01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31
#941. ѸθѲϤʤ̤ŤΤ ([2011-11-24-1]) ϡޤϤäƲƤʤѸˤǤ롥QŪˤϡҲŪƶϤΤ London 濴Ȥ륤ѲȯϤȤʤꡤʤɼդŤƤϤѸǤϤषդθबعߤƤȤ㤬¿
ФơMillar Samuels ήεǽŪΩ줫顤"conservative radicalism" ȤͿƤ롥ȤƼ夲ƤѲϡ3;ʣ̾ they ˤűѸ hīe ִȡͤȲꤵƤ롤³ though ˤ þeah ִӻؼ those ˤ tho ִ
The issue with ambiguity between the third person singular and plural forms was also sorted through the borrowing of Northern usage, although on this occasion through what had been an actual Norse borrowing (although it would be very unlikely that southern speakers would have been aware of the new form's provenance --- if they cared): they. Interestingly, the subject form came south earlier than the oblique them and possessive their. Chaucer, for instance, uses the first but not the other two, where he retains native <h> forms. This type of usage represents what I have termed conservative radicalism (Millar 2000; in particular pp. 63--4). Northern forms are employed to sort out issues in more prestigious dialects, but only in 'small homeopathic doses'. The problem (if that is the right word) is that the injection of linguistically radical material into a more conservative framework tends to encourage more radical importations. Thus them and their(s) entered written London dialect (and therefore Standard English) in the generation after Chaucer's death, possibly because hem was too close to him and hare to her. If the 'northern' forms had not been available, everyone would probably have 'soldiered on', however.
Moreover, the borrowing of they meant that the descendant of Old English þeah 'although' was often its homophone. Since both of these are function words, native speakers must have felt uncomfortable with using both, meaning that the northern (in origin Norse) conjunction though was brought into southern systems. This borrowing led to a further ambiguity, since the plural of that in southern England was tho, which was now often homophonous with though. A new plural --- those --- was therefore created. Samuels (1989a) demonstrates these problems can be traced back to northern England and were spread by 'capillary motion' to more southern areas. These changes are part of a much larger set, all of which suggest that northern influence, particularly at a subconscious or covert level, was always present on the edges of more southerly dialects and may have assumed a role as a 'fix' to sort out ambiguity created by change.
Millar Conservative radicalism ̾ΤȤDz⤷ƤηϤ˼ޤƤᥫ˥ϡƵǽŪȤ뤬Υᥫ˥बѤȤơܿ (dialect contact) ȽѰ۷ (variants) ζ¸äȤפǤ롥ܿ (contact) η̤ȤƷ֤Ѱ (variation) εޤ졤ηŪĴ (systemic regulation) ˤꡤ֤Ѥ줿ΤǤ롥ˤϡ#1466. Smith ˤѲ3ʳ3 ([2013-05-02-1]) ǾҲ𤷤Ѳ3 contact, variation, systemic regulation ФäƤ롥Millar conservative radicalism Ȥͤϡ츫ԲĻĤؤθѲŤȤˡӤŪͿƤ褦˻פ롥
they though Ѳ˴ؤ̤ȤƤϡ#975. 3;̾μгʷǤϤޤѤʤä۲ ([2011-12-28-1]) ȡ#713. "though" "they" Ʊ۵ ([2011-04-10-1]) ȡ
ʤMillar (119--20) ϡ3;νñ̾ she ˤűѸ hēo ִˤ conservative radicalism Ʊ褦ŬѤǤȹͤƤ褦she ˤĤƤϡ#792. she --- Ǥ٤ι⤤츻Ծܤθ ([2011-06-28-1]), #793. she --- 奤ˤ۷ʬۡ ([2011-06-29-1])#827. she θ츻 ([2011-08-02-1])#974. 3;̾μʷ˺Ѥ۲([2011-12-27-1]) ȡ
Millar, Robert McColl. English Historical Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2012.
2026 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2025 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2024 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2023 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2022 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2021 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2020 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2019 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2018 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2017 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2016 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2015 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2014 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2013 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2012 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2011 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2010 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
2009 : 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12
ǽ: 2026-06-26 03:46
Powered by WinChalow1.0rc4 based on chalow