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첻 (Great Vowel Shift; see [2009-11-18-1]) ϤȤѸΤĤ첻ܤ˶̤뷹롥tense Ĺ첻첻շγ¦˰֤Τ "outer ring / peripheral vowels" ȤƤФˤϾ徺lax Ĺ첻¦ʤΤ "inner ring / non-peripheral vowels ȤƤФˤϲߤȤΤ Labov (1994: 234) ŦƤ뷹蹥 Stockwell and Minkova Ϥ˿øΩƤ
Stockwell and Minkova ˤС첻ܤǷŪʤΤϡLabov Τ褦Ĺ첻 tense vs lax, inner ring vs outer ring, peripheral vs non-peripheral ȤΩǤϤʤ2첻 in-gliding (centering) vs out-gliding ȤΩǤ롥ǡin-gliding (centering) 2첻Ȥϡ2Ǥ첻ŵŪ [ə]ˤȤʤ [ɪə ɛə æə ʊə ɔə ɑə] Τ褦ʤΤؤout-gliding 2첻Ȥϡ2Ǥ첻ŵŪ [i u]ˤȤʤ [ey ay ɔy] Τ褦ʤΤؤStockwell and Minkova ϡѸνѼǸ߿ʹΤĤ첻 (the New York City Shift, the Northern American Cities Shift, the Popular London and Cockney Shift, the Southern States Shift) Ĵin-gliding 2첻Ͼ徺out-gliding 2첻ϲߤ뷹ȷ (97)
In order for an analysis of a historical English shift to be supported by the evidence of modern English chain shifts, it appears, from the above Modern English dialect evidence and the on-going shifts, that:
a. nuclei which move upward have centering glides, and
b. nuclei which move downward have homorganic out-glides, front with front vowels and back with back vowels.
դΤϡLabov Ĺ첻οܤˤĤƸäƤΤФơStockwell and Minkova 2첻οܤˤĤƸäƤ뤳ȤǤ롥15ʹߡɤǤͭ̾첻ܤεפФС̾ϤȤʤ벻ȤƤĹ첻ȤƤ롥Stockwell and Minkova ϡUniformitarian Principle ưˤ礤˽Фʤ顤߿ʹ2첻ܤη˴դߡ첻ܤϤĹ첻ǤϤʤ2첻äΤǤϤʤȡä褦 revisionist ƤꤲˡꤲʤǤƤΤǤ롥"no one has proved that the shifting nuclei were long pure vowels, and indeed the very fact of their shifting suggests that they were not" (97).
⤷錄2첻ˤΤ褦ʷˤΤȤСϤʤʤΤMinkova and Stockwell (98--99) ϡ"perceptual optimization" ȤưŤƤ (98--99)
Assuming that the ultimate target of a centering diphthong is a point maximally distanced from the out-glide end-points, i.e. the -y and -w of the peripheral diphthongs, namely some kind of low central [a] or [ɑ], we can argue that the reason that in-gliding diphthongs raise the first element is perceptual optimization: [æə] is worse than [ɛə] which is worse than [ɪə]. In the back, [ɒə] is worse than [ɔə] which is worse than [ɔ̝ə] which is worse than [ʊə]. Put another way, Labov has the motivations for chain-shifting in English (and indeed throughout Germanic) backwards: it is not that peripheral vowels rise, because there is no phonetic motivation for that claim to be true; rather, it is that the elements of in-gliding diphthongs distance themselves from each other for optimal perception, which raises the first element.
ϡ#1404. Optimality Theory ߤ첻 ([2013-03-01-1]) ˤơƱԤȤƾҲ𤷤 "(1) Nucleus-glide dissimilation"
Labov, William. Principles of Linguistic Change: Internal Factors. Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1994.
Stockwell, Robert and Donka Minkova. "Explanations of Sound Change: Contradictions between Dialect Data and Theories of Chain Shifting." Leeds Studies in English ns 30 (1999): 83--102.
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