839. ñ㲽Ȥϲ ([2014-05-10-1])#2820. ˤĤơ ([2017-01-15-1])ˡƱΨŪʥߥ˥ȤäƤ¬
ľ Aitchison (237--38) ε˼褦դλ𤬾ɽƤ롥
The term 'progress' implies a movement towards some desired endpoint. What could this be, in terms of linguistic excellence? A number of linguists are in no doubt. They endorse the view of Jespersen, who maintained that 'that language ranks highest which goes farthest in the art of accomplishing much with little means, or, in other words, which is able to express the greatest amount of meaning with the simplest mechanism'.
If this criterion were taken seriously, we would be obliged to rank pidgins as the most advanced languages. As we have already noted, true simplicity seems to be counterbalanced by ambiguity and cumbersomeness. Darwin's confident belief in the 'inherent virtue' of shorter and easier forms must be set beside the realization that such forms often result in confusing homonyms, as in the Tok Pisin hat for 'hot', 'hard', 'hat' and 'heart'.
A straightforward simplicity measure then will not necessarily pinpoint the 'best' language. A considerable number of other factors must be taken into account, and it is not yet clear which they are, and how they should be assessed. In brief, linguists have been unable to decide on any clear measure of excellence, even though the majority are of the opinion that a language with numerous irregularities should be less highly ranked than one which is economical and transparent. However, preliminary attempts to rank languages in this way have run into a further problem.
A language which is simple and regular in one respect is likely to be complex and confusing in others. There seems to be a trading relationship between the different parts of the grammar which we do not fully understand. This has come out clearly in the work of one researcher who compared the progress of Turkish and Serbo-Croatian children as they acquired their respective languages. Turkish children find it exceptionally easy to learn the inflections of their language, which are remarkably straightforward, and they master the entire system by the age of two. But the youngsters struggle with relative clauses (the equivalent of English clauses beginning with who, which, that) until around the age of five. Serbo-Croatian children, on the other hand, have great problems with the inflectional system of their language, which is 'a classic Indo-European synthetic muddle', and they are not competent at manipulating it until around the age of five. Yet they have no problems with Serbo-Croatian relative clauses, which they can normally cope with by the age of two.
Overall, we cannot yet specify satisfactorily just what we mean by a 'perfect' language, except in a very broad sense. The most we can do is to note that a certain part of one language may be simpler and therefore perhaps 'better' than that of another.
Ͽ⤷ƤʤС⤷ƤʤѲƤΤϢơ#1382. ָѲϤѲǤס ([2013-02-07-1])#2525. ָѲ롤ס ([2016-03-26-1])#2544. ѲФ뻰Ĥιͤ (3) ([2016-04-14-1])#3354. ָѲϥեǤס ([2018-07-03-1]) ε⻲ȡ
Aitchison, Jean. Language Change: Progress or Decay. 4th ed. Cambridge: CUP, 2013.
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