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ƻ졦ӵ顦Ǿκˤϡ -er/-est դŪˡ more/most ֤Ūˡ롥줾ֶӡפȡֶӡפȸƤǤˤĤƤϡhellogheldio¾Ǥ͡˾Ҳ𤷤Ƥ#4834. ӵ顦Ǿˡ ([2022-07-22-1]) ˴ϢޤȤƤΤǻȤ줿
ѸޥˤǤϡӤӤؤѲƤ²˰̤˴ѻ礫ʬϤء (synthesis_to_analysis) Ĭή˱äȤƸ뤳Ȥ¿ѲϡӹʸΩȤʸˡ (grammaticalisation) 1ȤȤ館롥
Heine and Kuteva ˤܿ˴ؤҲ𤷤Ѹ䤤ĤθˤŪ˶Ӥȯã1װȤơޥȤθܿطƤΤǤϤʤȤѸ줬եƥαƶΤȤ˶ӤȯãȤ⼫ΤϸŤ餢ꡤ嵭ΥǤƤ̤Ǥ롥Heine and Kuteva ϡѸΤߤʤ餺¾θˤƤܿθ̤ȤܿŪװäȤϸ鷺Ȥ "an accelerating factor" (96) ȹͤ뤳ȤϲǽǤȽҤ٤Ƥ롥Ѹޤ4Ĥλ㤬Ƥ (96)
a. Analytic forms were still rare in Northern English in the fifteenth century, while in Southern English, which was more strongly exposed to French influence, these forms had become current at least a century earlier . . . .
b. In German, the synthetic comparative construction is still well established, e.g. schön 'beautiful', schön-er ('beautiful-COMP') 'more beautiful'. But in the dialect of Luxembourg, which has a history of centuries of intense contact with French, instances of an analytic comparative can be found, e.g. mehr schön ('more beautiful', presumably on the model of French plus beau ('more beautiful') . . . .
c. The Dutch varieties spoken in Flanders, including Algemeen Nederlands, have been massively influenced by French, and this influence has also had the effect that the analytic pattern with the particle meer 'more' is used increasingly on the model of French plus, at the expense of the inherited synthetic construction using the comparative suffix -er . . . .
d. Molisean has a 500-years history of intense contact with the host language Italian, and one of the results of contact was that the speakers of Molisean have given up the conventional Slavic synthetic construction by replicating the analytic Italian construction, using veče on the model of Italian più 'more' as degree marker. Thus, while Standard Croatian uses the synthetic form lyepši 'more beautiful', Molisean has più lip ('more beautiful') instead . . . .
Τ褦ʥǤϡȯãȯãϡܿˤäɬ ("propel") 줿ȤϸʤΤΡ® ("accelerate") ȤϸΤǤϤʤȤΤ Heine and Kuteva θǤ롥
Heine, Bernd and Tania Kuteva. "Contact and Grammaticalization." Chapter 4 of The Handbook of Language Contact. Ed. Raymond Hickey. 2010. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013. 86--107.
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